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I believe in forming a Christian fraternity of man, and I believe that the Slavic people can be its first members."
~Gregori Kurywczak, leader and founder of the All-Slavic Free Union, January 2050.
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If Ukraine cannot house our refugee neighbors, then who are we? Even vermin can build nests for the orphans. Are we no better than rats?"
~Alla Goraya, All-Slavic Union MP, in a heated debate, May 2057.
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The Muscovites are partnering with the box-fuckers? Damn it. Let Vasya know that he can let the boys loose. It's going to be a hot as hell in Kiev tonight."
~Yulia Ustyyanovych, operative of Svodoba, April 2059.
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You shall love your neighbor as yourself."
~All-Slavic Free Union slogan, taken from Mark 12:31. Usually written in Polish, Russian and Ukrainian.
Formed as a unity list of several Moderate-Right regionalist parties, the
All-Slavic Free Union is another Ukrainian oddity. While Panslavism has seen a resurgence in the Balkans, the Union is one of Europe's few Political Christianist parties to not embrace Synthesis Marxism and align with the Fifth International. Rather, the Union carries on the legacy of the Emergent Church of the early 21st century, basing its platform on the principle of brotherly love and compassion. The Union unites Ukrainians from all origins, whether they be ethnic Ukrainians from Kiev, Russians from the East, or Poles languishing in the Lviv refugee center. While their principles are based on Christian teaching, the brunt of their platform covers refugee rights, regional concerns, and social welfare.
The Party was the brainchild of Gregori Kurywczak, a seminary dropout and would-be poet. While his attempt to join the priesthood had ended in disaster, he still felt called to serve the lord. While scrapping by a living as a server at three different restaurants in Kiev, Kurywczak invested his free time in charity work and advocacy for refugees and migrants. While his writings and volunteerism went mostly unnoticed, in the Fall of 2025 he was asked to run for local office by his migrant advocacy group, which saw such a measure as the next step in spreading their measure. While the campaign was unsuccessful, with Kurywczak garnering 3.6% of the vote, the experience gave him a taste for politics. He ended up joining Ukraine's Christian Democratic Union. The party matched his values, but undergoing the pains of their ideology rapidly becoming obsolete in the new, Post-Liberal world of the Long Crisis. Kurywczak, who began writing for the party newspaper, helped the party find a new foundation; using his platform, he worked to mesh Political Christianity with the party's Christian Democratic views. Brotherhood soon became his favorite word and the most common noun in the paper, and his writings on love as politics are still a key component of the modern Thedomist canon. While he was never an active campaigner, there is little doubt that his blog and other writings contributed to the Christian Democratic Union's return to the Rada in 2039. Kurywczak was the 16th name on the party list, and the CDU won 16 seats through proportional representation.
Thrust into the position of MP of a minor party, Kurywczak was initially overwhelmed by the tumultuous Rada. Ukraine's parliament had been known for its brawls and lack of order since the Euromaiden. Still, his impassioned rhetoric and appeals to the better nature of Ukraine's citizens made him a viral figure. As the CDU gained a greater foothold in the 2044 elections and sought to form a major bloc, Kurywczak was a key negotiator in shaping a shared platform and vision for the new organization. Wooing Russian regional and Polish refugee rights' parties, Kurywczak was able to craft a vision of a "fraternity of man," combining utopian rhetoric and Christian idealism as a path for Ukrainian greatness. In 2049, the All-Slavic Free Union list stood for elections and became the 4th largest party in the Rada.
After that point, the party's history became a bit less idyllic. While the bloc was a major player in the opposition, it frequently clashed with Ukrainian nationalist parties, who called the party "the traitor's list", accusing it of representing the Polish and Russian regimes more than it did Ukraine's. The party was almost dealt a death-knell when the Union attempted to build bridges with Svodoba, hoping to find common ground on Polish refugee issues. Svodoba quickly stabbed the Union in the back and aired the negotiation transcripts. While Svodoba's base didn't care about the event, the knowledge that the Union were in talks with Ultranationalists almost destroyed the list. The Union barely crawled over the 5% threshold in the 2054 and lost four-fifths of their seats. Kurywczak resigned as party leader in disgrace, retiring from politics to return to writing.
Fortunately for the Union, the voter's memories proved short. The Union was able to regain a good number of their seats in the 2059 elections, and formed a government with the Network Movement. While the Union and Movement both share a sincere progressive vision and compassion for Ukraine's people, there are still significant divides between the parties. The parties are divided when it comes to body modification and the Movement's Zentrum membership, although the Union has acceded to the Movement's Synthetic Rights policies. The Union would also desire to see more social spending and refugee center expansion, but a Zentrum-sponsored government can only do so much. The 2064 elections saw further gains for the Union, whose new leader, Pavlik Ozerov, has been quietly questioning whether working with the Movement is the best for Ukraine. Should the Free Union continue to work with the Transhumanists? Or is it time to lead the way towards a fraternity of man?