Alternate Wikipedia Infoboxes III

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Have you ever thought of using left-libertarianism, libertarian municipalism and all that, to invert the "left is big gov't, right is small" thinking?

I was involved in a project where Labour became something of the sorts like that - while the Tories were taken over by the Monday Club. Interesting TL.
 
I was involved in a project where Labour became something of the sorts like that - while the Tories were taken over by the Monday Club. Interesting TL.
It's definitely something you should explore, given that left-libertarianism seems to be the opposite to your ideology.

It makes a change from boring liberal-tinged neoliberalism. :p
 
It's definitely something you should explore, given that left-libertarianism seems to be the opposite to your ideology.

It makes a change from boring liberal-tinged neoliberalism. :p

Anything's better than that!

Could do after I finish some of my current projects. :p

Then what kind of conservative are you? I'm genuinely asking.

Old Labour Social Conservative sort - should get you on the right track.
 
"All persons, whether Ukrainian, Russian, Polish or from farther off, whether organic or synthetic, are worthy of the same rights in this country. This is our mission, nothing else."
~ Sasha Melnik, Network Movement MP, November 2046

"The question is, does the Network Movement conform to Post-Liberal ideology? This isn't a subjective issue; the tenants of Zentrum ideology was laid out in N. Brooke's Ideology of Math.
  • Economic metrics are the only measure of political success.
  • Public opinion is to be managed, not appeased.
  • Only facilitated markets can produce prosperity.
  • Freedom is a lie; there is only security.
To wit, the Network Movement breaks all four principles. The Movement actively puts human and synthetic rights ahead of economic interest, and actively consults the general populace. The Movement does adhere to facilitated market economics, but their implementations are much closer to paleoliberial proposals than to mainstream Zentrum policy.

Since the Movement is only Post-Liberal in name, then why does there Zentrum tolerate its behavior? While there's no way to discern exactly what Frankfurt is thinking, we can speculate. For my guess, I'd say that they're probably timid. With their catastrophes in Poland and Russia, the Zentrum likely doesn't want to risk losing their foothold in the region. While the Movement is a bad example for other member parties, and the Zentrum will discipline them eventually, they just don't want to rock the boat until Russia is figured out.

The Movement has it good for now, but it won't be too long before the Zentrum feels comfortable in bringing them to heel.
"
~Adam Corolis, International Politics Watch: Ukraine. Viewed on 9/15/2066, Shouf!

"The boxfuckers won the election? Well then, why aren't you telling the generals?"
~Grzegorz Jaworski, President of Poland, May 2059. Confidential statement.

"If there is a beacon in the darkness of Europe, then indeed, it is Kiev. God help them, for they'll need it."
~Marko Bar, operative for the Free German Peoples' Union, December 2065. Confidential statement.

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The Network Movement had its humble origins in the satirical Ukrainian Internet Party, a product of the tumultuous Euromaiden revolution. The Internet Party had its roots in pirate politics, with its platform covering topics such as internet access, tax reform, and e-democracy. Due to its peculiarities, the party was ignored as a joke party, and failed to gain any traction in the early 21st century. However, while the original founders of the party left politics to pursue ordinary lives, the mantle of the Internet Party was passed on, from activist group to activist group, who would use the party's brand and image to give their own spin on its message. Regardless, the core values of the party, freedom, human rights and democratic participation, stayed constant. Regional officers associated with the party began to win local elections. The party's brand slowly creeped up in popularity, until 2025, when the party actually entered the Rada.

This surprising victory prompted reform and reorganization. The Internet Party renamed itself to the Network Movement, a signal of its new professionalism. While the Movement lost its seats in the Rada after the next elections, it dipped in and out through the coming years, entrenching its local support, developing a modern platform, and contesting European elections. In 2059, the Movement became the largest party in the Rada and secured the Presidency.

This victory prompted panic and mobilization in neighboring Poland, with the United Polish regime terrified of the Movement's promise to allow more synthetics to immigrate to Ukraine, and thus, to the region. War would have likely broken out, save for the timely intervention of the Russian New Bolshevik Chairman, and tensions remain high til this day due to the Movement's success.

The Network Movement is a unique party. While the Movement was accepted as a member of the Zentrum International, the Movement only pays lip service to Post-Liberal ideology. While the Network movement does embrace market economics, their economic vision tends to herald back to earlier neoclassical economics and thus their policies can be described as Paleoliberal in nature. While the party's platform has varied greatly over the decades, due to shifting leadership and a shifting zeitgeist, the party official endorsed Transhumanism as both a way of life and political aspiration at its 2045 party congress. During the Movement's tenures in government, it has been a fierce fighter for Synthetic rights and protections, as well as for safe and accessible RecTech.
 
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After winning the Conservative leadership election, Boris makes a LEAVE deal with Nigel Farage in which they will present a unified slate of candidates in the snap 2016 general election to get a fresh mandate for Brexit. Despite the popularity of Brexit and the fact that they have called their alliance 'The Coupon' in a move to attract the votes of the over-65s, who all love collecting coupons and talking about coupons and giving coupons to their grandchildren (who, nowadays, just don't comprehend the concept of a little square of paper which gets them 10% off gardening equipment - is it a sort of post-Brexit money?), the decline of UKIP - after their purpose has been achieved - loses seats for the Coupon. Enough to allow an anti-Brexit coalition Government.

The loser of the Conservative leadership election, Stephen 'Omigodhehasabeardsosexy' Crabb, leads the pro-Remain Conservatives out of the Party and into the minor '4 Freedoms Party', immediately renaming it to the less shit 'European People's Party' and riding his sheer sex appeal to 113 seats, mostly in the South. Meanwhile, Tony Blair stands in the post-Corbyn leadership election and, after everyone checks whether this is actually allowed, he wins. However, he has gone a bit mental since 2007 and his formerly eloquent speeches are now disjointed paranoid-schizophrenic rants about how the Traitors are out to get him. This strikes a chord with the mainstream of British public opinion, but Boris and Nige are so personally popular that Labour falls to 94 seats. The Trotskyist spliter group, 'New Labour', wins a few seats in areas where the electorate are just too hipster to vote for a Classic Legend or Tony Fucking Blair.

Oh yeah, and Tim Farron renames the Lib Dems the 'Referendum Party' to campaign for a second EU referendum, attracting votes from people who confuse him with James Goldsmith.

The first action of the new Europhile coalition is to announce a new EU referendum, and another one every six weeks until the Correct Answer is reached, and oh god everything is on fire it's all fucked help me oh god stop it the pound is worth three dead bluebottles and faslane has exploded and hampshire wants a border poll to join ireland oh fuck oh fucking shit its happening
 
So, I'm watching Borgen and I realize that Denmark's population (about 5.6 million) is the same as Minnesota's (5.4 million) and that gets me thinking...

Bridget Nyborg has, despite her short time at the top become Minnesota's most popular politician with her trailblazing career as the state's first female governor and her signature mix of personal integrity and "conviction politics". A long-time Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party activist, Nyborg ran for the state house in 1998 and easily won in a solidly Democratic Minneapolis district. She quickly gained the support of many rank-and-file party members and emerged as the party's leader in the House after Matt Entenza resigned in a failed bid to seek the state Attorney General's office. As a result, Nyborg became Speaker of the House when the DFL won the 2006 elections. Nyborg formed a decent working relationship with newly-elected governor Larry Hessleboe, but after another attempted push through of reducing the state's education budget, Nyborg began looking to challenge him directly.

Despite her strong support among her state house members, the state party looked initially to the stylish Congressman Michael Laugensen to retake the governor's mansion. However, a combination of Nyborg's strong debate performances and the Laugensen campaign's decision to reveal the personal problems that had afflicted the governor's wife, resulted in DFL primary voters deserting Laugensen in disgust and making Nyborg the nominee for the 2010 election. A flagging economy and ethical questions arising from several key appointments doomed Hesselboe and Nyborg won a resounding mandate, becoming the state's first female governor.

Nyborg's term was not at all easy- despite having a DFL majority in the statehouse, she had to deal with both political and personal problems. Her husband Philip filed for divorce within a year of moving into the governor's mansion, citing irreconcilable differences and her daughter Laura's commitment to a private hospital for severe anxiety came at a politically inopportune time when she expanded the state's public health budget. Severe flux in the administration, including a public urge to dump ineffectual Lieutenant Governor Bruce Marrott from the 2014 ticket allowed state Republicans to have a field day during Nyborg's term, quickly rehabilitating Hesselboe to run a third time. This, however, did not stop Nyborg from completing her ambitious agenda- a strong shoring-up of the state's pension system, adding incentives for green energy producers within the state and generous funding for the state education system financed through higher taxes. But this came at a price. Rural Democratic voters, especially in the Iron Range region that depending on iron ore mining, were infuriated at the green policy Nyborg passed and a surprising amount came out in the 2014 election to vote against Nyborg- and return Hesselboe to office, especially with the latter proclaiming his support for the mining industry. Nyborg lost the election and, unusually, proclaimed her retirement from politics at the age of 46....

Or so it would have seemed. Nyborg rejected requests to run for federal office, citing her family commitments and business career, but the floundering of the state DFL following Hesselboe's resumption of power led her to announce her return in late 2015. The state DFL leadership, however, had already firmly begun a game-plan for the 2016 elections and reacted coldly to her late announcement of a political return, especially to a state office. Nyborg immediately shot down a 2018 bid to challenge Hesselboe and rejected the party's bid to challenge a Republican for a congressional seat. Instead, she organized the New Democratic Campaign (NDC), an effort for progressives in the state to hold their representatives' feet to the fire and work towards effective and transparent state governance. The NDC unintentionally found that Secretary of State Sven Saltum had repeatedly lied on his tax returns with regards to his holdings in his family's farming business and soon, Saltum was hounded into resignation one step ahead of an FBI investigation. Hesselboe, a shrewd political operator if there was one, named Nyborg as Saltum's replacement before a special election in 2016, shocking his party but sidelining a potentially dangerous rival. But Nyborg has already begun to affect progressive changes in the state from her office at the Secretary of State, urging lawmakers for less-stringent voter ID policies, keeping a watchful eye on both political parties and a "Hear Minnesota!" campaign that saw the state cross the 80% voter turnout in 2016.

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"I believe in forming a Christian fraternity of man, and I believe that the Slavic people can be its first members."
~Gregori Kurywczak, leader and founder of the All-Slavic Free Union, January 2050.

"If Ukraine cannot house our refugee neighbors, then who are we? Even vermin can build nests for the orphans. Are we no better than rats?"
~Alla Goraya, All-Slavic Union MP, in a heated debate, May 2057.

"The Muscovites are partnering with the box-fuckers? Damn it. Let Vasya know that he can let the boys loose. It's going to be a hot as hell in Kiev tonight."
~Yulia Ustyyanovych, operative of Svodoba, April 2059.

"You shall love your neighbor as yourself."
~All-Slavic Free Union slogan, taken from Mark 12:31. Usually written in Polish, Russian and Ukrainian.

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Formed as a unity list of several Moderate-Right regionalist parties, the All-Slavic Free Union is another Ukrainian oddity. While Panslavism has seen a resurgence in the Balkans, the Union is one of Europe's few Political Christianist parties to not embrace Synthesis Marxism and align with the Fifth International. Rather, the Union carries on the legacy of the Emergent Church of the early 21st century, basing its platform on the principle of brotherly love and compassion. The Union unites Ukrainians from all origins, whether they be ethnic Ukrainians from Kiev, Russians from the East, or Poles languishing in the Lviv refugee center. While their principles are based on Christian teaching, the brunt of their platform covers refugee rights, regional concerns, and social welfare.

The Party was the brainchild of Gregori Kurywczak, a seminary dropout and would-be poet. While his attempt to join the priesthood had ended in disaster, he still felt called to serve the lord. While scrapping by a living as a server at three different restaurants in Kiev, Kurywczak invested his free time in charity work and advocacy for refugees and migrants. While his writings and volunteerism went mostly unnoticed, in the Fall of 2025 he was asked to run for local office by his migrant advocacy group, which saw such a measure as the next step in spreading their measure. While the campaign was unsuccessful, with Kurywczak garnering 3.6% of the vote, the experience gave him a taste for politics. He ended up joining Ukraine's Christian Democratic Union. The party matched his values, but undergoing the pains of their ideology rapidly becoming obsolete in the new, Post-Liberal world of the Long Crisis. Kurywczak, who began writing for the party newspaper, helped the party find a new foundation; using his platform, he worked to mesh Political Christianity with the party's Christian Democratic views. Brotherhood soon became his favorite word and the most common noun in the paper, and his writings on love as politics are still a key component of the modern Thedomist canon. While he was never an active campaigner, there is little doubt that his blog and other writings contributed to the Christian Democratic Union's return to the Rada in 2039. Kurywczak was the 16th name on the party list, and the CDU won 16 seats through proportional representation.

Thrust into the position of MP of a minor party, Kurywczak was initially overwhelmed by the tumultuous Rada. Ukraine's parliament had been known for its brawls and lack of order since the Euromaiden. Still, his impassioned rhetoric and appeals to the better nature of Ukraine's citizens made him a viral figure. As the CDU gained a greater foothold in the 2044 elections and sought to form a major bloc, Kurywczak was a key negotiator in shaping a shared platform and vision for the new organization. Wooing Russian regional and Polish refugee rights' parties, Kurywczak was able to craft a vision of a "fraternity of man," combining utopian rhetoric and Christian idealism as a path for Ukrainian greatness. In 2049, the All-Slavic Free Union list stood for elections and became the 4th largest party in the Rada.

After that point, the party's history became a bit less idyllic. While the bloc was a major player in the opposition, it frequently clashed with Ukrainian nationalist parties, who called the party "the traitor's list", accusing it of representing the Polish and Russian regimes more than it did Ukraine's. The party was almost dealt a death-knell when the Union attempted to build bridges with Svodoba, hoping to find common ground on Polish refugee issues. Svodoba quickly stabbed the Union in the back and aired the negotiation transcripts. While Svodoba's base didn't care about the event, the knowledge that the Union were in talks with Ultranationalists almost destroyed the list. The Union barely crawled over the 5% threshold in the 2054 and lost four-fifths of their seats. Kurywczak resigned as party leader in disgrace, retiring from politics to return to writing.

Fortunately for the Union, the voter's memories proved short. The Union was able to regain a good number of their seats in the 2059 elections, and formed a government with the Network Movement. While the Union and Movement both share a sincere progressive vision and compassion for Ukraine's people, there are still significant divides between the parties. The parties are divided when it comes to body modification and the Movement's Zentrum membership, although the Union has acceded to the Movement's Synthetic Rights policies. The Union would also desire to see more social spending and refugee center expansion, but a Zentrum-sponsored government can only do so much. The 2064 elections saw further gains for the Union, whose new leader, Pavlik Ozerov, has been quietly questioning whether working with the Movement is the best for Ukraine. Should the Free Union continue to work with the Transhumanists? Or is it time to lead the way towards a fraternity of man?
 
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