Alternate Wars of the Roses Idea

Developing the idea a little bit, if Margaret delivers Westminster but is then also married off to Henry of Castile as suggested above, let us savour the wonderful ironic weirdness of a voiciferously pro-Lancastrian Castile....

If Margaret still miscarries then that ballses up the Lancastrians big time. If the Beauforts declare their claim openly, then they'll be the de facto head of the family, but IMHO Exeter has a much, much stronger claim which is both untainted by bastardy and is nearer in blood to the last Lancastrian king.

And it depends on what Richard does to the Beauforts. Who is attained? Is he mild, or vengeful? If Somerset declares then he's clearly out of the picture one way or the other, but what of the rest?

So you could have the Beauforts being in open opposition to Richard, and Exeter's lot, who aren't, but are possibly more political influential with 'moderate' opinion in the country. That would probably lead to the diminution of the Beauforts, and the growth of the Hollands, over time. (Although of course I'm asuming that ITTL Holland manages to pup a male heir, which is itself a big 'if')

Anyway, my musings are at an end. :)
 
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Widowed Queens had a level of independence that usually ensured that unless they wished to they could avoid being forced into a remarriage. Largely due to their level of independence (political and financial). There were of course exceptions depending on who the Queen in question was, who her family were and whether she was the mother of the heir.
Margaret of Anjou's family background wasn't that impressive (one of the main complaints against Henry VI marrying her) and her dower from her father was tiny - however as Queen Dowager she would have had lands and property for life and a position of some importance - unless she openly rebels against her husband's ultimate heir there is no reason for her to return home (and why would she).
Had she remarried abroad the chances of her being able to retian her hold on those properties or their income would have been thin...and without them as a royal bride she was no great catch.
Domestically though she has more to offer (like her near contemporary Jacquetta Duchess of Bedford) but risks offending the new Monarch if she doesn't have his assent to the marriage.

You are all preoccupied by Henry Holland <g>. However don't rule out the Portugeuse claim (the 1331 Act was never enforced - and since it passed the following foreign born monarch's have succeeded to the throne - Edward of Rouen 1461 to 1483, James Stuart born in Scotland r 1603 to 1625, Charles Stuart born Scotland r 1625 to 1649, William of Orange r 1689 to 1702 born the Hague, plus the first two British monarchs were both born in Germany - and historically the English Parliament has tended to ignore legislation that it didn't like and didn't always repeal legislation - like Henry VIII's final Act of Succession which was ignored but not repealed in 1603). If Alfonso V was prepared to fight there's nothing to stop him but its unlikely.

However back to Henry Holland - in otl his marriage with Anne of York produced only one surviving child Anne who in turn died young. His only heirs were the descendants of his sister Anne (who became mother of the 3rd Earl of Westmorland) and the Grey descendants of his aunt Constance. Personally I can't see him lasting the decade without someone topping him - probably his father in law.

In OTL Richard of York's protectorate - saw Somerset stripped of his offices and thrown into the tower - but York didn't kill him probably only because of Henry VI's recovery - in this TL then attainder and execution are almost certain I would have thought.
Which leaves his sons - Henry, Edmund and John (assuming John is born in this timeline). Penniless apart from what was permitted to be held by their widowed mother - to be frank they haven't the resources unless they gain significant support. and that's where it would get interesting but unless Richard is a disaster as King they'll struggle. There just aren't enough pro-Beaufort peers who can command a force to defeat York.
 
First to V-J,

The reasons I'm going with Somerset as the initial Lancastrian claimiant are the following: 1) Location...Somerset would be at Clarendon with the rest of the Court since besides Margaret, he is the most influential person in the realm, whether Exeter would have been there a case could be made that he would be and wouldn't be; 2) Power base...the Beauforts were in the center of political power and with that came patronage thus a lot of men had their positions and wealth because of them and would readily support Somerset's bid for the throne because without him, there would be no gravy train; 3) Male Heirs...Somerset had them, Exeter didn't have any children.

However Exeter will have his challenge to the throne as well.

My initial thoughts are for Somerset and his eldest son to die through battle and/or execution while his younger son misses out on the fighting. The Beaufort titles would be attained, but if Somerset's wife was an heiress that wouldn't be touched and thus Edmund (the younger) would have that as an inheritance. If Young Edmund weren't to cause or be implicated in any 'trouble' for Richard III, he might regain the title Earl of Somerset not the Dukedom.

When Exeter launches his bid for the throne, elements that supported Somerset would join him in an attempt to regain standing lost with the end of Somerset.

Next to mcdnab,

Your statement on a widowed Queen's independence is correct, we also have to look at the situation Margaret of Anjou would have found herself. Yes, she had land and property to support herself in England for the rest of her life. However, the new King is York (she wouldn't think of him as Richard III) whom she hated with a passion and the feeling might have been mutual on his part. Margaret knows that she had no friends in the government with the Beauforts dead or ousted and anyone supporting them gone as well. York wouldn't have allowed her to marry anyone he believe to be a future threat and she wouldn't marry anyone in England associated with York's government.

So what do you do? Well what might have happened is a back door deal in which if Margaret marries someone on the Continent (the further away from England the better) then York/England would give as Margaret's dowry the monetary value of her land in England to whomever she married, 50% when the marriage is arranged and the other 50% after the wedding. OR just buy Margaret out and let her go to the Continent and take her chances.

While the 1331 Act was never used, it still was enforce. In OTL, the Portuguese had a stronger claim then Henry Tudor but never asserted it. So the Portuguese wouldn't have pressed a claim unless they thought they had a really good chance of winning the country via conquest. Also the 1331 Act was for all purposes was repealed when the English Parliament recognized James VI and if that couldn't officially be called a repeal then the Act of Settlement 1701 officially repealed the 1331 Act when it declared a foreign-born title holder as the heir to the throne. Also Edward of Rouen was foreign born, he was born in Normandy which at the time was considered an intergral part of England and he was born to English parents thus would have been considered born English even back in the 1400s.

As for Somerset's sons, his youngest John was born postuemously in late 1455 or early 1456 so if Somerset dies in the fall/winter of 1453 or early 1454 John Beaufort isn't conceived. Also I have plans for Exeter's sister, Anne, especially after his challenge and it sorta deals with the Tudor brothers.
 
The reasons I'm going with Somerset as the initial Lancastrian claimiant are the following:

Yah, and I don't disagree with any of that. All good stuff.

3) Male Heirs...Somerset had them, Exeter didn't have any children.

Not at this point. Later on he did. Didn't he? Wiki says he had a son, Thomas, who died in infancy c.1461 - butterflies ahoy?

My initial thoughts are for Somerset and his eldest son to die through battle and/or execution while his younger son misses out on the fighting. The Beaufort titles would be attained, but if Somerset's wife was an heiress that wouldn't be touched and thus Edmund (the younger) would have that as an inheritance. If Young Edmund weren't to cause or be implicated in any 'trouble' for Richard III, he might regain the title Earl of Somerset not the Dukedom

All sounds good and plausible.
 
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V-J,

Yeah, Exeter and Anne of York had a son (Thomas) in 1461 but he and probably along with their daughter Anne are butterflied since she was born in 1455.

It turns out Edmund Beaufort married Eleanor Beauchamp, who was the older-half sister of Anne Neville, Countess of Warwick, and wife of Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick (in OTL the 'Kingmaker'). Anne inherited the title and the considerable estates of the Earl of Warwick. As we all know, know that didn't go over well with her three older half-sisters. Which led to enmity between Warwick and Beaufort, which made Warwick side with York in OTL and in this TL.

Thus Edmund Beaufort the younger wouldn't have any land or property he'd inherit through his mother. His future looks pretty bleak in 15th century England.
 
Okay after a week of discussion and comments, I've changed things with the timeline I'm working on. The initial beginning stays the same...

The night of 15 August 1453 was thought to be like any other for those in attendance of King Henry VI of England. The ‘court’ was staying at the King’s hunting lodge in Clarendon, near Salisbury in Wiltshire where Henry had learned of the shocking news of the defeat of Castillon and the defeat of the Earl of Shrewsbury, John Talbot. The King had been feeling unwell since the early days of the month and it seemed to grow worse upon the news of Castillon. That night Henry VI complained that he felt unnaturally sleepy at dinner, he stood and announced he was retiring for the night but told his court not to leave on his account. As the King exited the dining hall, his body started to spasm out of his control and suddenly he feel forward and struck his head on a corner of one of the wooden tables with a loud crack. The room erupted as noblemen, attendants, and most importantly the Queen rushed to check on the King. Henry was unconscious with a large bruise on part of his forehead.

Queen Margaret, seven months pregnant, had to be restrained by several of the men as the King was taken to his bed and doctors were called. The ‘excitement’ resulted in the Queen going into labor the next day as Henry remained unconscious, the male child was stillborn and the Queen was beside herself in grief. The King never awoke and in the early morning 21 August 1453, Henry VI of England died having reigned 30 years and 355 days. The court party attempted to keep the King's condition, the Queen's stillbirth, and the King's death secret. However, the Duke of Norfolk secretly got word out to Richard Plantagenet, 3rd Duke of York.

The Change...

Edmund Beaufort, the Duke of Somerset, head of the government under Henry VI and thought of as one of the King's possible heir presumptives of along with the Duke of York. Somerset and the court party quickly left Clarendon racing towards London 75 miles away with a messanger racing ahead to proclaim him as Henry VI's acknowledge successor. Unbeknowst to Somerset and the other members of the court party, the Duke of Norfolk sent a messanger to London as well but he was to proclaim the Duke of York as the rightful King of England while Norfolk raced north from Clarendon to Ludlow meeting York on the way.

The body of Henry VI and the grieving Margaret of Anjou were virtually abandoned at Clarendon. The late King's half-brothers, Edmund and Jasper Tudor lead the funeral procession with the grieving Margaret a few days after the rest of the court party had raced for London. On 24 August 1453, the news of Henry VI's death hit London as two messengers proclaimed the news however each proclaimed a different heir. The populace separated into rival camps supporting each man, however Somerset's supports found themselves vastly outnumbered and escaped towards Windsor where they met Somerset and so their allegiance to 'Edmund the First, King of England' then informed him of London's reaction. Somerset continued to London and demanded they submit to him, however the Lord Mayor and the council barred him from the city. Somerset went to Barnet on 27 August 1453 and called all loyal subjects to meet him there.

Meanwhile York and Norfolk had met in Tewkesbury where Norfolk in front of the city publicly acknowledged and pledged alliegiance to 'Richard the Third, King of England' on 22 August 1453. Messengers were sent to all corners of the England as York called on all loyal subjects to meet there. Soon the news of Henry VI's death spread across the whole of England as well as the summons by two men claiming to be the rightful King of England to join them.

While England started to divide the funeral procession carrying the late Henry VI's body was slowly making its way towards London...

Okay that's what I have so far. Now this is who I see siding with York or Beaufort with Neutrals and some I have questions about.

House of York
Richard Plantagenet, 3rd Duke of York, styled Richard III
Richard Neville, 5th Earl of Salisbury (brother of York's wife)
Richard Neville, 16th Earl of Warwick (son of Salisbury)
John Mowbray, 3rd Duke of Norfolk
Henry Bourchier, Viscount Bourchier (husband of York’s sister)
Thomas de Courtenay, 13th Earl of Devon
Edward Brooke, 6th Baron Cobham

House of Beaufort
Edmund Beaufort, 2nd Duke of Somerset, styled Edmund I
Humphrey Stafford, Earl of Stafford (son-in-law of Beaufort)
John de Vere, 12th Earl of Oxford
James Butler, 5th Earl of Ormond & 1st Earl of Wiltshire (son-in-law of Beaufort)
Henry Percy, 2nd Earl of Northumberland

Neutral
Henry Holland, 3rd Duke of Exeter (possible claimant and son-in-law of York)
Edmund Tuder, Earl of Richmond (half-brother of Henry VI)
Jasper Tuder, Earl of Pembroke (half-brother of Henry VI)

Unknown
Humphrey Stafford, 1st Duke of Buckingham (son married to Beaufort’s daughter)

I know that sometimes marriage doesn't necessarily mean an individual will side with someone else, but for the individuals I've definitely placed with either York or Beaufort I did because of political or personal reasons for each one beyond marriage. So what do you think?
 
Yeah, Exeter and Anne of York had a son (Thomas) in 1461 but he and probably along with their daughter Anne are butterflied since she was born in 1455.

Sorry, I was refering to Exeter dying without posterity being butterflied away rather than the kids themselves. Can he and Anne produce a living man child in this TL?

All sounds good, although mcdnab is really the expert here. Wouldn't Buckingham simply go with however looked like a winner? (I.E, York)
 
Sorry, I was refering to Exeter dying without posterity being butterflied away rather than the kids themselves. Can he and Anne produce a living man child in this TL?

Ah...well I can't rule it out, however if Exeter dies then his son will be raised to be a loyal Yorkist by his mother, who in OTL was more loyal to her father and brothers side of the WotR then her husband and his side. And like I stated earlier in the thread, she probably asked Edward to let her husband 'take a swim' on their way to France.

Wouldn't Buckingham simply go with however looked like a winner? (I.E, York)

Well, from what I've read (so I could be completely wrong) Buckingham didn't really like York, thought he was too arrogant and such. But he wasn't a fan of Somerset either, he was on the Lancastrian side because he was loyal to Henry VI. However, Buckingham's son the Earl of Stafford supported Somerset beyond being his son-in-law.

So Buckingham doesn't really like either man though his son is related to one of them, and his prospect for advancement in either government is only slightly better under Somerset than York. Right now, unless mcdnab has better information, I see Buckingham waiting to see how wins and thinking about what he'll do with either winner. If York wins, Buckingham's heir is either dead or attained and Buckingham might take custody of his grandson (if he's born yet) so that his Dukedom can continue; if Somerset were to win, Buckingham would be given a nice office on account of his son's connection to the new Royal Family and his lineage but little real power.
 
Much prefer that opening!!

On your peers not much disagreement:

Buckingham is interesting - he is of Royal blood through his mother - he is married to the new Queen Cecily's sister. He is also no great fan of Somerset.

However Richard of York has a few bargaining chips to persuade Buckingham that York has the better claim.

Much of the Wars of the Roses was dictated by the pursuit of power and money and many of the divisions had more to due with common or garden arguements over property.

1) The Lancaster estates (today providing a chunk of change for the crown) - Henry VI's death means that the estates held by John of Gaunt become up for grabs - does the crown escheat them (absence of legitimate male heirs), do they pass to Beaufort (senior male line of John of Gaunt) do the Beauforts have no claim because these lands largely came via John of Gaunt's first wife Blanche of Lancaster in which case the main heirs of line in England are - The Duke of Exeter, Edmund Grey, John de Vere 12th Earl of Oxford.
2) the De Bohun inheritance - with the death of Henry VI - the estates he holds by right of his grandmother Mary de Bohun should revert to her residual heirs - the descendants of her older sister Eleanor de Bohun Duchess of Gloucester - a sore point amongst her heirs because they'd felt that Henry IV had gained the lions share of the inheritance instead of a more equal division between the de bohun co heirs. The principal heirs now are Humphrey 1st Duke of Buckingham and Henry Bourchier Earl of Essex (Exeter has a claim through his mother who was Buckingham's sister)

York could buy both Exeter and Buckingham onto his side by careful disposition of the Lancaster de Bohun inheritance if he could afford to do it.
 
Thanks for the response mcdnab AND the inheritance information.

As for the Lancastrian estates, my current plan is for York as Richard III to essentially says that the Duchy merged with the Crown and thus they are his because he holds the Crown and after some Acts of Resumption, his plan is to improve the Crown's bank account using not only the Mortimer and York landholdings he possessed as Duke, but know Lancaster which he uses as King. This will be one of the things that makes Exeter launch his bid for the crown after the York-Somerset 'civil war,' in which he doesn't participate because events sorta happen and he sorta drags his feet as well.

As for the de Bohun inheritance, yes York/Richard III would use that as a bargaining chip after he's defeated Somerset for the Crown.

How to deal with Buckingham is tough right now. I have his son, the Earl of Stafford, openly siding with his father-in-law Somerset. I decided on this not because of the marriage, but from I stuff that I read that Stafford did well in the government under Somerset and no doubt with his father-in-law King that would continue and if something were to happen with his brothers-in-law, he could find himself King one day. That being said Stafford's father, Buckingham doesn't like either York or Somerset and while he wouldn't fight against his son I also find it hard to believe he'd support Somerset either. Thus my dilemma when it comes to the 'civil war.'
 
The Wars of the Roses begin...

Continuing from where I left off on December 12...

With two men proclaiming themselves his successor, Henry VI’s mortal remains arrived in London on 1 September 1453 with his half-brothers and his grieving wife leading the precession. His body lay in state at Fulham Palace that night then the next day proceeded to Westminster Abbey for his funeral and burial. The Bishop of London, Thomas Kempe, presided and all in attendance waited during Bishop Kempe’s eulogy to whom was his successor. Thomas Kempe was the nephew of John Kempe, the Archbishop of Canterbury, a staunch supporter of Henry VI and the court party. The Archbishop Kempe, a politician first and hardly a bishop, had answered Somerset’s summon to Barnet and openly supported his claim to the throne. His nephew the Bishop of London, however was smart enough to know the city of which he presided over and wanted to keep his life and see, thus he pronounced neither Somerset or York as Henry VI’s successor during his eulogy. Henry VI was interred next to his favorite saint, Edward the Confessor, and London remained at peace for the moment.

Throughout September and into October, the two claimants demanded the other submit to them and by the end of the month attained the other. Some nobles and magnates started to align themselves with either the House of York or House of Beaufort, by person or proclaiming it in nearest cathedral. The court party quickly supported Somerset, the two most prominent were the Earls of Oxford, John de Vere, and Ormond & Wiltshire, James Butler, and with them most of the bureaucracy of the Kingdom was at Somerset’s quick disposal. After Norfolk’s public support, York was soon joined by the Earl of Devon and Baron Cobham who had joined him in his 1452 campaign for reform as well as his brother-in-law, Viscount Bourchier, at Tewkesbury. However the news that Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick, had proclaimed his support of York and quickly on the heels of that news his father, the Earl of Salisbury, joined York’s faction. The influx of Neville support brought to Somerset the support of the Percy clan led by the Earl of Northumberland.

While others were putting their support behind either Somerset or York, in hopes of power and influence, some nobles and magnates couldn’t make up their minds. An interesting case was Henry Holland, the Duke of Exeter, who was a descendant of John of Gaunt and possible claimant to the throne but also married to York’s oldest daughter, was strangely silent and noncommittal to the annoyance of his wife. Henry VI’s half-brothers, Edmund and Jasper Tudor stayed in London with their sister-in-law Margaret, who after her husband’s funeral had gone into sanctuary in Westminster Abbey feeling her life threatened in London. But the biggest seemingly neutral magnate was Humphrey Stafford, the Duke of Buckingham. A descendant of Edward III, Buckingham liked neither claimant and remained in his castle however he had learned that his son, the Earl of Stafford was going to go to Barnet to support Somerset. But after the Neville’s had joined York, Buckingham believed Somerset needed a miracle and went to stop his son from joining his father-in-law. Until an undisputed King was acknowledged, Buckingham held his own son as a virtual prisoner.

As the succession crisis continued through October and into November, all of England both noble and common alike could feel that a war was coming as neither claimant was backing down. It was only a matter of time when fighting would begin even in winter. Then on 14 November 1453 armed supporters of Somerset and York clashed near the city of Durham. The Earl of Northumberland had gathered a force and was marching south from Alnwick towards the city of York. The Earls of Salisbury and Warwick were both in Middleham gathering soldiers for the Yorkist cause when they heard the news from Salisbury’s brother William Neville, Baron Fauconberg. The father and son Earls had quickly marched north to meet the Percies. The two forces raced toward the city of Durham, though the Percies arrived first it was only an hour before the Nevilles did so as well however it was just before night fell on 13 November and the two forces camped outside the city which had barred by Robert Neville the bishop of Durham.

The first battle in the first series of conflicts later known as the Wars of the Roses began as the city of Durham watched two northern clans, the Nevilles and Percies, battle continue their feud but now in support of two different claimants for the throne of England. The two forces numbered around 3000 each and fought to a stalemate throughout the day, neither side able to get the upper hand. Then in the afternoon, Fauconberg with a force of around 500 arrived from the north behind the Percy force. The sudden appearance of a force to their rear sent the Percy forces into disarray as they tried to combat the rear attack, but then the Earl of Northumberland was struck down and soon the Percy forces broke and fled the field dispersing throughout the north. The Bishop of Durham then opened the city gates and welcomed his brothers Salisbury and Fauconberg. Warwick then took some men and rushed south to Middleham to continue recruiting a force to secure the north.

The news of Durham was quickly spread throughout England and soon news of other battles circulated. In the southeast, Baron Cobham raised a force from Kent and headed for London in the name of York. But the Earl of Oxford led a force from Barnet and battled Cobham just south of London to a standstill in late November. When a small force of London tried to help Cobham, Oxford tried to storm the city only to be pushed back and then had to retreat when Cobham attacked from behind and held off the Kentish force to prevent them from linking up with the residence of London. In the southwest, the Earl of Devon had raised a force from Cornwall and Devonshire then led them across the county of Somerset and entered county Wiltshire. On 3 December 1453, the Earl of Ormond & Wiltshire in support Somerset defeated Devon’s forces at Bradfort-on-Avon. However, bad weather the next day prevented Ormond & Wiltshire from following up the victory and Devon retreated to southern Gloucestershire.

As Christmas Day drew closer and then the New Year, the succession crisis had turned into a civil war but neither claimant had personally taken the field in their own cause. The House of York had the victory at Durham while the House of Beaufort had the victory at Bradford-on-Avon to counter it. Both forces of York and Beaufort were at a stalemate outside London with men starting to raid areas around London to gain provisions. The reason both Somerset and York had yet to take the field was because they were actively trying to gain the support of the church and it’s blessing, however while some clergy choose sides other took the stance of the Bishop of London and supported neither. Soon both men decided it was time to take the field and after having personally gathering armies were about to take to the fields of England to win undisputed control of the throne.

Next installment: The Winter War of 1454*
* = title subject to change
 
The Contenders take to the Field

The succession crisis had lasted for nearly four months without any resolution between York and Somerset with the only battles occurring between their supporters. But on 10 December 1453 one of the contenders finally took the field, the Duke of York along with Edward, the Earl of March, and Edmund, Earl of Rutland, led a force from Tewkesbury of 12,500 strong supported by Norfolk and Bourchier. The Yorkist army headed south towards Bradford-on-Avon where Ormond & Wiltshire’s force was maneuvering opposite Devon’s force in southern Gloucester. On 13 December, Devon’s force joined York’s army in northern Wiltshire and headed to Swindon.

On 14 December, the Earl of Ormond & Wiltshire came upon a column of the Yorkist army outside of Swindon and attacked it believing it to be just Devon’s force, suddenly he found himself facing a host that vastly outnumber his own. The battle was over in 90 minutes and those not dead either fled back to their homes or were captured. The Battle of Swindon gave York a victory, but considering that he almost outnumbered the Beaufort supporters nearly 5-to-1, it wasn’t a major one. However, Yorkist propaganda went into effect and the news was spread that the styled Richard III defeated a supporter of the usurper Somerset but graciously forgave the commoners and sending them home. After the battle, York presented his son Edward to the contingent of Cornish soldiers that Devon had recruited and styled his son and heir the Duke of Cornwall putting him in command of the soldiers, if only nominally.

After Swindon, Ormond & Wiltshire escaped to Southampton where he boarded a ship that took him to his estates in Ireland. York himself with his son Edward followed with about 5000 men after the Beaufort supporting Earl but was too late to capture him. The two started along the coast securing the port cities for the Yorkist cause, but didn’t seem to be heading towards London which seemed odd. But a near 10,000 man army nominally led by the Earl of Rutland, but with the Earls of Norfolk and Devon in actual command, headed towards London. The split of the Yorkists seemed very strange, especially with York and his oldest son commanding the smaller force that wasn’t heading to London.

Meanwhile, the Duke of Somerset had set off from Barnet to St. Alban’s on 12 December then headed up towards Olney then Northampton with an army of around 10,000 men. Somerset’s strategy had been to lure York out of Tewkesbury; however when news reached him of the Battle of Swindon and then the split in the Yorkist army it made him pause in Northampton for several days. The Beaufort commanders were divided with some suggesting that they go after the force led by Norfolk and Devon while others thought they should gain control of the Midlands since York seemed to have northern and southern England virtually in his control, this plan would including capturing York’s lands in the west of England. Somerset decided to embarrass York by raiding his lands and perhaps capturing York’s family and proceeded towards Ludlow via Coventry. Upon his arrival at York’s home in Ludlow, Somerset discovered that York’s wife, younger sons, and daughters weren’t there. It turns out that York had sent his family to the city of Gloucester where they could escape to safety if the advances of Beaufort forces made it necessary. After letting his army sack Ludlow, Somerset then led his army northward towards Shrewsbury.

On 21 December, the Yorkist army led by Norfolk and Devon arrived at Eton making the Earl of Oxford very nervous as he remained at a stalemate with the forces of Cobham outside London. A week later in Canterbury, the Duke of York and his son March arrive with their 5,000 man force to cheers and shouts from the townspeople. York and March then went to the cathedral and worshipped at the shrine of Thomas a Becket. When the news reached Cardinal Kempe in Barnet he excommunicated the priests that had given York and his son the mass, however the propaganda value that York received from this action was invaluable and increased the view of the commoners that he was the rightful King. The next day, York and March then headed from Canterbury towards London linking up with the forces of Cobham by nightfall. Upon hearing the news of York’s advance from Canterbury, Oxford retreated from south of London to Barnet where Somerset’s younger son, Edmund, was staying with a small force.

On 30 December, Rutland, Norfolk, and Devon joined up with York, March, and Cobham outside London. The Yorkist army was welcomed into London, securing the Tower and the city. Late in the afternoon the Duke of York entered the City of London before heading for Westminster Hall where he sat upon the throne and was formally proclaimed Richard III by those present. The Yorkist control of London, Canterbury, and southern England combined with the York-supporting Nevilles domination of the North made the proclamation all but reality. However, when Somerset heard the news he attained all those that followed the ‘false king Richard.’ Somerset then continued leading his army northward as he aimed for a confrontation with the Nevilles to gain a foothold in the North.
 
Bosworth

As 1454 began, Richard III took control of the government bureaucracy in London while sending his forces to Barnet, St. Alban’s, and Oxford to clear them of Beaufort loyalists. The Earl of Oxford and Edmund Beaufort escaped from Barnet with their forces to Norwich. In the north, the Nevilles had been gathering forces for King Richard and with Somerset so close it was decided by Salisbury, Warwick, and Fauconberg to march south. The three men each took a third of their total forces and started on three routes southward, hoping to lure Somerset for a fight. By now Somerset had made his way to Chester and had decided to head eastwards before heading to the north and the city of York.

On 16 January, outside Nottingham the forces under Warwick confronted a part of the Beaufort army and fighting quickly ensued. Warwick’s smaller force held its own the entire day as his father and uncle raced to reinforce him, however the winter weather was hampering everyone. Unfortunately, the entire Beaufort army was closer and Warwick found his force at a numerical disadvantage even though they were controlling the field. The young Neville sent a small charge to push the Beaufort army back to all the rest of his force to disengage from the field and head towards Newark where he linked up with his father and uncle. The Battle of Nottingham was technically a victory for Warwick as he inflicted a greater number of casualties on his opponent in terms of men and proportion of his army compared to his smaller and he preserved his force to fight another day, however for the Beaufort propaganda effort is was a major defeat for Warwick as he was portrayed as a coward running from the battlefield. The humiliation the Beaufort propaganda gave to Warwick personally would have major ramifications for him and Beaufort weeks later.

After the Battle of Nottingham, the Beaufort forces remained in the city as they stared down the Nevilles in Newark. There were minor clashes between small groups of soldiers from both forces over the next two weeks but a major confrontation couldn’t happen because of the weather. In and around London, Richard III and his supporters had been increasing their forces to combat Somerset while also securing their hold on the government. Meanwhile King James II of Scotland had been watching the movements of the English factions and in late January sent a small army over the border to captured Berwick while laying siege to Roxburgh Castle. Then in early February, Richard III headed for Dunstable where an army of nearly 20,000 men assembled leaving his sons March and Rutland in London which was under the command of Norfolk and Richard’s brother-in-law Bourchier. Richard left the two with orders that if he were to die to immediately crown March as the new King with the two men as co-Regents. The Yorkist army then headed northward to engage the Beauforts. However in amassing such a large force, the news had reached Somerset in Nottingham gave him an advantage on where to choose the battlefield if he moved quickly.

On 7 February, the nearly 10,000 strong army led by Somerset headed south to Stamford where it was joined by a force led by Oxford swelling its number to nearly 13,500. On 9 February, the Yorkist army arrived at Northampton to learn that Somerset was headed for Coventry by way of Leicester. On 12 February, the Neville army arrived into northern Leicestershire and headed towards a rendezvous with Richard III in the western part of the county hoping to intercept Somerset. On the afternoon of 14 February, units of all three armies arrived around the small town of Bosworth during the rest of the day the small village swelled to a city with the arrival of a combined 49,000 men underarms with Richard III outnumbering Somerset roughly 2-to-1.

As night fell, Somerset decided that he would engage Richard III’s larger army as early in the day as possible for the element of surprise and in the ensuing chaos either get the victory or give himself time to retreat to fight on more favorable terms against either one of the Yorkist armies. However, Oxford tried to persuade him to attack the Neville army and defeat them then retreat before the larger army of Richard could engage them. The self-styled Edmund I decided against Oxford’s plan as it could have been seen as if he was frightened of Richard. Meanwhile in Richard III’s camp, the King held a council of war with his senior commanders and the consensus was for the Nevilles to attack Somerset’s right while the King attacked Somerset’s left. Warwick in particular was vocal in this and many believed he had something up his sleeve in response to the humiliating propaganda that the Beauforts had put out against him. After the meeting his father Salisbury and uncle Fauconberg told the King they would make sure Warwick wouldn’t do anything reckless.

The next morning of 15 February, the Battle of Bosworth began with an assault by Somerset on Richard III’s far right flank, however at the same time Warwick leading the same men who had fought at Nottingham came from Somerset’s rear. The rear assault caused mass confusion that Salisbury and Fauconberg quickly took advantage of as they attacked Somerset’s right that had been cut off from Somerset’s center and attacking left flank. Richard III ordered the left flank of his own force to engage Somerset’s center while ordering his own center to cut off Somerset’s attacking left flank. The confused and cut off right flank of Somerset’s army quickly collapsed in the face of the Neville brothers assault and the fleeing troops escaped in the only direction they could find, right towards the center of Somerset’s army. Somerset’s center had already engaged with the attack of Richard III’s left flank while fending off Warwick in the rear when their fleeing comrades raced into their ranks with the forces of the Neville brothers charging after them. Somerset, in personal command of the center of his army, ordered a retreat and attempted to move whatever he could to the left, he found his way suddenly blocked by men of Richard III’s center that hadn’t engaged the attacking left flank of Somerset’s army. Somerset’s army then completely disintegrated as men ran for their lives or surrendered wholesale. Henry Beaufort, Somerset’s heir, fell as he attempted to lead some of his men in a retreat while the Duke of Somerset was injured in he attempted to escape and was captured by Warwick himself. Oxford, leading Somerset’s attack left flank, having done the best he could retreated towards Stamford where he disbanded those that had come with him and afterwards headed to Norwich where Henry Beaufort had been gathering support for his father. By the afternoon, the Battle of Bosworth was a complete Yorkist victory and Richard III had as his prisoner the self-styled King Edmund I of England.
 
Exeter doesn't have to die though. Wiki says he drowned in OTL.

This is cool. Please do continue.

Well Exeter was drowned as he accompanied Edward IV to battle the French. The speculation is that it was either an actual accident or that Edward IV sorta arranged his brother-in-law taking a swim after everything Exeter had done over the previous 15-20 years since Exeter had sided with the Lancasterians.

So if Exeter rises in rebellion to against Richard III, his own father-in-law. He might find his way into a wooden box so that his wife could find a more suitable husband.

As for when I'll continue this...well to only reason I was able to update this thread this week is because I was on vacation and had the time to double and triple check everything I had written. I plan on continuing the thread, the question is when.
 
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