Alternate Electoral Maps III
- Thread starter killertahu22
- Start date
The 2000 Presidential election in an alternate universe where the two major parties are the Libertarian Party and the Solidarity Party - the Libertarian Party is obviously the same as it is IOTL, socially liberal and very right-wing on economic issues. the Solidarity Party is like OTL's American Solidarity Party - socially center-right, fiscally center-left, pro-immigrant, etc... both parties are anti-war, but the Libertarian Party is seen as more authentic on the issue. the Libertarian candidate here is Ron Humboldt, a respected businessman from Oregon who's seen as being slightly more centrist than past Libertarian nominees, and the Solidarity Party candidate is Leticia Davis - the sitting lieutenant governor of Georgia who is notable for being the first African American woman to be elected statewide in Georgia in particular and the Deep South in general. polls throughout the campaign show a close race, with Humboldt dominating out west and doing well in New England while Davis runs up the score in the rest of the country.
In the end, Davis won by a margin of 309-229 in the electoral college, but only won the popular vote by about half a percentage point due primarily to Humboldt's strong performances in the populous states of California and Texas. Davis would be the first black person, first female, and first black female ever elected President of the United States.
Leticia Davis (S-GA)/Mark Ledger (S-OH) 309 Electoral Votes, 49.5% Popular Vote
Ron Humboldt (L-OR)/Lisa Martinez (L-NV) 229 Electoral Votes, 49.1% Popular Vote
In the end, Davis won by a margin of 309-229 in the electoral college, but only won the popular vote by about half a percentage point due primarily to Humboldt's strong performances in the populous states of California and Texas. Davis would be the first black person, first female, and first black female ever elected President of the United States.
Leticia Davis (S-GA)/Mark Ledger (S-OH) 309 Electoral Votes, 49.5% Popular Vote
Ron Humboldt (L-OR)/Lisa Martinez (L-NV) 229 Electoral Votes, 49.1% Popular Vote
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Im assuming the Red is still Republican, right? What are the blue counties?
Blue is Republican
Red is "Alliance Coalition", TTLs big left-wing party on the national level, but VA still has strong Democratic holdouts
I just made another China election map from this TL.
*
Provincial politics in Sichuan, the fourth-largest province of China, has been fractious since democratization to say the least. It is perhaps best to start with the 'fourth-largest province of China' part- until 1997, Sichuan was the largest province, mostly thanks to its inclusion of the city of Chongqing, the biggest city in China. However, separatist sentiment was very strong in the city, and in 1996 a referendum for residents of the city council area saw them vote to split off from Sichuan province. The Progressive-led government suffered an immediate backlash, and in the 1998 provincial election it was kicked out in a landslide, with the Kuomintang holding power ever since.
Despite this, it has not been plain sailing for the Kuomintang governments of the province, especially since the Great Recession took effect. In the modern day, Sichuan's political trends are very deeply divided between the populous north east, which is predominantly pro-Kuomintang due to resentment of Chongqing and concerns about the economic consequences of the province losing its largest city being handled fairly well in the eyes of most of its residents, and the less populous west and south, which are heavily Progressive for a variety of reasons, most notably the Tibetian and Yi voters in these regions favouring their handling of race relations over the Kuomintang's and the general economic disparity compared to the pork-barrel spending conducted in the northeast by successive Kuomintang provincial goverments. The city of Chengdu, the capital and most populous in the province since Chongqing was separated from it, has fluctuated more, originally being heavily Progressive before going strongly for the Kuomintang and now appearing to be more of a swing area.
Despite their poor standing going into the 2018 election, having lost significant ground to the Kuomintang, the Progressives were hopeful of a victory due to the unpopularity both of President Wang and of Premier Li Jia, widely perceived as corrupt and instrumental in the pork-barrel spending problem faced by the province. It was also seen by some as an indicator of whether the Progressive surge under Jian Jielang would last, given that the Progressive surge of the late 2000s had been dented by their narrow defeat here in 2010 despite the poorly recieved response of the Li government to the 2008 earthquake (though most blamed that defeat on the controversial nature of their presidential candidate Bo Xilai, who ironically won the province in the presidential election later the same year). Despite the FPTP districts being unlikely to see too many gains for the Progressives, using, as they do, the same boundaries as Sichuan's 54 seats in the National Congress, the PR districts (and their strong position in the polls for said districts) provided them with hope, as a victory in these districts and some concessions to the Economic Liberals might be enough for the Progressives to form another government for the first time in 20 years, especially with Li's unpopularity.
However, in May, three months before the provincial election, the Kuomintang in the legislature voted to depose Li as leader, replacing her with Li Jinbin, an unknown from the suburbs of Chengdu; Li's emergence unexpectedly caused the Kuomintang to surge in the polls, as he promised to alleviate the pork barrel spending issue while attacking Progressive leader Tashi Dawa for being 'the Chongqing candidate', despite Dawa being half-Tibetan and from Garzê in the west of Sichuan.
The surge did not last until August, however, and by that time the two parties were neck-and-neck, with Dawa galvanizing enormous support from non-Han voters and capitalizing on concerns about Li being 'loose-lipped' after he made a poorly worded remark about Dawa being a 'racialist candidate' because of his Tibetan ancestry. Despite a very well-received speech given by Dawa the day before the election in which he challenged Li to 'stop playing the Chongqing card on a man from the other side of Sichuan', the Progressives lost just enough votes to minor parties for the Kuomintang to be able to form another government, remaining the largest party with 74 of the 149 seats, 14 more than the Progressives and a comfortable majority when allied with the 9 Economic Liberals.
The honeymoon for Li ended almost immediately after the election, though. He has continued to make ill-advised and contentious comments on Tibetans, indulge in heavy pork-barrel spending for the northeast, and antagonize Mayor of Chongqing Bo Xilai, with critics even arguing he has deepened the already strong partisan divide of the province. Progressives and their allies have taken to nicknaming him 'Loose-Lips Li' after Dawa's famous comment from the 2018 campaign, while Kuomintang supporters mock them by satirizing the Progressives' slogan for provincial elections and their record for near-misses with the joke slogan 'Yěxǔ zhè cì tāmen huì ài shàng tā' ('maybe next time they'll fall for it').
Whether Sichuan will 'fall for it' in 2022 is, of course, anyone's guess.
*
Provincial politics in Sichuan, the fourth-largest province of China, has been fractious since democratization to say the least. It is perhaps best to start with the 'fourth-largest province of China' part- until 1997, Sichuan was the largest province, mostly thanks to its inclusion of the city of Chongqing, the biggest city in China. However, separatist sentiment was very strong in the city, and in 1996 a referendum for residents of the city council area saw them vote to split off from Sichuan province. The Progressive-led government suffered an immediate backlash, and in the 1998 provincial election it was kicked out in a landslide, with the Kuomintang holding power ever since.
Despite this, it has not been plain sailing for the Kuomintang governments of the province, especially since the Great Recession took effect. In the modern day, Sichuan's political trends are very deeply divided between the populous north east, which is predominantly pro-Kuomintang due to resentment of Chongqing and concerns about the economic consequences of the province losing its largest city being handled fairly well in the eyes of most of its residents, and the less populous west and south, which are heavily Progressive for a variety of reasons, most notably the Tibetian and Yi voters in these regions favouring their handling of race relations over the Kuomintang's and the general economic disparity compared to the pork-barrel spending conducted in the northeast by successive Kuomintang provincial goverments. The city of Chengdu, the capital and most populous in the province since Chongqing was separated from it, has fluctuated more, originally being heavily Progressive before going strongly for the Kuomintang and now appearing to be more of a swing area.
Despite their poor standing going into the 2018 election, having lost significant ground to the Kuomintang, the Progressives were hopeful of a victory due to the unpopularity both of President Wang and of Premier Li Jia, widely perceived as corrupt and instrumental in the pork-barrel spending problem faced by the province. It was also seen by some as an indicator of whether the Progressive surge under Jian Jielang would last, given that the Progressive surge of the late 2000s had been dented by their narrow defeat here in 2010 despite the poorly recieved response of the Li government to the 2008 earthquake (though most blamed that defeat on the controversial nature of their presidential candidate Bo Xilai, who ironically won the province in the presidential election later the same year). Despite the FPTP districts being unlikely to see too many gains for the Progressives, using, as they do, the same boundaries as Sichuan's 54 seats in the National Congress, the PR districts (and their strong position in the polls for said districts) provided them with hope, as a victory in these districts and some concessions to the Economic Liberals might be enough for the Progressives to form another government for the first time in 20 years, especially with Li's unpopularity.
However, in May, three months before the provincial election, the Kuomintang in the legislature voted to depose Li as leader, replacing her with Li Jinbin, an unknown from the suburbs of Chengdu; Li's emergence unexpectedly caused the Kuomintang to surge in the polls, as he promised to alleviate the pork barrel spending issue while attacking Progressive leader Tashi Dawa for being 'the Chongqing candidate', despite Dawa being half-Tibetan and from Garzê in the west of Sichuan.
The surge did not last until August, however, and by that time the two parties were neck-and-neck, with Dawa galvanizing enormous support from non-Han voters and capitalizing on concerns about Li being 'loose-lipped' after he made a poorly worded remark about Dawa being a 'racialist candidate' because of his Tibetan ancestry. Despite a very well-received speech given by Dawa the day before the election in which he challenged Li to 'stop playing the Chongqing card on a man from the other side of Sichuan', the Progressives lost just enough votes to minor parties for the Kuomintang to be able to form another government, remaining the largest party with 74 of the 149 seats, 14 more than the Progressives and a comfortable majority when allied with the 9 Economic Liberals.
The honeymoon for Li ended almost immediately after the election, though. He has continued to make ill-advised and contentious comments on Tibetans, indulge in heavy pork-barrel spending for the northeast, and antagonize Mayor of Chongqing Bo Xilai, with critics even arguing he has deepened the already strong partisan divide of the province. Progressives and their allies have taken to nicknaming him 'Loose-Lips Li' after Dawa's famous comment from the 2018 campaign, while Kuomintang supporters mock them by satirizing the Progressives' slogan for provincial elections and their record for near-misses with the joke slogan 'Yěxǔ zhè cì tāmen huì ài shàng tā' ('maybe next time they'll fall for it').
Whether Sichuan will 'fall for it' in 2022 is, of course, anyone's guess.
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Deleted member 139407
A map I did on https://www.270towin.com based on if every third party candidate in the 1920 Presidential election won the electoral votes of the state they got more than 5% in. Apologies if this scenario was done before. I used the Wikipedia article for the voter data: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1920_United_States_presidential_election
Warren G. Harding: Republican Party - 292 EV
James M. Cox: Democratic Party - 107 EV
Eugene V. Debs: Socialist Party - 96 EV
James Ferguson: American Party - 20 EV
Parley Christensen: Farmer-Labor Party - 16 EV
Warren G. Harding: Republican Party - 292 EV
James M. Cox: Democratic Party - 107 EV
Eugene V. Debs: Socialist Party - 96 EV
James Ferguson: American Party - 20 EV
Parley Christensen: Farmer-Labor Party - 16 EV
same concept as the above post but for 1980 (credit goes to person who posted above post)
Shouldn't Clark win Alaska since he did better than Anderson there?
Oh yeah I mixed the two up by mistake in Alaska. I'll fix the map when I get the chance, for now just imagine Clark won it
So basically I split America by culture and politics... then tossed it into Redraw the States. The results turned out exactly how I wanted them (though a few needed a little tweaking). Some of the highlights:
Salisia and Heartland: Two red states that could give Alaska a run for its money in the area department. Heartland also boasts more people that California and New York combined.
City-states: Lots of them, mostly in the Midwest. All of them are blue islands in a red sea. I didn't bother naming them because they're too small.
Atlantica: Basically an East Coast California: huge, populous, takes in lots of major cities.
Most states are won by a decent margin. There are only 6 states that were within 5% of a tie: Florida, Tidewater, Acadia, Pittsburgh, Colorado, and St. Louis.
283 D - 219 R. Mostly solid Democrat, though Trump could win if Florida and Houston flipped.
VT45
Banned
From A Loyal City on the Hill:
As the last province to go to the polls to elect a new provincial government before the tentative date of the Columbian general election this coming June, this election was greatly anticipated as the last seal of approval or disapproval for their respective manifestos. While Michigan's voters only returned MLAs from the Liberal-Conservatives, the Liberal Alliance, and the Labour-Welfare parties, the CNPP and the Greens campaigned hard to try and break into Detroit's Province House. But to no avail. Both left bench* parties saw massive losses as their support cratered. The voters of Michigan returned a hung parliament, however the Liberal Alliance were able to form a coalition with Labour-Welfare. Gretchen Whitmer, who has become famous for her scathing criticisms as the Leader of the Opposition, has become the new premier, and Abdul El-Sayed, an avid right bench* activist that came to prominence following the 2015 general election, has become the deputy premier, the first time in Michigan's history that a newly elected MLA has joined the cabinet.
Results:
Riding map:
Popular vote chart:
Legislative Assembly standings:
*Left bench and right bench: Because of the fact that the French Revolution didn't happen the same way that it did IOTL, the terms left and right wing didn't come about. Instead, the terms that came about are left and right bench. Left bench refers to OTL right wing parties and right bench refers to OTL left wing parties.
As the last province to go to the polls to elect a new provincial government before the tentative date of the Columbian general election this coming June, this election was greatly anticipated as the last seal of approval or disapproval for their respective manifestos. While Michigan's voters only returned MLAs from the Liberal-Conservatives, the Liberal Alliance, and the Labour-Welfare parties, the CNPP and the Greens campaigned hard to try and break into Detroit's Province House. But to no avail. Both left bench* parties saw massive losses as their support cratered. The voters of Michigan returned a hung parliament, however the Liberal Alliance were able to form a coalition with Labour-Welfare. Gretchen Whitmer, who has become famous for her scathing criticisms as the Leader of the Opposition, has become the new premier, and Abdul El-Sayed, an avid right bench* activist that came to prominence following the 2015 general election, has become the deputy premier, the first time in Michigan's history that a newly elected MLA has joined the cabinet.
Results:
Riding map:
Popular vote chart:
Legislative Assembly standings:
*Left bench and right bench: Because of the fact that the French Revolution didn't happen the same way that it did IOTL, the terms left and right wing didn't come about. Instead, the terms that came about are left and right bench. Left bench refers to OTL right wing parties and right bench refers to OTL left wing parties.
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The Executor Party would run a ruthless and violent campaign in 1909 to regain control of the Lord-Governor's office. Due to extreme voter suppression and mass hysteria sparked by the Executor Party, the Yeoman Party lost dozens of counties Lord-Governor William I carried in 1889. The murder of hundreds of afrogeorgians occurred as racial violence by Executor militias sought to undermine the suffrage gains granted to them under William I's reign. The election of William Brantley (stylized Lord-Governor William II) would lead to the near universal reversal of civil rights gains made under William I, along with a reversion to near total control of the realm by the Old Elite. A member of the Executor Party would hold the lordship following this election until Lord-Governor Harold's abdication and the subsequent election of Lord-Governor James in 1971.
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So I'm thinking of doing an alternate 1976 scenario where it's Edward Brooke (R-MA) vs. Jim Folsom (D-AL), and the one thing I'm kinda stuck up on is exactly how much better Brooke would have done with black voters compared to how Ford actually did in 1976. I know in modern times black Republicans tend to do roughly the same with black voters as white Republicans, but considering the country was far less polarized in 1976 and Brooke would have obviously been a historical figure for the black community, I'm thinking he could have done substantially better than Ford. what do y'all think?
I think he would do substantially better however not win a majority