Alternate cold war if the USSR liberated all of europe during WW2

Anchises

Banned
What cold war? They'd inherit europe's african/asian colonies, plus the industrial base of europe. My guess is WW3 before 1955 with the soviets winning.

What ? That is deep ASB-territory.

The Soviets in OPs scenario basically have two choices: Control or Productivity

They can either insitute measures to secure Soviet control over Europe. That would inevitably drastically reduce economic productivity.

Or they could give the Europeans more leeway, which would lead to them rejecting Marxism-Leninism fairly quick. 1953 repeated a few times. At this point the Soviets either intervene, reverting to the control-method, or they would lose Europe.

Hm... some very good ideas here. But lets move on. Now, after the war ended and europe is under socialist control, what happens next? How will international relations be? How will the new cold war go? Stronger domestic communist presence in Britain and the US?

The Soviets struggle to control Europe, a massive brain drain and very hostile U.S.-Soviet relations.
 
Unfortunately, the scenario (as handwaved) isn't very likely at all. I either see:

D Day fails; Soviets nearly to the Rhine; UK & US then pull RANKIN, and secure France, Benelux, Norway and Italy.
Soviets get all of Germany, Austria, Denmark and (perhaps) Greece over OTL. This isn't what you propose.

OR: UK not in the war (1940 peace); Barbarossa on schedule; Soviets win in 1947; but UK still probably pulls RANKIN out.

I think the ONLY way to have the Soviets dominate all the way to Brest is not only to NOT have the UK in the war, but to have them out and not willing or able to jump back in (RANKIN) when it becomes clear the Soviets are in Berlin.
Whisper it quietly, but the only way to do that is...... Sealion.

Perhaps try this: https://www.alternatehistory.com/forum/threads/tliad-meet-the-new-boss.302538/

But though its a great read, too much handwaving has been allowed to get to a Soviet dominated Europe. It isn't really plausible at all.
 
I actually was able to cross reference this claim against Allied losses and the Germans overclaimed significantly. They counted all downed aircraft in Bavaria as being attributable to this new round, but the combat test of it was only done in one place and the Allied records only show 4-5 aircraft lost in that raid, 13 aircraft in all raids in Bavaria that day. So in reality it was more like a 1000-1500 rounds per aircraft, which is still a major improvement, but not nearly as good as claimed. The other part of that is that they suffered no damaged aircraft in that raid, just those that were shot down, while in the other raids they suffered a number of damaged aircraft due to shrapnel damage. The trade off with using such a shell mean that the shoot down rate was better, but then forgoing all the damage inflicted by shrapnel and the casualties those caused. Plus too the only way the contact fuse worked was against huge massed raids of closely packed bombers and fighters, working less well if at all against looser formations.

Ah, thank you for the correction. Still though, 1,500 rounds is a vast improvement over the 8,500 rounds on average required in 1944.

Also the Egerland system, which good and not yet ECMed into irrelevance (in time it would be, that's how war has worked with radar), was still only a prototype with only two units ever being constructed IOTL.

Indeed, but the context of that was that it was being deployed as the Reich was collapsing in 1945. Herein, we've created an entirely different strategic situation.
 
It doesn't escape my notice you very carefully chose to say AFV instead of tank strength, because we both know AFV doesn't exclusively mean tank.

"As Germany prepared for this offensive, events in the West were also influencing Germany's capabilities. The expected summer Allied invasion of France had had dramatic consequences in terms of draining units out of the East. By June 1944 seven of the of the precious Panzer divisions were committed to France, and additional units were held back from the Eastern Front so they could be moved either East or West as the circumstance demanded. In the Summer of 1943 about 80 percent of German tank strength had been concentrated in the East; in 1944 this proportion was only a little more than half."

Bagration 1944, Pg 13 by Steven Zaloga, Osprey Campaign Series.

Ah, so your goalpost moving. Yes, as your quote says, German tanks constituted a little under half of specifically tanks were in the west. However, first off, your initial claim was that over 50% of the Panzer forces, a figure which indicates "AFVs" as the word "Panzer" is short for "Panzerkampfwagon" which even non-German speakers tend to know means "Armored Fighting Vehicle" and from a operational-strategic perspective the difference between a tank and a assault gun or tank destroyer is inconsequential, would be freed up for duty in the East. Even leaving aside your goalpost shifting on this, the claim is still wrong as the Germans would still be compelled to retain a significant chunk of their formations in the West... either to guard against further landings or to redeploy to Italy. They'd also have suffered some losses repulsing the invasion (particularly to WAllied naval guns), although that's a more minor factor.

You mean the offensive that collapsed because of logistics and required capturing American fuel stocks to keep going? Sure, if you want to consider that functional logistics, be my guest.

Can’t ship what you don’t have. In terms of transporting what they did have, though, they did... not great, but okay. And they didn’t have much trouble transporting those same forces out to the Eastern Front following the Ardennes offensive's failure.

[CITATION NEEDED]

Wiking's post already dealt with this.

Assuming everything plays as IOTL....except it won't because we've already established things change drastically starting in June.

Largely, it would. There isn’t anything about D-Day failing that would fundamentally alter either Soviet or German planning and preparations for the summer campaign in the east, which all predate it. Oh, sure you can probably lop around 100 miles off of the gains of Bagration, but that operation ending on the Bug instead of the Vistula makes little difference in the grand scheme of things: Army Group Center would still be destroyed and pre-war Soviet territory almost completely cleared of German forces. The fact that any of the reinforcements would then basically be sucked into patching over the hole left by the destruction of Army Group Center likewise mean the Soviet Baltic and Balkan Campaigns largely goes the same up through to September or October. Over the longer term, the additional German forces which historically were sent west during the autumn and winter of 1944-45 would delay the Soviets until April or May 1945 to take Budapest and July or August to take Berlin, but a few months delay in those cities falling does not change that those cities would still fall.

Not at all.

"In the final weeks of the war, the ammunition shortage within the flak arm became acute. The critical situation led the Luftwaffe to test a projectile with a contact and a timed fuse (Doppelzünder), the same round that a member of Speer´s ministry refused to support in 1944, based on safety considerations involved with the transportation of these munitions. During combat trials in Munich on April 9, heavy flak batteries using these rounds brought down thirteen aircraft at the cost of a mere 370 rounds per shootdown, an extraordinary favorable ratio compared with the existing average of approximately 4,500 rounds."

Flak. German anti-aircraft Defenses, 1914-1945, by Edward B. Westerman

On top of the deployment of the Doppelzunder rounds, the Germans had also learned that direct fire over time-fused bursts was superior in terms of bringing down Allied aircraft while also allowing for a higher rate of fire. Couple this with the introduction of the Egerland Radar system, and it's clear the Germans could have a much better go in the air war for 1945.

Yeah, this is “the wunderwaffen will save Germany” degrees of thinking. The idea that a improvement in the tactical capability of anti-aircraft guns certainly is gonna be the Reich's salvation despite the fact it means dick all for the general strategic situation is very much in that spirit. Plus, Wiking has shown that the Germans claims were grossly exaggerated. If the Germans want to have a much better go in the air war in 1945, then a marginal improvement in the killing capacity of their AA guns isn't going to give them that. What they would actually need are hundreds of thousands of tons of aviation fuel and thousands of well-trained pilots. Given that the oil bombing campaign would mostly be unaffected (not to mention the outright loss of Ploesti in August/September and the eastern synthetic refineries at some point in early-'45) and German pilot training program was already in complete tatters, this simply isn't going to happen.

Just a point of order here, the strategic bombing of German transport in Germany proper started in the earnest in December 1944, so the prep for the Ardennes, which stretched back into November 1944, was of course not particularly limited by the effort, especially as it focused more on industrial transport targets rather than military ones (plus military movements got priority for all undamaged transport movement over even economic ones, so they'd get to move even with major damage to say the rail and waterway movements). So yeah it isn't really fair to say that German transport was shut down by late 1944, it was being targeted with substantial effect, but especially since the Ardennes offensive wasn't known about by strategic military planners on the WAllied side specific interdiction against it wasn't targeted against it. Plus the prime targets of the transport campaign, rail and waterways, were not the primary means of build up for Wacht am Rhein; road transport played heavily into the build up and sustainment of the operation, perhaps the only German operation since 1940 that actually made use of the Autobahn in a significant way. Road interdiction wasn't really able to function given the really bad flying weather over Germany in the winter months.

Eh, it didn't really affect the Germans subsequent withdrawal of their battered formations after the failure of the offensive in February and was generally still incomplete even by the time the war ended. Although that isn't really surprising. The German economic collapse really had more to do with strategic bombing in other sectors (most glaringly oil) which would be little affected by D-Day, depletion of raw resource stocks, depletion of manpower, the factories themselves being overrun, and above all exhaustion from overmobilization. On the whole, the lack of the transport bombing plan (assuming the WAllies don't just go through with it by substituting additional strategic bombers... they had a severe excess of those in 1945 and a paucity of other targets) and retention of some French resources rather longer would delay the German industrial collapse... but only slightly.

Well, the Western Allies couldn't 'just walk' into France and Italy without resistance. A landing operation requires a lot of logistical and strategic planning. An ad hoque landing could have severe consequences. And also these lands wouldn't be undefended. In OTL, the German troops in northern Italy, Denmark, Norway and parts of the Netherlands held out untill the German surrender. And the Western Allies didn't walk in, because they couldn't.

I imagine that once Germany has fallen, those German soldiers would basically fall over themselves to surrender. At that point, even the idea they are fighting for Germany wouldn't be able to motivate them since Germany would already have been lost and Hitler would pretty certainly be dead or captured. Any remaining leaders would happily surrender without a shot. Even a ad-hoc landing can work out in the absence of any defence.

In a D-Day fails scenario, the Allies will get at least southern-, maybe all, of Italy. France is a other question. After the losses of D-Day it would have taken over 6 months for another landing of that scale to be militarily possible (not to speak about the pollitical character of another landing, after the first failed so miserably).

The OTL Dragoon didn't take another six months to mount, although perhaps the reallocation of massive resources to it would impose delays and politically it's the obvious choice, as it gets around the more formidable obstacle the Atlantic Wall would seem to be in the Allied. Although a reinforced landing in Southern France during the autumn of '44 does have the downside in that the Germans can probably retain northern France and the Low Countries into 1945.
 
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If D-Day fails, the US will try again eventually. Especially if the USSR closes in on Berlin. The US would never simply surrender all of Europe to the Soviets, and the Soviets were not capable or willing to occupy all of Europe and piss off the US in the process.

Even if this improbable scenario took place, the United States would make the neutralization of Communist Europe its top priority, which means supporting any and all insurrections in Western Europe. If the Soviets were stretched thin in Eastern Europe and Afghanistan, they'd be strained to their breaking point if they occupied all of Western Europe.
 
What cold war? They'd inherit europe's african/asian colonies, plus the industrial base of europe. My guess is WW3 before 1955 with the soviets winning.

That's even less likely then a victorious Nazi Germany inheriting the European colonial empires. By 1944/45 the western allies have troops in or have friendly administrations in place in pretty much all of the European colonies. That and the Soviets essentially have no surface fleet or maritime projection capability. The only reason they were able to pull off the amphibious ops they did against Japan was a massive infusion of American kit.
 
a USSR that inherits the french navy/royal navy/kriegsmarine is one that's got the maritime projection capability they lacked OTL.

The Soviets aren't getting the RN. Most of the Kriegsmarine had been sunk. And most of the french navy is either unobtainable, scuttled years ago and worthless, or run down from years of little maintenance and obsolete.
 
If D-Day fails, the US will try again eventually. Especially if the USSR closes in on Berlin. The US would never simply surrender all of Europe to the Soviets, and the Soviets were not capable or willing to occupy all of Europe and piss off the US in the process.

Even if this improbable scenario took place, the United States would make the neutralization of Communist Europe its top priority, which means supporting any and all insurrections in Western Europe. If the Soviets were stretched thin in Eastern Europe and Afghanistan, they'd be strained to their breaking point if they occupied all of Western Europe.

As I allready said, in OTL, the german army kept control over huge chunks of territory untill the nazis surrendered. There were revolts, but they were crushed, and the allies only took control of those lands, after the german central authority surrendered.

So once again: When Berlin falls, all of the german occupied lands fall to the victor. Which in this case is allmost exclusively the soviets.

OTL operation Dragoon was something completely different than another D-Day. The allies were pushing through Italy and had landed in northern France allready. The eastern front had collapsed. The germans had very few troops in the west left to defend provence. If D-Day fails, the germans will still keep a lot of their occupation force in France (as happened in OTL, with Denmark, Norway etc.). Because the nazis know, that once a second front is opened, they would die a lot faster than they would anyway.

And yes, the Allies could still march into France (maybe another landing on the northern coast, but after the failure of Operation Overlord I think a push throught southern France from occupied Italy is moore likely), once Berlin has fallen, but then the soviets will at least get parts of the Benelux and France.

The de-markation line is where the forces meet. If the soviets push hard, this could easily be somewhere in France. Maybe the allies miss this momentum and the soviets take over all of France.
 
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Ah, so your goalpost moving. Yes, as your quote says, German tanks constituted a little under half of specifically tanks were in the west. However, first off, your initial claim was that over 50% of the Panzer forces, a figure which indicates "AFVs" as the word "Panzer" is short for "Panzerkampfwagon" which even non-German speakers tend to know means "Armored Fighting Vehicle" and from a operational-strategic perspective the difference between a tank and a assault gun or tank destroyer is inconsequential, would be freed up for duty in the East.

You're welcome to cite where I moved the goalposts as the only thing I said was Panzer.........which is exactly my source stated. I'd also be very interested in a citation which shows your average person understands Panzer means Panzerkampfwagon and can differentiate between assualt guns, tanks, etc.

Even leaving aside your goalpost shifting on this, the claim is still wrong as the Germans would still be compelled to retain a significant chunk of their formations in the West... either to guard against further landings or to redeploy to Italy. They'd also have suffered some losses repulsing the invasion (particularly to WAllied naval guns), although that's a more minor factor.

No, the German plan was, once the landings were defeated, to go back to focusing on the East; by August it will be abundantly clear the expected landing will have been defeated. The divisions in question were also deployed to France, not Italy nor is that terrain conducive for mass deployment of Panzers, nor does that align with German strategic thinking for 1944. As well, given the most likely means of defeating the Normandy Landings, the Germans would suffer few casualties.

Can’t ship what you don’t have. In terms of transporting what they did have, though, they did... not great, but okay. And they didn’t have much trouble transporting those same forces out to the Eastern Front following the Ardennes offensive's failure.

If you ignore the units that were able to make it; the entire issue with the Konrad operations was a lack of supporting infantry. Can't forget continued logistics issues.

Wiking's post already dealt with this.

Not really, given I was talking about the industrial transportation network.

Largely, it would. There isn’t anything about D-Day failing that would fundamentally alter either Soviet or German planning and preparations for the summer campaign in the east, which all predate it.

And? The pre-made planning is irrelevant to new realities that emerge in the aftermath of the divergence.

Oh, sure you can probably lop around 100 miles off of the gains of Bagration, but that operation ending on the Bug instead of the Vistula makes little difference in the grand scheme of things: Army Group Center would still be destroyed and pre-war Soviet territory almost completely cleared of German forces.

From this position alone, it makes a massive difference because historically the Soviets utilized bridgeheads over the Vistula to do their offensives to reach the Oder and then had to do almost two months of flank clearing and rebuilding the logistics line. Putting them in the situation where they have to do two river crossings and advance across the breadth of Poland probably leads to significant delays if nothing else changes, especially if the Germans do competent defenses on both rivers.

However, everything is changed. With a secured Western front, the aforementioned divisions will be available by August in a fresh state at a time when the Soviets have come forward hundreds of miles and their men and machines are exhausted, a choice victim for a significant counterattack. Rokossovkys 1st Belorussian Front in particular is relatively exposed, and IOTL was subject to some effective counter-attacks by Hossbach. Now imagine an entire Panzer Army Group getting utilized, and it's clear to see some massive damage can be done here. There's also the fact that Bagration kicks off after the failure of the D-Day landings, and numerous things can be done to change the course of that.

The fact that any of the reinforcements would then basically be sucked into patching over the hole left by the destruction of Army Group Center likewise mean the Soviet Baltic and Balkan Campaigns largely goes the same up through to September or October. Over the longer term, the additional German forces which historically were sent west during the autumn and winter of 1944-45 would delay the Soviets until April or May 1945 to take Budapest and July or August to take Berlin, but a few months delay in those cities falling does not change that those cities would still fall.

I see no reason to assume no changes at all happen elsewhere as a result of this. IOTL commanders on the ground in the Balkans were advocating for an evacuation of Bessarabia and Moldavia into the FNB (Focsani-Namoloasa-Braila) line which held significant fortifications as well as was anchored on the natural defensive terrain of the area; the changed nature of this ATL could see this strategy enacted. Most of the historical consensus I've seen on it is that doing so keeps the Axis in control of the Balkans into 1945 on the whole and likely extends the war by six months.

Yeah, this is “the wunderwaffen will save Germany” degrees of thinking. The idea that a improvement in the tactical capability of anti-aircraft guns certainly is gonna be the Reich's salvation despite the fact it means dick all for the general strategic situation is very much in that spirit.

You're welcome to cite where I claimed any of that.

Plus, Wiking has shown that the Germans claims were grossly exaggerated. If the Germans want to have a much better go in the air war in 1945, then a marginal improvement in the killing capacity of their AA guns isn't going to give them that. What they would actually need are hundreds of thousands of tons of aviation fuel and thousands of well-trained pilots. Given that the oil bombing campaign would mostly be unaffected (not to mention the outright loss of Ploesti in August/September and the eastern synthetic refineries at some point in early-'45) and German pilot training program was already in complete tatters, this simply isn't going to happen.

Wiking's research noted that instead of the 350 rounds per shoot down, it was actually somewhere around 1,000-1,500. To put that into context, the average rounds per shootdown required in 1944 was 8,500; by whatever objective metric used, this is a massive increase in effectiveness. For practical effects, this can probably deter entirely or at least the tempo of the bombings of some strategic targets. If, when coupled with the combat deployment of Egerland, effectiveness is increased by much more, the effect will obviously be increased.
 
You're welcome to cite where I moved the goalposts as the only thing I said was Panzer.........which is exactly my source stated. I'd also be very interested in a citation which shows your average person understands Panzer means Panzerkampfwagon and can differentiate between assualt guns, tanks, etc.

Yes you are. You said panzer force’s, which means the armored forces. Then when I pointed out that by the numbers, German panzer force’s deployed to Normandy were half of that in the East you suddenly claim that you were talking only about the tanks and not about the entire armored force. That’s goalpost shifting. Of course, even your source still says that the number of tanks (specifically using that word) in the west was “a little under 50%”, not “over 50%” like you were claiming although that's a minute difference...

No, the German plan was, once the landings were defeated, to go back to focusing on the East; by August it will be abundantly clear the expected landing will have been defeated.

The Germans had no plans. They had vague ideas, which all amounted to delusion, but they had no strategic plan on what to do after the Normandy invasion was defeated. While there would likely be a increase in priority to the East because, well, obviously, this still does not mean every last one of the panzer forces in the west are suddenly going to be transferred to the Eastern Front. Some would continue to remain in the west (as was the case in 1943) and some would go to Italy. Not all would go east, as you are claiming. At absolute maximum, we're looking at 1943... which means that 20% of the panzer forces are still in the west (whether that means Italy or France).

The divisions in question were also deployed to France, not Italy nor is that terrain conducive for mass deployment of Panzers, nor does that align with German strategic thinking for 1944.

So? That the terrain is supposedly not conducive for the mass deployment of panzers didn't prevent the Germans from conducting the mass deployment of panzers there OTL, what with Army Group C having 2 panzer and 4 panzergrenadier divisions, and German strategic thinking for 1944... really didn't exist.

As well, given the most likely means of defeating the Normandy Landings, the Germans would suffer few casualties

While the victorious German forces would likely not be rendered combat ineffective (else they wouldn't have been able to win), the claim that they would suffer few casualties is gross delusionalism which ignores the immense naval firepower and, to a lesser extent, air power which backed up the landings. Beating off the landings would, in reality, be quite a bit bloody for the Germans. Landings in Italy showed that it was very difficult to repel an invasion directly supported by naval gunfire and massed airpower. On the German side, the hope was to throw them back the moment they landed and prevent them gaining a lodgment. Together this would have been a recipe for a colossal meatgrinder, with massive losses on both sides.

If you ignore the units that were able to make it; the entire issue with the Konrad operations was a lack of supporting infantry. Can't forget continued logistics issues.

The units that were able to make it were the units assigned to the assault. Lack of supporting infantry was a consequence of the massive German manpower losses of the past four years depriving them of infantry to use. Many of the logistic issues stemmed from lack of fuel or poor planning, which ITTL is all still going to be the case.

Not really, given I was talking about the industrial transportation network.

Yes, and? So was I. As Wiking said, it didn’t start until December 1944.

And? The pre-made planning is irrelevant to new realities that emerge in the aftermath of the divergence.

Your really revealing a distinct lack of knowledge about the timing and causality of events here. Soviet selection as Army Group Center for the main weight of it's offensive occurred in April of 1944, well before D-Day, and all planning and preparation followed from that initial decision, with D-Day being essentially irrelevant to it. Even the start date of the assault was determined not by D-Day, but by the ability of the Soviets to get everything into place. Likewise, German planning assumed as early as April 1941 the main Soviet blow would strike Army Group North Ukraine (an assumption the Soviets played too in their deception campaign) and from this assumption all subsequent German plans were made. Which means any reinforcements that do get sent East before Bagration kicks off are going to wind up on the wrong part of the Eastern Front to do anything about it until it's too late. There isn’t anything about a realistic PoD that causes Normandy failing which changes any of this nor is the casual connection between D-Day and these events there to argue that the butterflies from D-Day failing would affect it. For that, your fundamentally talking about a separate PoD.

From this position alone, it makes a massive difference because historically the Soviets utilized bridgeheads over the Vistula to do their offensives to reach the Oder and then had to do almost two months of flank clearing and rebuilding the logistics line. Putting them in the situation where they have to do two river crossings and advance across the breadth of Poland probably leads to significant delays if nothing else changes, especially if the Germans do competent defenses on both rivers.

I'm not seeing the supposed massive difference. To begin with: just substitute bridgeheads over the Vistula for bridgeheads over the Bug, as the Soviets would still have those, so the Soviets only have to really cross the Vistula river and the Germans simply don’t have enough forces to seriously defend both any more then they had the forces to do so against the OTL Vistula-Oder Offensive crossing the various rivers in Poland between the Oder and the Vistula. While the IATL equivalent of the Vistula-Oder offensive will then come to a halt around Posen, that still leaves Berlin inside of 250 kilometers from the Soviet frontlines and the Elbe just over 360 kilometers away at a time when a single operational "leap" was 400-500 kilometers. So when the Soviets have finished clearing those flanks and bringing up their logistics, their next offensive will still be the one to take it and carry on to the Elbe... only this time, there will probably be no Anglo-American forces for them to great there. As much as the German general may have made their alternate schemes for defense against the Vistula-Oder out as something that may have made a difference in the post-war period, this was simply delusion on their part. As Robert Citino notes of them:

But in the interests of historical accuracy and fairness, let us note that Xylander's plan was no more realistic then Hitler's. The nation that the proposed Schlittenfahrt or any similar operational stratagem could ward off the dark fate awaiting Army Group A on the Vistula belongs to the realm of fantasy. Consider the words of the German official history. The controversy over the Schlittenfahrt was "irrelevant," the author argues:

"Plans of this sort could not replace the German army's losses in material and personnel or reduce the opponent's superiority, neither on the Vistula nor weeks later on the Oder... On the basis of the numbers alone, the outcome of the upcoming offensive was not in doubt. For the Wehrmacht of the Third Reich, the time for brilliant maneuver was over, since space was lacking. The depth required lay to the east, not west, of the Vistula. Each retreat brought the eastern opponent to the borders of the Reich. The danger loomed of ground operations on the soil of the homeland."

Indeed, like Model and Rundstedt pressing their point with Hitler and Jodl for the "small solution" during the 1944 Ardennes planning cycle, Xylander, Harpe, and Guderian were declaring allegiance to a way of war they had learned in the War Academy and then tested in the field in the early days of World War II: the war consists above all of a series of cleverly designed and boldly executed military operations, devoid of context, politics, or economics.
-The Wehrmacht's Last Stand, Page 428

Rokossovkys 1st Belorussian Front in particular is relatively exposed, and IOTL was subject to some effective counter-attacks by Hossbach. Now imagine an entire Panzer Army Group getting utilized, and it's clear to see some massive damage can be done here.

The Germans may be able to smash the 2nd Tank Army (which was already smashed pretty bad by Model's counter-attack) even worse, but that hardly represents any sort of losses the Soviets can't handle and is a long way from defeating the rest of the 1st Belorussian Front coming up behind them. The idea of inflicting massive damage upon that juggernaut is, once again, Fuhrerbunker delusionalism.

There's also the fact that Bagration kicks off after the failure of the D-Day landings, and numerous things can be done to change the course of that.

So your support for the claim that the Germans can effectively fight Bagration is a thread... which ultimately concludes that the Germans cannot effectively fight Bagration? Compelling... :rolleyes:

I see no reason to assume no changes at all happen elsewhere as a result of this. IOTL commanders on the ground in the Balkans were advocating for an evacuation of Bessarabia and Moldavia into the FNB (Focsani-Namoloasa-Braila) line which held significant fortifications as well as was anchored on the natural defensive terrain of the area; the changed nature of this ATL could see this strategy enacted. Most of the historical consensus I've seen on it is that doing so keeps the Axis in control of the Balkans into 1945 on the whole and likely extends the war by six months.

I haven't seen any historical consensus on how long falling back to the FNB line extends either Axis control over the Balkans or the war in general, but really I don't find it very relevant because, again, you have not presented anything that shows as to why D-Day failing would suddenly cause Hitler to change his operational approach on the Eastern Front and why he would suddenly start consenting to fallbacks in sectors the Germans did not believe were about to be attacked.

You're welcome to cite where I claimed any of that.

That's basically the implication of your post. Indeed, you immediately go onto claim in this very same post that it will have strategic impacts by deterring or altering the tempo of Allied bombings on strategic targets.

Wiking's research noted that instead of the 350 rounds per shoot down, it was actually somewhere around 1,000-1,500. To put that into context, the average rounds per shootdown required in 1944 was 8,500; by whatever objective metric used, this is a massive increase in effectiveness. For practical effects, this can probably deter entirely or at least the tempo of the bombings of some strategic targets. If, when coupled with the combat deployment of Egerland, effectiveness is increased by much more, the effect will obviously be increased.

For practical effects, it means dick all. The WAllies can still pretty much bomb anywhere they choose and not worry about effective interception and they have gross surpluses which can absorb the minute bump in their loss rates this represents.
 
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a USSR that inherits the french navy/royal navy/kriegsmarine is one that's got the maritime projection capability they lacked OTL.

even if they would, which they won't, still not comparable to US naval projection. Especially with everything thrashed. i mean, the US by 1945 has over 30 fleet carriers at sea. The European powers, 9(?).
 
What counts most in this TL is, in my opinion, exactly when Germany surrenders. In OTL, they had lost allmost all of their country, when Berlin finally fell. In a TL, where D-Day fails or the soviets fo better, they will still control western europe when Berlin falls, so its likely that the nazis still fight on. And once they surrender, its just a race for territory (at least of there is no organized peace conference alá Yalta). If they surrender once Berlin has fallen, the german panzers in the west are no threat anymore, and the allies can land without resistance and liberate France. In this case, the border could probably be the Rhine. Or the germans fight on till, say Nuremberg or Frankfurt fall. In this case, the allies will only get (if at all) a part of France.
 
Yes you are. You said panzer force’s, which means the armored forces. Then when I pointed out that by the numbers, German panzer force’s deployed to Normandy were half of that in the East you suddenly claim that you were talking only about the tanks and not about the entire armored force. That’s goalpost shifting.

No, that's not goalpost shifting and we both know it because otherwise you wouldn't have tried that bit with AFVs. I only said Panzer force because that's exactly what my citation said; further, are we now going to be pedantic over calling Panzer Divisons by their names? Because that's your logic here.

Of course, even your source still says that the number of tanks (specifically using that word) in the west was “a little under 50%”, not “over 50%” like you were claiming although that's a minute difference...

Prior to D-Day, yes. The percentage increased after.

The Germans had no plans. They had vague ideas, which all amounted to delusion, but they had no strategic plan on what to do after the Normandy invasion was defeated.

Which is utterly false and contradicted by every serious review of the time period in question. For just one example, German Plans for Victory, 1944-45 by Gerhard L. Weinberg, Central European History, Vol. 26, No. 2 (1993), pp. 215-228

While there would likely be a increase in priority to the East because, well, obviously, this still does not mean every last one of the panzer forces in the west are suddenly going to be transferred to the Eastern Front. Some would continue to remain in the west (as was the case in 1943) and some would go to Italy. Not all would go east, as you are claiming. At absolute maximum, we're looking at 1943... which means that 20% of the panzer forces are still in the west (whether that means Italy or France).

The divisions in question had been stripped from the East and as you already noted Italy already had Panzer Divisions. German thinking over the entirety of late 1943 and early 1944 also called for attention to return to the East after the West had been secured.

So? That the terrain is supposedly not conducive for the mass deployment of panzers didn't prevent the Germans from conducting the mass deployment of panzers there OTL, what with Army Group C having 2 panzer and 4 panzergrenadier divisions, and German strategic thinking for 1944... really didn't exist.

Two divisions constitutes a mass deployment as well sending an additional seven for some odd reason? Be serious.

While the victorious German forces would likely not be rendered combat ineffective (else they wouldn't have been able to win), the claim that they would suffer few casualties is gross delusionalism which ignores the immense naval firepower and, to a lesser extent, air power which backed up the landings. Beating off the landings would, in reality, be quite a bit bloody for the Germans. Landings in Italy showed that it was very difficult to repel an invasion directly supported by naval gunfire and massed airpower. On the German side, the hope was to throw them back the moment they landed and prevent them gaining a lodgment. Together this would have been a recipe for a colossal meatgrinder, with massive losses on both sides.

The only way D-Day can fail is if Ike postpones it until the 18th, which is when the OTL massive Channel storm hit without warning and shut down air support, reinforcements, and resupply for days. Given the miserable spotting conditions and the state the sea was in, NGL was effectively ended as well IIRC.

The units that were able to make it were the units assigned to the assault. Lack of supporting infantry was a consequence of the massive German manpower losses of the past four years depriving them of infantry to use. Many of the logistic issues stemmed from lack of fuel or poor planning, which ITTL is all still going to be the case.

Manpower losses don't explain it away when we had Spring Awakening several weeks later and notice I specifically said logistics not just fuel.

Yes, and? So was I. As Wiking said, it didn’t start until December 1944.

You were already seeing collapses in industrial production by the start of the fall relating to attacks on the transportation network.

Your really revealing a distinct lack of knowledge about the timing and causality of events here.

You're, not your. If you're going to accuse someone of ignornance, at least be grammatically correct in doing so.

Soviet selection as Army Group Center for the main weight of it's offensive occurred in April of 1944, well before D-Day, and all planning and preparation followed from that initial decision, with D-Day being essentially irrelevant to it. Even the start date of the assault was determined not by D-Day, but by the ability of the Soviets to get everything into place. Likewise, German planning assumed as early as April 1941 the main Soviet blow would strike Army Group North Ukraine (an assumption the Soviets played too in their deception campaign) and from this assumption all subsequent German plans were made. Which means any reinforcements that do get sent East before Bagration kicks off are going to wind up on the wrong part of the Eastern Front to do anything about it until it's too late. There isn’t anything about a realistic PoD that causes Normandy failing which changes any of this nor is the casual connection between D-Day and these events there to argue that the butterflies from D-Day failing would affect it. For that, your fundamentally talking about a separate PoD.

Literally nothing in this contradicts anything I've said or speculated upon. We're both well aware of the planning both sides did but said planning is irrelevant in the event of a changed strategic picture.

I'm not seeing the supposed massive difference. To begin with: just substitute bridgeheads over the Vistula for bridgeheads over the Bug, as the Soviets would still have those,

Or, you know, the overstretched Soviets get said bridgeheads eliminated by fresh Panzer forces.

so the Soviets only have to really cross the Vistula river

TIL combat crossing of rivers are easy.

and the Germans simply don’t have enough forces to seriously defend both any more then they had the forces to do so against the OTL Vistula-Oder Offensive crossing the various rivers in Poland between the Oder and the Vistula.

Except for nearly 10 additional Panzer or Panzer grenadier divisions by August or the 500,000 men used in the Ardennes by January.

Also, TIL again that crossing a minor river is the same as crossing the Vistula.

While the IATL equivalent of the Vistula-Oder offensive will then come to a halt around Posen, that still leaves their Berlin within 250 kilometers of the Soviet frontlines at a time when a single operational "leap" was 400-500 kilometers. So when the Soviets have finished clearing those flanks and bringing up their logistics, their next offensive will still be the one to take it. As much as the German general may have made their alternate schemes for defense against the Vistula-Oder out as something that may have made a difference in the post-war period, this was simply delusion on their part. As Robert Citino notes of them:

It was such a delusion that when they actually did the different defensive schemes you saw the Soviets get a bloody nose at Seelowe Heights. As for the operational stretch, when combat operations resume they'll have to break the border fortifications on the 1937 border, clear out Pomerania and Silesia (which IOTL took weeks), then cross another major river and then advance on Berlin. In effect, you've added another operation of the same caliber as OTL Vistula-Oder just to reach the, well, Oder.

The Germans may be able to smash the 2nd Tank Army (which was already smashed pretty bad by Model's counter-attack) even worse, but that hardly represents any sort of losses the Soviets can't handle and is a long way from defeating the rest of the 1st Belorussian Front coming up behind them. The idea of inflicting massive damage upon that juggernaut is, once again, Fuhrerbunker delusionalism.

I'm not talking about just 2nd Tank Army, I'm talking about all of 1st Belorussian. They are the farthest forward, their logistics net is now massively overextended, and their troops and equipment are exhausted and in need of rest. The introduction of a fresh Panzer Army means you could very well see the Germans smash them up entirely and that is something the Soviets cannot afford going into the Fall of 1944.

So your support for the claim that the Germans can effectively fight Bagration is a thread... which ultimately concludes that the Germans cannot effectively fight Bagration? Compelling... :rolleyes:

No such conclusion was reached and it's pretty hilarious we now take single posts as such. Remind me the next time you do a thread to make a single post saying X won't work for some reason and I can thus claim your entire thesis is debunked.

I haven't seen any historical consensus on how long falling back to the FNB line extends either Axis control over the Balkans or the war in general, but really I don't find it very relevant because, again, you have not presented anything that shows as to why D-Day failing would suddenly cause Hitler to change his operational approach on the Eastern Front and why he would suddenly start consenting to fallbacks in sectors the Germans did not believe were about to be attacked.

FNB is well fortified and connected into the local terrain, allowing for an integrated defense along the extent of the Carpathians. By late July, the commanders on scene were requesting to do exactly as I said too, so I'm not sure what you're talking about at the end there. As for the how, again, you've changed the strategic picture entirely; a Hitler focused on the successes of the Western Front and willing to see potential elsewhere could accent to such.

That's basically the implication of your post. Indeed, you immediately go onto claim in this very same post that it will have strategic impacts by deterring or altering the tempo of Allied bombings on strategic targets.

Ah, so in other words you have nothing to cite and thus were indeed making things up. Good to know. :)

For practical effects, it means dick all. The WAllies can still pretty much bomb anywhere they choose and not worry about effective interception and they have gross surpluses which can absorb the minute bump in their loss rates this represents.

This would come as a hell of a shock to the 8th Air Force, given the six month bombing halt over Germany from late 1943 to early 1944.
 
No, that's not goalpost shifting and we both know it because otherwise you wouldn't have tried that bit with AFVs.

No, It's quite transparently goalpost shifting. Indeed, the reason I went to AFV numbers is because I did what any rational person would do and assumed you were referring to German AFVs, seeing as Panzer forces = armored forces = German AFVs. And it is AFV numbers, not tank specifically, that matter here anyways.

I only said Panzer force because that's exactly what my citation said; further, are we now going to be pedantic over calling Panzer Divisons by their names? Because that's your logic here.

Your citation said tanks, not panzers, and in terms of tanks it does seem to fit the numbers I've seen. If it means "armor", which means armored fighting vehicles... well, then it doesn't. And I'm not sure what your on about with the panzer divisions, as those divisions also included other AFVs beside tanks (indeed, some of the panzer divisions by 1944 only had tank destroyers and assault guns). I mean, if your trying to claim that 50% of the panzer divisions were in the west... well, that's rather obviously wrong given that the Germans deployed 7 panzer divisions to Normandy and another 2 to Italy. The corresponding number on the Eastern Front at the time of Bagration was 16. Including PanzerGrenadier Divisions adds another 7 in the east, the 4 in Italy I mentioned, and 2 elsewhere.

Prior to D-Day, yes. The percentage increased after.

Doesn't fit with what the numbers say. Between D-Day and the end of July, the number of tanks deployed to Normandy comes out to about 1,500. This is roughly the same as that deployed in the east throughout this period.

Which is utterly false and contradicted by every serious review of the time period in question. For just one example, German Plans for Victory, 1944-45 by Gerhard L. Weinberg, Central European History, Vol. 26, No. 2 (1993), pp. 215-228

Reading through, I see nothing cited about actual plans. It says plenty about the German assessments, but assessments are not plans. It also makes rather clear that by all evidence all of the German assessments were delusional, with the only one which approached reality being British war weariness but even there it elaborates that with hindsight we can see that even this expectation was grossly overblown, so it makes for a rather poor foundation to rest your claims on.

The divisions in question had been stripped from the East and as you already noted Italy already had Panzer Divisions. German thinking over the entirety of late 1943 and early 1944 also called for attention to return to the East after the West had been secured.

Return of attention? Sure. Return of every last panzer and panzergrenadier division? Hardly. Hitler is likely to see this as the opportunity to maybe drive the WAllies from Italy, so down do some of the panzer divisions go to Italy... possibly with some delusional offensive thrown in there. Additionally, even with the immediate landing defeated, the Germans would still be acutely aware that WAllied air and naval supremacy means they could theoretically try another landing at any time and thus be compelled to retain some of those divisions in the west.

Two divisions constitutes a mass deployment as well sending an additional seven for some odd reason? Be serious.

Two divisions? The numbers I gave come out to six divisions, unless you live in some sort of world where 2+4=2. And where did I say the Germans would send another seven? I expect they'd send another few, but all seven would likely be gross overkill in Hitler's eyes.

The only way D-Day can fail is if Ike postpones it until the 18th, which is when the OTL massive Channel storm hit without warning and shut down air support, reinforcements, and resupply for days. Given the miserable spotting conditions and the state the sea was in, NGL was effectively ended as well IIRC.

It's not the only way D-Day can fail, but here I was figuring we were talking about the IOTL D-Day.

Manpower losses don't explain it away when we had Spring Awakening several weeks later and notice I specifically said logistics not just fuel.

Spring Awakening? Which also failed catastrophically in large part due to lack of infantry and fuel and... well, everything else? How does that in anyway contradict the idea that manpower losses led to a shortage of infantry? In fact, the fact that Spring Awakening was able to take place just a few weeks later rather contradicts your claims about the collapse of German transport network, since that network was needed to shift those German forces from the western front to the eastern front in the such a short timespan.


If one looks at individual sectors, one can find falls in German industrial production dating back to the very beginning of the war. On the whole, though, German industrial armaments output kept climbing until December 1944... and only then did it start to collapse. And again, the transport campaign was but one factor in a whole bunch that are still as applicable IATL as they were IOTL.

You're, not your. If you're going to accuse someone of ignornance, at least be grammatically correct in doing so.

I see we're reaching the part where you can't actually summon up coherent points about the actual arguments and have to just nitpick the other sides grammar.

Literally nothing in this contradicts anything I've said or speculated upon. We're both well aware of the planning both sides did but said planning is irrelevant in the event of a changed strategic picture.

Then clearly you lack reading comprehension: by the time D-Day occurred, the decisions have already been made and the planning flowed from those decisions, not vice-versa. So no, the planning is not irrelevant (especially since the strategic picture post-D-Day failing is really no different then the strategic picture pre-D-Day failing) and you've basically given no reason as to why the planning going to change other then because you say it will.

Or, you know, the overstretched Soviets get said bridgeheads eliminated by fresh Panzer forces.

Yes, yes. The German ubermensch are suddenly going to succeed at something they've conspicuously failed to do for the past year despite operating at similar levels of numerical overkdisadvantage. And surely, Steiner's counter-attack will relieve Berlin any day now. :rolleyes:

TIL combat crossing of rivers are easy.

The Soviets certainly made it look easy enough, given the huge number of river crossing operations they conducted in 1943-45 that the Germans comprehensively failed to defeat or even contain.

Alternatively they could just drive over them. By January-February 1945, the Bug and Vistula is frozen solid in a lot of places.

Except for nearly 10 additional Panzer or Panzer grenadier divisions by August or the 500,000 men used in the Ardennes by January.

So in other words: odds with which the Germans tended to lose in 3-4 days IOTL 1945.

Also, TIL again that crossing a minor river is the same as crossing the Vistula.

Pretty much is when you can rapidly bounce the crossing sites with fast moving mobile forces fresh into the exploitation. Terrain only matters when the troops are there to defend it.

It was such a delusion that when they actually did the different defensive schemes you saw...

The defenses totally collapse inside of 4 days and the defenders completely eradicated while inflicting losses that didn't even scratch the Soviet's overall strength.

… the Soviets get a bloody nose at Seelowe Heights. As for the operational stretch, when combat operations resume they'll have to break the border fortifications on the 1937 border, clear out Pomerania and Silesia (which IOTL took weeks), then cross another major river and then advance on Berlin. In effect, you've added another operation of the same caliber as OTL Vistula-Oder just to reach the, well, Oder.

When the operations resume, the Soviets will overwhelm, encircle, and annihilate the German forces in Pomerania and Silesia (which will honestly be the biggest delay compared to OTL), push through the unmanned border fortifications, cross the undefended Oder, and advance on Berlin. The Soviets easily overran the German border fortifications IOTL and that was for the same reason as they were able to smash across the Vistula so easily: German forces just didn't have the strength to hold them.

I'm not talking about just 2nd Tank Army, I'm talking about all of 1st Belorussian. They are the farthest forward, their logistics net is now massively overextended, and their troops and equipment are exhausted and in need of rest. The introduction of a fresh Panzer Army means you could very well see the Germans smash them up entirely and that is something the Soviets cannot afford going into the Fall of 1944.

So basically Fuhrerbunker delusionalism. The bulk of 1st Belorussian that had moved up to the Bug-Vistula region was still perfectly capable of holding their ground as, unlike the spearheads, they had maintained coherency and mutual support during their advance and when the German counterattacks which had driven in the spearheads pushed on to try and throw back the rest of the front, that bulk stopped them stone-dead with a dogged anti-tank defense in depth. Even with reinforcements from Normandy, the whole of 1st Belorussian Front is still going to massively outweigh the counter-attacking Germans and while they may be able to push in the forward spearheads even better then they did IOTL, their still going to founder on the vast follow-on formations with far more men, tank, and artillery then they can deal with. This is without consider that coming up beside 1st Belorussian is 2nd Belorussian and 1st Ukrainian Fronts, who add another million-and-a-half men, tens of thousands of more guns and mortars, and thousands of more AFVs that the Germans are going to have to deal with if they want to inflict a reverse serious enough for the Red Army to really feel it.

No such conclusion was reached and it's pretty hilarious we now take single posts as such. Remind me the next time you do a thread to make a single post saying X won't work for some reason and I can thus claim your entire thesis is debunked.

Huh? Yes it was. It's clear you didn't actually read the thread, otherwise you would have seen the posts towards the end there by not just me but Julian and Seleceus. Maybe you could try and actually muster a response to the points raised, but that seems too difficult for you for some reason.

FNB is well fortified and connected into the local terrain, allowing for an integrated defense along the extent of the Carpathians... As for the how, again, you've changed the strategic picture entirely; a Hitler focused on the successes of the Western Front and willing to see potential elsewhere could accent to such.

Again, you've not posited any real connection between D-Day's failure and why Hitler is so suddenly wholesale changing his entire operational methodology on the Eastern Front. You just say he'll do because D-Day failed but provide no causality whatsoever. Until you do, you're really just blowing smoke. If anything, I'd imagine that D-Day failing would reinforce Hitler's inclination that he is always right and his generals always wrong, since he predicted that D-Day would surely fail, and thus cause him to double down on holding every inch of ground in the east.

By late July, the commanders on scene were requesting to do exactly as I said too, so I'm not sure what you're talking about at the end there.

Which does not indicate they were expecting an immediate offensive. On the other hand, the day before over a million men and a thousand tanks fell upon his forces, the German general in charge of the sector reported he only expected a minor attack by small forces...

Ah, so in other words you have nothing to cite and thus were indeed making things up. Good to know.

Huh? What's there to cite? Anyone can go back and read your posts on this very thread and you talking about how it's gonna radically change the air war in Germany's favor and will cause the WAllies to suddenly stop bombing important strategic targets. That's very much claiming major alterations to the German strategic situation.

This would come as a hell of a shock to the 8th Air Force, given the six month bombing halt over Germany from late 1943 to early 1944.

Seeing as that halt wasn't imposed by German AAA, so what? Is the new shell suddenly going to summon up the thousands of trained pilots the Germans had in 1943 and the fuel expended in that?
 
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Faced with Soviet Europe though, America would not have a policy of containment because containment already failed. The logical response of such an America would be to fortify the Western Hemisphere. I don't think America in this scenario would be in the least interested with helping Britain maintain her colonial Empire.

I do see Britain seizing the French colonial empire before they inevitably lose it though.
 
Faced with Soviet Europe though, America would not have a policy of containment because containment already failed. The logical response of such an America would be to fortify the Western Hemisphere. I don't think America in this scenario would be in the least interested with helping Britain maintain her colonial Empire.

I do see Britain seizing the French colonial empire before they inevitably lose it though.

I don't think retreating into the Western Hemisphere will be seen as possible for some of the following reasons.

1) In OTL the US thought it could afford to undervalue the Soviet threat because the Soviets were in Central Germany not on the Atlantic coast of France. Having open ports in Western Europe and the shipbuilding capacity (however damaged by war) of europe would be an apparent and ready threat. Previously the US thought they could afford to stay away from European affairs because on the Eastern half of the Atlantic we were guarded by the French Army and the Royal Navy. Once France fell in OTL the US lost it's shit and congress passed the Two Oceans navy act which exponentially increased the size of the USN.

2) Abandoning Asia, the unoccupied parts of Europe and Africa would potentially give the Soviets substantially more resources then the western hemisphere could ever muster. America would see it as giving the Soviets all of the resources, industry, and manpower of three entire continents versus the Americas.

3) Economically the US couldn't afford to just allow most of the world to fall into communist hands. US business interests would suffer horrendously and it would incredibly damage the US economy long term.

In this world the US will be even more dedicated to containment and possibly rollback. It doesn't really have many other options.

I don't know how the US would deal with the former European colonial empires. Maybe some with enough support could maintain themselves (Say the French in Algeria) but for the most part they just aren't going to be sustainable without the Metropoles. The fastest to fall would probably be the Dutch in the Dutch East Indies. Even without the conquest of the islands by the Japanese the local Dutch garrison, administrators, and colonists are so substantially out manned by the locals it's not funny.

My guess is the US tries to appease both the Colonial governments and the locals by trying to sponsor devolution of power and various standards of gradual independence (some very gradual and some almost instant from necessity) with perhaps some sort of attempts at international groups to bind together the former colonies such as something like the French attempt at the French Union but with obviously greater local control.
 
1. Once the Soviets get through Poland, the Germans will begin moving stuff out of France and Italy and back into Germany. The Alps and Rhine form good defensive lines. The Germans keep lighter forces there while the struggle against the slavic invaders. At that point, the US, Brits, Canucks, and Free French find it relatively easy to retake Northern Italy and France.

2. If I am wrong about #1, the Soviets can probably hold on to all of Germany. But it's nearly impossible for them to keep France and Italy in their orbit. Mind you, they couldnt keep Yugoslavia and even Romania exercised a fair amount of autonomy at times later on.

3. For point #2, the French and Italians form socialist governments. Mix trade with UK, US, and eastern bloc. The French will find it hard to remain an autocracy because, well, they find it hard to remain any one style of government. And there is no way they will put up with the Soviets occupying their country in perpetuity. The Italians could go any number of ways but it will be relatively easy for them to go the way of Yugoslavia.

4. Germany has a much harder recovery. I can actually imagine the Soviets balkanizing Germany back into a form that resembles the 18th century. A decentralized Germany is easier for them to manage and less risk to the Soviets if autonomy emerges.
 
No, It's quite transparently goalpost shifting. Indeed, the reason I went to AFV numbers is because I did what any rational person would do and assumed you were referring to German AFVs, seeing as Panzer forces = armored forces = German AFVs. And it is AFV numbers, not tank specifically, that matter here anyways.

No, it's not at all as any rational observer would realize. The entire crux of your argument is that I said "Panzer forces"......exactly as my source stated. When you brought up AFVs I corrected you by posting the source.

Your citation said tanks, not panzers, and in terms of tanks it does seem to fit the numbers I've seen. If it means "armor", which means armored fighting vehicles... well, then it doesn't. And I'm not sure what your on about with the panzer divisions, as those divisions also included other AFVs beside tanks (indeed, some of the panzer divisions by 1944 only had tank destroyers and assault guns). I mean, if your trying to claim that 50% of the panzer divisions were in the west... well, that's rather obviously wrong given that the Germans deployed 7 panzer divisions to Normandy and another 2 to Italy. The corresponding number on the Eastern Front at the time of Bagration was 16. Including PanzerGrenadier Divisions adds another 7 in the east, the 4 in Italy I mentioned, and 2 elsewhere.

Then cite sources. This is a debate, that's how this works.

Reading through, I see nothing cited about actual plans. It says plenty about the German assessments, but assessments are not plans. It also makes rather clear that by all evidence all of the German assessments were delusional, with the only one which approached reality being British war weariness but even there it elaborates that with hindsight we can see that even this expectation was grossly overblown, so it makes for a rather poor foundation to rest your claims on.

The first example from the work in question I saw:
Plans and preparations for offensive operations in the West were not limited to the air. At sea the Germans anticipated the employment of new types of submarines to turn the Battle of the Atlantic once more in their favor. The Allied victory against the U-Boats in May 1943 was to have been reversed in the fall of that year by new defensive devices for German submarines and by the introduction of a new torpedo, but these measures were recognized as inadequate by November 1943. Only en tirely new types of submarines that could both stay under water without surfacing to recharge their batteries and move under water at speeds high enough to overtake convoys and escape the escorts, would be up to the tasks of breaking the Allied lifeline across the Atlantic and of restoring the stranglehold on Allied strategy that the steady net loss of shipping had created until the fall of 1943. The Germans had greatly overestimated the effectiveness of their prior submarine campaign and do not appear to have realized that by the late fall of 1943 the Allies were building more tonnage than they were losing; however, all the evidence points to genuine concern in Britain and the United States over the new submarine types being developed and built

As for planning specifically devoted to the matter at hand, from Bagration 1944:

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Return of attention? Sure. Return of every last panzer and panzergrenadier division? Hardly. Hitler is likely to see this as the opportunity to maybe drive the WAllies from Italy, so down do some of the panzer divisions go to Italy... possibly with some delusional offensive thrown in there. Additionally, even with the immediate landing defeated, the Germans would still be acutely aware that WAllied air and naval supremacy means they could theoretically try another landing at any time and thus be compelled to retain some of those divisions in the west.

No, they were well aware of the requirements to do a major oceanic landing and would quickly realize the losses suffered as well as Ike's likely resignation that this was the main effort of 1944.

Two divisions? The numbers I gave come out to six divisions, unless you live in some sort of world where 2+4=2. And where did I say the Germans would send another seven? I expect they'd send another few, but all seven would likely be gross overkill in Hitler's eyes.

No, they do not come out to six unless you're unable to tell the difference between a Panzer and Panzergrenadier division.

It's not the only way D-Day can fail, but here I was figuring we were talking about the IOTL D-Day.

The only way the landings could fail is if Ike moved it back to the 18th. The sheer firepower advantages of the landings combined with Rommel not around to order immediate counter-attacks in force means the IOTL landing could not be defeated.

Spring Awakening? Which also failed catastrophically in large part due to lack of infantry and fuel and... well, everything else?

And thus undermines your argument, yes. Seriously, please have some consistent to your points.

How does that in anyway contradict the idea that manpower losses led to a shortage of infantry? In fact, the fact that Spring Awakening was able to take place just a few weeks later rather contradicts your claims about the collapse of German transport network, since that network was needed to shift those German forces from the western front to the eastern front in the such a short timespan.

If by some "few weeks" you mean nearly three months later, sure.

If one looks at individual sectors, one can find falls in German industrial production dating back to the very beginning of the war. On the whole, though, German industrial armaments output kept climbing until December 1944... and only then did it start to collapse. And again, the transport campaign was but one factor in a whole bunch that are still as applicable IATL as they were IOTL.

As my source stated, you were seeing collapses by August; citations are now needed from you.

I see we're reaching the part where you can't actually summon up coherent points about the actual arguments and have to just nitpick the other sides grammar.

Physician, heal thyself:

Your really revealing a distinct lack of knowledge about the timing and causality of events here.

Then clearly you lack reading comprehension: by the time D-Day occurred, the decisions have already been made and the planning flowed from those decisions, not vice-versa. So no, the planning is not irrelevant (especially since the strategic picture post-D-Day failing is really no different then the strategic picture pre-D-Day failing) and you've basically given no reason as to why the planning going to change other then because you say it will.

Then you clearly lack logical reasoning. The planning is irrelevant in of itself, no one has disputed that it's already been made, just that it is meaningless. The Soviets already had Bagration ready, yes; however, now the circumstances it is waged can and will be massively different than it was IOTL. For example, a Hitler distracted by the situation in the West might be a Hitler less inclined to countermand orders in the East to initiate withdraws. If we don't believe that happens and Bagration stays exactly like OTL, come August 1st Belorussian gets a big surprise when an entire Panzer Army slams into them.

Yes, yes. The German ubermensch are suddenly going to succeed at something they've conspicuously failed to do for the past year despite operating at similar levels of numerical overkdisadvantage. And surely, Steiner's counter-attack will relieve Berlin any day now.

So in other words you can't refute my points? :)

The Soviets certainly made it look easy enough, given the huge number of river crossing operations they conducted in 1943-45 that the Germans comprehensively failed to defeat or even contain.

Sure if you leave out the proviso they didn't do major river crossings; they utilized pre-established bridgeheads across the river to do offensives. You really love to ignore inconvenient details when it suits you.

So in other words: odds with which the Germans tended to lose in 3-4 days IOTL 1945.

TIL old men and young boys untrained and unequipped are the same as two Panzer Armies and a Infantry Army.

Pretty much is when you can rapidly bounce the crossing sites with fast moving mobile forces fresh into the exploitation. Terrain only matters when the troops are there to defend it.

TIL the Soviet supermen don't need logistics

The defenses totally collapse inside of 4 days and the defenders completely eradicated while inflicting losses that didn't even scratch the Soviet's overall strength.

TIL again old men and young boys doing a last ditch defense on a small area are the same as Panzer armies defending a fortified river line.

You're really bad at this.

When the operations resume, the Soviets will overwhelm, encircle, and annihilate the German forces in Pomerania and Silesia (which will honestly be the biggest delay compared to OTL), push through the unmanned border fortifications, cross the undefended Oder, and advance on Berlin. The Soviets easily overran the German border fortifications IOTL and that was for the same reason as they were able to smash across the Vistula so easily: German forces just didn't have the strength to hold them.

The reason they overran them IOTL was because the Germans were largely smashed up along the Vistula due to improper positioning and then they didn't have time to re-position forces. Here, that won't happen.

So basically Fuhrerbunker delusionalism. The bulk of 1st Belorussian that had moved up to the Bug-Vistula region was still perfectly capable of holding their ground as, unlike the spearheads, they had maintained coherency and mutual support during their advance and when the German counterattacks which had driven in the spearheads pushed on to try and throw back the rest of the front, that bulk stopped them stone-dead with a dogged anti-tank defense in depth.

Namely because Hossbach didn't have the fresh forces on hand to lay the skewer on them. There's a pretty big difference between what he had IOTL and suddenly getting reinforced with nearly 10 divisions of Panzers and Panzergrendiers.

Even with reinforcements from Normandy, the whole of 1st Belorussian Front is still going to massively outweigh the counter-attacking Germans and while they may be able to push in the forward spearheads even better then they did IOTL, their still going to founder on the vast follow-on formations with far more men, tank, and artillery then they can deal with. This is without consider that coming up beside 1st Belorussian is 2nd Belorussian and 1st Ukrainian Fronts, who add another million-and-a-half men, tens of thousands of more guns and mortars, and thousands of more AFVs that the Germans are going to have to deal with if they want to inflict a reverse serious enough for the Red Army to really feel it.

It's notable you said absolutely nothing that refutes my points and instead just mindlessly quoted TOE. Let's recap, shall we?

1) All Soviet forces are exhausted, they've been in constant combat and advance for nearly two months.
2) Their logistics net is at the breaking point.
3) By July 5th, they had less than 700 tanks; by your own numbers, the Germans divisions pulled from the West will have over twice as many tanks.
4) Their rifle divisions are 63-85% understrength.

IOTL it took nearly six months for any major offensives on this axis to resume. I'm most eager to hear how your Soviet superman survive with no logistics, exhausted, and outnumbered in tanks with massively depleted rifle units.

Huh? Yes it was. It's clear you didn't actually read the thread, otherwise you would have seen the posts towards the end there by not just me but Julian and Seleceus. Maybe you could try and actually muster a response to the points raised, but that seems too difficult for you for some reason.

As I said, remind me when you post a thread so I can post in it and thus claim your entire thesis is wrong because that's exactly the logic here. It also says a lot about your ability to debate that you've consistently thrown out underhanded insults through this debate without addressing the point at hand. Not only is that now how you debate, it basically screams you have no ability to refute the points at hand.

Again, you've not posited any real connection between D-Day's failure and why Hitler is so suddenly wholesale changing his entire operational methodology on the Eastern Front. You just say he'll do because D-Day failed but provide no causality whatsoever. Until you do, you're really just blowing smoke. If anything, I'd imagine that D-Day failing would reinforce Hitler's inclination that he is always right and his generals always wrong, since he predicted that D-Day would surely fail, and thus cause him to double down on holding every inch of ground in the east.

My assertion has never been he changes his entire method of fighting. I have suggested that, in the wider events of a failed D-Day, he overlooks or is more inclined to allow the localized withdraws to proceed. Failing that, and I'm content to accept nothing could change in so far as how the German defense is carried out, Hitler's strategic reasoning come August would be valid. With the Western Allies thrown back in the sea, transfers of forces can be done in order to allow for a major counter-attack on exhausted Soviet formations.

Which does not indicate they were expecting an immediate offensive. On the other hand, the day before over a million men and a thousand tanks fell upon his forces, the German general in charge of the sector reported he only expected a minor attack by small forces...

Because it's irrelevant. The German 6th Army was caught out in the open and destroyed; such won't happen if they've pulled back into well fortified positions.

Huh? What's there to cite? Anyone can go back and read your posts on this very thread and you talking about how it's gonna radically change the air war in Germany's favor and will cause the WAllies to suddenly stop bombing important strategic targets. That's very much claiming major alterations to the German strategic situation.

Take in note, dear audience, when challenged he has to deflect because we both know he can't prove what he claimed when called out for it.

Seeing as that halt wasn't imposed by German AAA, so what? Is the new shell suddenly going to summon up the thousands of trained pilots the Germans had in 1943 and the fuel expended in that?

TIL Flak can't shoot down planes for some reason.
 
TIL Flak can't shoot down planes for some reason.

the reason is fairly simple,shooting big ass canons in the vague direction of bombers is an horrible way of downing them. It was always the Luftwaffe with really held the line against strategic bombing,the FLAK even with the utterly absurd level of production and manpower allocated to it never stood a chance.
 
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