Renovatio Imperii
"The Age of Gloire: Europe in the long 18th Century" by Giovanni Marquez
To put it mildly, Christendom was worried by the arrival of Mughal ships and princes in European ports, and while many elites welcomed the opportunity for riches offered by employment in the Mughal apparatus or through their own manufacturing businesses in India, this view was hardly shared by all. The idea that pagans and moors were frequent guests at the courts of Christian princes was scandalising, if not to the enlightened elite, then at least to a great many pious masses. The fear of the anti-Christian spectre, threatening Christendom from the east, the south and now even the west was simply too much to bear. On occasion, these fears resulted in outright violence, such as the much embellished Eid Massacres in Valencia, 1718, when at least 34 Muslim traders from Barbary and India were massacred when they attempted to broadcast the call to prayer. Growing numbers of writers were calling for Christian solidarity, a united leadership who could finally expel the Turk from Europe and hopefully, the world. The most obvious focus for these hopes, was of course the Holy Roman Empire.
Perhaps a quick look at the long duree will prove enlightening- at least the approach of Abbe de St. Pierre, the most articulate of neo-imperialists, hinged on it. In his “Projet Pour Rendre La Paix Perpetuelle En Europe” (Project to Render Perpetual Peace in Europe), he investigated in 18 volumes, with the last published in 1723, why the Empire was Christendoms best hope, and how those hopes could be realised.
For convenience’ sake, mention will only be made here of the most popular formulation of his Projet. He postulated that the Kingdom of Germany was in fact a separate entity from the Holy Roman Empire, which everyone agrees also includes the Kingdom of Bohemia and of Italy. Further, he resurrects the pan-European dimension of the Imperial office, claiming that it is the responsibility of the Emperor to mediate between Christian monarchs to prevent war between Christians. For him, based upon late antique and early medieval understandings, the Empire is an institution common to all Christians, headed symbolically by the Emperor.
As a Frenchman, St. Pierre of course is at pains to make clear the emperor should have no ordinary influence in the internal affairs of the French monarchy- however, he maintains that it is necessary that a superior power be present to prevent abuses of kingly power. The problem this floundered on in the past was that the emperor himself was often far more concerned with his own kingly authority as King of Germany than wider European peace, and as he was not accountable to any pan European assembly paralleling the Reichstags role in the Kingdom of Germany, the Kingdoms were drawn to independence. While the idea of Universal Monarchy was common, French writers generally tended to imagine that Peace in Europe could only be achieved under the Couronne de la France, so St. Pierre was forced to justify why the German King should be Emperor. Of course he briefly mentions Translatio Imperii whether undertaken by papal authority, the authority of the Roman population or sheer military force, but it is really in passing and the crux of his argument lies in the unique qualities of the Reichstag.
The ideal of the Emperor as Policeman of Europe had lapsed in the later medieval period, but an example of a successful Imperial brokerage of peace included Maximillian II helping end the Dano-Swedish war of 1563-70. He notes the numerous times the Reichstag as a collective body had offered to broker peace between European princes. Already, since the Permanent Reichstag had begun, most European monarchies were represented by envoys within the Reichstag, able to informally influence proceedings, making the body the closest thing to an international congress Europe had. The kings of France, Great Britain, Poland, Prussia, Sweden, Denmark, Germany, Bohemia, and Sardinia were represented in the Reichstag through possession of fiefs with imperial immediacy, and Spain also possessed fiefs within the Kingdom of Italy, associating them too with the Empire. The Reichstag was confessionally mixed, and thus its very existence was a testament to Christian unity- unlike other kingdoms, should the Kingdom of Germany head the Imperial order, it would not be in service of any particular confession. As was well known, he says, the Germans had never been a single nation. From the Frankish era, it had been acknowledged that Germany was comprised of multiple nations, including the Bavarians, Saxons, Alamanni and others, evidenced by each group having its own code of laws. The Reichstag thus proved that many nations could work together so closely that despite religious disunity, they could present a common front while maintaining princely liberties and preventing tyranny of the Emperor. Further from the strategic point of view, the German kingdom was best placed to maintain European peace due to its central position.
Nonetheless, St. Pierre acknowledges that the Reichstag of the Kingdom of Germany was not sufficient to draw all Europe into the association he so craved, by which means the Turk and Moor could finally be subjugated once and for all. For that more would be needed.
The Imperial Commonwealth as St. Pierre imagined it would be headed by the King of Germany, whoever he might be, deriving from his possession of the German kingship- this would additionally confer on him automatically Italian Kingship. Italian governance itself would be reconstituted on the model of the Reichstag, however resulting from the stronger position of the Italian princes vis a vis the king, the Italian king would possess little in the way of formal power. The Diet of Princes, which would remain permanently in session, would serve to coordinate common economic policies in as much as princes thought it profitable to cooperate, apportion military burdens, and send representatives to Imperial assemblies.
Within the structure of the New Empire, the Emperor would preside but mainly in a ceremonial capacity. Initiative would lie with the council of Envoys, with one envoy for each Kingdom who had joined the Empire, apart from the Kingdom of Germany, which as a result of its pre-eminence would have the right to send two representatives elected by the Reichstag, as well as the representative sent by the Kingdom of Bohemia, chosen by the Emperor. While each kingdom would be able to conduct its own foreign policy in normal circumstances, should a supermajority of two thirds or three quarters (St. Pierre is unsure of the exact number, he leaves it up for discussion upon the actual creation of the New Empire) veto military action by a member state, they could combine their influence to maintain peace. In exchange for this reduction in sovereignty, states received a guarantee that should they be attacked, the empire as a whole would ensure their territorial indivisibility, with the Council of Envoys apportioning the burden as befit the situation.
The main purpose of this whole endeavour, apart from the self evident benefits of peace and the guaranteeing of liberties of the weaker states of Europe was to open the door to a Universal Crusade. In the face of growing demands for tribute from a Barbary backed by India, many European writers grew increasingly hostile to the existence of Barbary, either demanding that its ports should once again by seized by the Iberians, or that it should be conquered outright, to deprive India of its means of meddling in European affairs, and to ensure proper cultivation of such fertile lands. As Barbary threatened piracy against unlicensed shipping, this qualified them as enemies of the peace, and justified war to remove their threat. The Turk too should be exterminated and chased out of Europe and Africa and Asia- a task St. Pierre assures the reader is easier than it seems. This plan was lauded by many acclaimed thinkers, including Voltaire, von Lillenfield and even the Marquis D’Argenson, foreign minister to Louis XV, who praised St. Pierre as “a Greek sage of our times”.
A further side of this ideology, though not one St. Pierre troubled himself with, was concerned with Catholic reform, one of the great matters of the 18th century. While the Papacy and its more enthusiastic supporters were confined within a discourse of absolute authority, this merely served to make them seem ever more ridiculous and irrelevant. While Urban VIII had had one of the grandest baroque courts in Europe, he had left the papacy bankrupt and its subjects rebellious. The average age of the six popes elected between 1721 and 1758 was 72, with Clement XII conducting his entire reign blind and bedridden. As the quality of popes declined, they found their enemies were no longer Protestant heretics but Catholic renegades. As ideas grew that the Emperor should shoulder more responsibility for Christendom, many began to assign to that office primacy in the Catholic world, while other favoured the creation of more national French style churches, directly in service of the monarch. Rome itself was seen as bereft of virtue, and its most influential European visitors came not in the hope of spiritual guidance but in the hope of seeing its ruins before it decayed into nothingness. Many Protestants gleefully predicted that the Papacy as an institution would end before the century closed. Even as a centre of Catholic pilgrimage, Rome nearly lost its primacy as the Ottoman state and the Patriarchate of Jerusalem worked to promote that city as the primary Christian pilgrimage, with all the troubles that entailed.
In Spain, the kingdom of the Catholic Monarchs, the Papacy had alienated the Bourbons by supporting the Habsburgs in the war of Spanish Succession, and as a result Philip V had cut diplomatic ties with Rome from 1709 onwards. While some Spaniards worried they were in the same situation as England in the days of Henry VIII, others welcomed the opportunity for change. One such group, bizarrely, was the Jesuit order which had previously been noted for their pro Papal attitudes, which the Spanish government used to govern parastates in the Americas, and recently in Africa too, for the Jesuits had invested a huge amount of effort into creating reductions in the Kingdom of Kongo which had collapsed falling the abandonment of its capital San Salvador. It was through Jesuit action that the Kingdom maintained any semblance of unity and political organisation- once again marking the irreverent attitude towards the Papal boundaries proclaimed in Tordesillas, as even though the Spanish monarchy had no formal power in the congo, its informal influence skyrocketed and Spanish replaced Portuguese as the European language that Kongolese nobility learned.
Until 1734 ,every Maundy Thursday, the Bull in Coena Domini was intoned, threatening excommunication for any attack on papal privileges. Though long contested, they had not yet been abandoned, as the Grand Duke of Tuscany discovered when he forced all communications from Rome to undergo his personal approval in 1734. While a medieval pope would have been able to mobilise princes against this brazen move, the 82 year old Clement XII proved friendless. On the contrary, his adversary proved overwhelmed with support as Louis XV seized papal enclaves in France, the Spanish king seized enclaves in Naples. In 1739, on the accession of Luis I, the Crown went even further and in the Concordat of that year, gained control of essentially all church lands in Spain. In Castile, this amounted to about a seventh of all cultivated land.
In Coena Domini was never proclaimed again.
While Catholic reform could have conceivably occurred without any effect on the Empire as an institution, it mixed with that movement in those manifestations that emphasised universal church councils as being more important than national councils- the common drive to return to the early church did after all emphasise the role of Emperors in calling and presiding over these councils. As late as the 15th century, when the Emperor’s transnational authority had been rejected in almost all quarters, it was conceded by some authors that should a pope prove unfit or unable to call a universal church council, that duty fell to the emperor. With the more representative currents that grew from the “Projet Pour Rendre Paix”, where the Emperor is primus inter pares of Christian kings, many authors proposed that the Emperor, when backed by a majority of Catholic kings, had the right to call and preside over a universal church council, but that each monarch could call a national council as it pleased them. Whatever happened, reformists were agreed that the Papacy was an outdated institution that should only serve as symbolic figurehead of the Catholic church.
Needless to say, there was endless disunity over how the plan should be carried out- should protestant kingdoms be allowed to join? Should larger kingdoms have more votes than smaller ones? Should Spain’s viceroyalties be counted as separate kingdoms? Should Spain’s or Britain’s constituent kingdoms, so newly abolished, be counted as separate for these purposes? Should kingdoms be forced to join, or should it be completely voluntary? If it was voluntary, would the project be crippled by opposition from larger kingdoms that abstain from joining? Would it be more successful in the goal of renewing the catholic faith and subjugating the infidel than measures taken by individual kingdoms? Should Monarchs submit at all to any dissipation of their sovereign authority, granted to them by God? It was this discourse that dominated the first half of the 18th century, with everyone and their mother either being vociferously for or against some or all of this Project.
Significantly, it was Charles Albert of Bavaria who really ran with this reformist vigour, patronising people like John Jacob Moser, who was instrumental in winning over the prince-bishoprics and smaller imperial estates, and providing a conceptual framework that distinguished his candidacy from that of the House of Lorraine, where Francis Stephen was more orthodox and less willing to potentially turn France against him by indicating that he would attempt to force the French crown to submit to an organisation headed by the Emperor, if not the Emperor himself. That France supported Charles Albert came as a shock to some, and indicated either that Louis XV did not believe the Bavarian would have the political skill to establish the Imperial Commonwealth, that he did not believe he could force France to submit to it, or that he thought France could use it to further her own interests. In any case, once he had won the Imperial Crown and relocated his court to Vienna, Charles Albert was mostly busy reconciliating those who had supported the Lorraine candidacy, sorting out his precarious finances and dealing with Antioch Khantemir’s bid for primacy in the Balkans- now that he had exiled his sister-in-law Maria Theresa to be Queen of Hungary, would familial and religious ties draw him to aid her in retaking Transylvania, or would he risk international infamy by attempting to oust her from Hungary too?
As it was, he would not get the opportunity to fulfil the promise of Renovatio Imperii, as he died just as the 9 Years War began. For serious reform attempts to begin, with every step contested and many tactical retreats, Europe would have to wait for his son, Emperor Maximillian III of House Habsburg-Wittelsbach to ascend to the throne.
So, we have our first proper update in a while! I'm mainly focusing on the ideological changes, because you cant really look at political changes without looking at the intellectual context those changes happened with. Catholic reformism is a lot stronger ITTL, because the fear of a resurgent Barbary and Islamic visitors puts greater emphasis on keeping society free from heretical impurities- it also increases the common ground between Jesuits and Jansenists etc, who OTL proved too intolerant of each others doctrines to allow catholic reformism to succeed in Spain.
There are still quite a few hooks that should provide some ideas about whats going on in the world, but mostly i'd like to leave you guys with questions. Do you think this imperial proto EU has a shot? Do you guys have any speculation on what might happen in the 9 years war? By this point, the novelty of Mughal visitors has worn off, and what's left might not be too friendly.