Al Grito de Guerra: the Second Mexican Revolution

The trick here, it depends in HOW and WHEN its released "Cacho's Box", if this happens before the US elections. And more importantly, the effect in the US population.

If the timing its correct in the revelation of the fact that the Mexican President its in cahoot with the Narco Cartels of Mexico, the first effect, its that Bush's run for a second period it will be pretty much NUKED.

George Bush in fact, if he has a semblance of sanity, in not trying to harm his party further, and admit that he fucked up royally by supporting the Mexican President and Government and other stuff. . . .In this case, the only SANE choice, its to step down, and carry the blame of the mishandling of Mexico, in order to not further smear the Republicans beyond what would have been already.

However, "Cacho's Box" leaves us with an interesting quandary. One would think that this would benefit Clinton. However if you think it, the population and MANY politicians, in many cases from those states most affected for the sharp increase of drug traffic, would if anything DEMAND action and firm measures rather than anything resembling negotiation with the Mexicans, and would call for a "Second War in Drugs" both inside and in the Frontier.

With Bush stepping down, suddenly the Republican Vote , has a SINGLE target. Moreover, the more right-aligned Democrat vote, would DEMAND action and between Perot or Clinton's baseline campaigns, exposed to the sudden retire of the Republican Candidate, Perot's message would spread like fire in a dry field, and would certainly appeal to the American voter that wanted a decisive leadership in front of the sudden crisis to the south.

The point, is if Clinton could project an image of decisive action and firm leadership in a point where the voter felt like if the US was like a ship adrift, or he couldn't show this against an immensely energized Perot candidacy, what would be likely carrying the Republican vote, and convince the mid and right Democrat vote that a new leader it was needed in the current situation.....
I'll try not to derail a story centered on Mexico too much with much more personal pontificating on what is and is not possible in the US 1992 election. I will say, come now, which US Presidents can you name who ever, going into the next election when they were legally eligible to run again, threw up their hands and recused themselves in favor of their party coming up with a new candidate? Note that prior to FDR, it was a strong tradition that no one try for more than 2 terms in informal respect to George Washington's example (and the outcome of FDR breaking that tradition was an Amendment formally imposing a two term limit!) so various 19th and eary 20th century Presidents such as say Calvin Coolidge would not really count; clearly if Americans thought it proper normally for a President to serve three or more terms 1928 would have had no problem "keeping Cool With Coolidge" another term (of course Silent Cal dodged a bullet there by retiring!)
So when ever does a sitting President who would either traditionally or legally expect another term run to be customarily and legally open to them, stand down for the good of their party?

I can name just two, not counting cases like Coolidge's--Harry Truman in 1952 and Lyndon Johnson in 1968. And Truman's case is a stretch--certainly he was legally allowed to go for a third term, since the Amendment barring anyone else from doing so had a special provision exempting whoever was President when it passed, and that was Truman. As far as the Constitution goes Truman could have kept getting reelected right through the last election before he dropped dead, which was in the early 1970s. But while he had not quite served two entire terms, he had served all but the first month or so of FDR's final term won in 1944, and an entire term in his own right, so pushing for a third term would have put him into "violating the Washington example" territory even if the national outlook had made his final term look rosy and wonderful. In fact of course he was facing quite a meltdown, what with the Korean War which caught him flat-footed and a general surge of McCarthyism; ironically I believe by late 1952 the Keynesian effect of that very same Korean War along with a general opening of the floodgates of military spending, plus the tightened labor market due to young men being drafted for that same war all meant that the US economy was zipping along pretty well. But people were in a deep mood of backlash against 20 years of Democratic ascendency, and Truman lost Democratic leadership of the House again in 1950 and was hardly able to push the sort of New Deal Part II legacy he was aiming for. (According to a biography of him I have read, he also personally felt the Presidency was a burden, and clung to in 1948 mainly out of a dogged New Deal idealism that told him if he gave up, Dewey would roll back much of New Deal and certainly not extend it as Truman wished to. But he still wrote in his diary that any man who wanted this job had to be crazy. I don't personally think he was posturing about that, it's one of the reasons I love him so much). So 1952 was clearly no Democrat's year even before it was known Eisenhower would be the Republican nominee--the Democrats did try to get Stevenson elected but it was a pretty foregone race; they would hardly have done worse and might even had done better if Truman had tried for a third term after all. He certainly would not get it!

So this leaves just Lyndon Johnson as the only real example of a President who could have run for another term but stepped down in order to give his party a real shot at winning when that was in fact possible. In fact Humphrey lost to Nixon by a very slim margin--possibly Nixon would have done better in 1968 and won a clear popular vote majority, if George Wallace had not run as well. But it is also possible some people voting for Wallace would support Humphrey instead and perhaps without Wallace maybe it would have been Humphrey who won...so it was definitely possible for some Democrat or other to win in '68, and again just maybe if LBJ had doggedly stuck to getting nominated and running, perhaps that Democrat might even have been him, though his negatives probably make this ASB improbable.

So this business of "I must step down after my term ends and let some other candidate of my party win untainted by my bad legacy" seems a little bizarre to me; who does this really? Just LBJ! In a vague way Nixon resigning in favor of Jerry Ford might be stretched into a third example, but it is far stretch because Nixon actually resigned from office before--years before--his term expired.

But stretching in all three as examples for Bush to follow, what did it gain the President's party in any of these three cases to issue such mea culpas? In all three cases, the outcome was the other party won the next election anyway. Ford came very close to being elected to be sure, but I don't think you'd say Bush should go so far as to resign in favor of Dan Quayle, and I think aside from any questions about Quayle's own viability on personal merits or lack thereof, Quayle would have seemed even more joined at the hip to Bush than Hubert Humphrey was to LBJ.

Bush will not in fact resign; the Republican party will not abandon him. Their very best shot at retaining the White House would be to deny any culpability and blame any nastiness about Mexico entirely on Bartlett alone, just as OTL neither Bush nor any Republican (nor for that matter any Democrat anyone was listening to) blame themselves for either Saddam Hussein's bad acts or more parallel to Mexico, Manuel Noreiga's in Panama. Never mind that both of these Big Bads were in fact very much creatures of Reagan and Bush policy support right up to the moment they were suddenly declared rouge devils. The policy of pretending US hands were clean and the administration shocked, shocked, shocked I tell you that they could be such bad bad men is exactly what happened OTL, and it seems sure to me to be exactly what Bush will do, with the Republicans in lock step behind him (those who don't defect to Perot anyway) and for that matter, moderate Democrats of the "bipartisan uber alles" school. Machiavelli would surely approve; there is no percentage in Bush admitting the slightest guilt in the matter. Gracefully refraining from a second run would be such an admission implicitly, and any Republican faction suggesting Bush ought to stand down in favor of some other Republican candidate would be scorned for breaking ranks for that reason. They will try to brazen it out, is my prediction.

I don't think our author intends a US invasion of Mexico before November '92, but that would be much more likely an outcome than Bush passing the baton to some other Republican.

Certainly an open scandal about the Mexican cartels and their top level support might be all the pretext Perot needs to throw his own hat in the ring, but he will be defying a Republican party closing ranks around Bush.

Whereas, if Bush did resign or simply indicate he would not run again, that might be enough to get Perot to hold off and sit it out too, depending on who shaped up to the frontrunner for the R nomination; then we are back to a straight D v R race, and given how Clinton or a Clinton clone teetered in the close balance, but still came out of it tipped to win even if by razor thin margins without Perot in the race, it seems clear that major scandal of this kind would only serve to guarantee a Democratic win.

Bush and his advisors surely realize that.
 
I'll try not to derail a story centered on Mexico too much with much more personal pontificating on what is and is not possible in the US 1992 election. I will say, come now, which US Presidents can you name who ever, going into the next election when they were legally eligible to run again, threw up their hands and recused themselves in favor of their party coming up with a new candidate? Note that prior to FDR, it was a strong tradition that no one try for more than 2 terms in informal respect to George Washington's example (and the outcome of FDR breaking that tradition was an Amendment formally imposing a two term limit!) so various 19th and eary 20th century Presidents such as say Calvin Coolidge would not really count; clearly if Americans thought it proper normally for a President to serve three or more terms 1928 would have had no problem "keeping Cool With Coolidge" another term (of course Silent Cal dodged a bullet there by retiring!)
So when ever does a sitting President who would either traditionally or legally expect another term run to be customarily and legally open to them, stand down for the good of their party?

I can name just two, not counting cases like Coolidge's--Harry Truman in 1952 and Lyndon Johnson in 1968. And Truman's case is a stretch--certainly he was legally allowed to go for a third term, since the Amendment barring anyone else from doing so had a special provision exempting whoever was President when it passed, and that was Truman. As far as the Constitution goes Truman could have kept getting reelected right through the last election before he dropped dead, which was in the early 1970s. But while he had not quite served two entire terms, he had served all but the first month or so of FDR's final term won in 1944, and an entire term in his own right, so pushing for a third term would have put him into "violating the Washington example" territory even if the national outlook had made his final term look rosy and wonderful. In fact of course he was facing quite a meltdown, what with the Korean War which caught him flat-footed and a general surge of McCarthyism; ironically I believe by late 1952 the Keynesian effect of that very same Korean War along with a general opening of the floodgates of military spending, plus the tightened labor market due to young men being drafted for that same war all meant that the US economy was zipping along pretty well. But people were in a deep mood of backlash against 20 years of Democratic ascendency, and Truman lost Democratic leadership of the House again in 1950 and was hardly able to push the sort of New Deal Part II legacy he was aiming for. (According to a biography of him I have read, he also personally felt the Presidency was a burden, and clung to in 1948 mainly out of a dogged New Deal idealism that told him if he gave up, Dewey would roll back much of New Deal and certainly not extend it as Truman wished to. But he still wrote in his diary that any man who wanted this job had to be crazy. I don't personally think he was posturing about that, it's one of the reasons I love him so much). So 1952 was clearly no Democrat's year even before it was known Eisenhower would be the Republican nominee--the Democrats did try to get Stevenson elected but it was a pretty foregone race; they would hardly have done worse and might even had done better if Truman had tried for a third term after all. He certainly would not get it!

So this leaves just Lyndon Johnson as the only real example of a President who could have run for another term but stepped down in order to give his party a real shot at winning when that was in fact possible. In fact Humphrey lost to Nixon by a very slim margin--possibly Nixon would have done better in 1968 and won a clear popular vote majority, if George Wallace had not run as well. But it is also possible some people voting for Wallace would support Humphrey instead and perhaps without Wallace maybe it would have been Humphrey who won...so it was definitely possible for some Democrat or other to win in '68, and again just maybe if LBJ had doggedly stuck to getting nominated and running, perhaps that Democrat might even have been him, though his negatives probably make this ASB improbable.

So this business of "I must step down after my term ends and let some other candidate of my party win untainted by my bad legacy" seems a little bizarre to me; who does this really? Just LBJ! In a vague way Nixon resigning in favor of Jerry Ford might be stretched into a third example, but it is far stretch because Nixon actually resigned from office before--years before--his term expired.

But stretching in all three as examples for Bush to follow, what did it gain the President's party in any of these three cases to issue such mea culpas? In all three cases, the outcome was the other party won the next election anyway. Ford came very close to being elected to be sure, but I don't think you'd say Bush should go so far as to resign in favor of Dan Quayle, and I think aside from any questions about Quayle's own viability on personal merits or lack thereof, Quayle would have seemed even more joined at the hip to Bush than Hubert Humphrey was to LBJ.

Bush will not in fact resign; the Republican party will not abandon him. Their very best shot at retaining the White House would be to deny any culpability and blame any nastiness about Mexico entirely on Bartlett alone, just as OTL neither Bush nor any Republican (nor for that matter any Democrat anyone was listening to) blame themselves for either Saddam Hussein's bad acts or more parallel to Mexico, Manuel Noreiga's in Panama. Never mind that both of these Big Bads were in fact very much creatures of Reagan and Bush policy support right up to the moment they were suddenly declared rouge devils. The policy of pretending US hands were clean and the administration shocked, shocked, shocked I tell you that they could be such bad bad men is exactly what happened OTL, and it seems sure to me to be exactly what Bush will do, with the Republicans in lock step behind him (those who don't defect to Perot anyway) and for that matter, moderate Democrats of the "bipartisan uber alles" school. Machiavelli would surely approve; there is no percentage in Bush admitting the slightest guilt in the matter. Gracefully refraining from a second run would be such an admission implicitly, and any Republican faction suggesting Bush ought to stand down in favor of some other Republican candidate would be scorned for breaking ranks for that reason. They will try to brazen it out, is my prediction.

I don't think our author intends a US invasion of Mexico before November '92, but that would be much more likely an outcome than Bush passing the baton to some other Republican.

Certainly an open scandal about the Mexican cartels and their top level support might be all the pretext Perot needs to throw his own hat in the ring, but he will be defying a Republican party closing ranks around Bush.

Whereas, if Bush did resign or simply indicate he would not run again, that might be enough to get Perot to hold off and sit it out too, depending on who shaped up to the frontrunner for the R nomination; then we are back to a straight D v R race, and given how Clinton or a Clinton clone teetered in the close balance, but still came out of it tipped to win even if by razor thin margins without Perot in the race, it seems clear that major scandal of this kind would only serve to guarantee a Democratic win.

Bush and his advisors surely realize that.

But remember, there is one factor you have not considered: Pat Buchanan.

Obviously, he is not going to win, but he has the potential one huge slap to Bush Sr. if the scandal gets bad enough.
 
But remember, there is one factor you have not considered: Pat Buchanan.

Obviously, he is not going to win, but he has the potential one huge slap to Bush Sr. if the scandal gets bad enough.
But that would be a lot like Ted Kennedy, or his boosters (I was in high school at the time and not closely following who prompted who to do what exactly) back in 1980 threatening, or being promoted, to run against Jimmy Carter and primary him out. Yeah, Buchanan might try it, but it won't result in Bush being primaried out; it may well do a lot of damage and help explain how some Democrat, perhaps even a weaker candidate than Bill Clinton, gets elected in '92, but if the Republican ship goes down, it goes down with Bush at the helm I would expect. (And Buchanan winning the R nomination would hardly be a sure fire win for the R's either).

Even without Perot jumping out of the bushes and mugging whoever is the Republican candidate is (and it would be insanely bizarre if it were not Bush!) it is the Democrats' year by any conventional wisdom. Sheer party fatigue alone makes a second term for Bush dicey even if times seem pretty good come fall of '92; on top of that the economy almost certainly cannot plausibly be good; on top of that even if Mexico does not explode as a story los Yanquis care about, the general mood is shaky internationally. The TL seems to have traded open trauma such as the Gulf War with a nervous uncertainty. The Soviet Union is gone and the Communist party going down...but the President of whatever the Russian system calls itself nowadays is still Mikhail Gorbachev, so how confident are people the Cold war is actually over really? Saddam Hussein did not invade Kuwait...yet. (Perhaps if the USA gets good and engaged in Mexico he'll take the opportunity while we are distracted).

So Russia is sitting there trembling and needs to be watched. Iraq is sitting there shaking and muttering and needs to be watched. Mexico of course is shaking and rattling, just across the border, and needs to be watched. It is not actually necessary for any of them to actually blow before the first Tuesday in November '92, just the tension of waiting for one of them to do that is enough to make people nervous and irritated.

If Perot does jump out roaring, it will mainly hurt Bush not the Democrat.

Meanwhile I've given a sense of scale of what it would take for Perot to actually win himself. Clever political bank shots might lead to shaving some large number of percentage points off the necessary margins to put Perot over the top, but some long time before that first as noted he acts as a spoier, mainly picking up OTL Bush voters.
 
But that would be a lot like Ted Kennedy, or his boosters (I was in high school at the time and not closely following who prompted who to do what exactly) back in 1980 threatening, or being promoted, to run against Jimmy Carter and primary him out. Yeah, Buchanan might try it, but it won't result in Bush being primaried out; it may well do a lot of damage and help explain how some Democrat, perhaps even a weaker candidate than Bill Clinton, gets elected in '92, but if the Republican ship goes down, it goes down with Bush at the helm I would expect. (And Buchanan winning the R nomination would hardly be a sure fire win for the R's either).

Even without Perot jumping out of the bushes and mugging whoever is the Republican candidate is (and it would be insanely bizarre if it were not Bush!) it is the Democrats' year by any conventional wisdom. Sheer party fatigue alone makes a second term for Bush dicey even if times seem pretty good come fall of '92; on top of that the economy almost certainly cannot plausibly be good; on top of that even if Mexico does not explode as a story los Yanquis care about, the general mood is shaky internationally. The TL seems to have traded open trauma such as the Gulf War with a nervous uncertainty. The Soviet Union is gone and the Communist party going down...but the President of whatever the Russian system calls itself nowadays is still Mikhail Gorbachev, so how confident are people the Cold war is actually over really? Saddam Hussein did not invade Kuwait...yet. (Perhaps if the USA gets good and engaged in Mexico he'll take the opportunity while we are distracted).


I think the ITTL economy is even worse, partly because of the troubles south of the border. So Bush Sr. is in an even more precarious situation. Buchanan wining more primaries would be pushing Bush even closer to the edge.
 

I think the ITTL economy is even worse, partly because of the troubles south of the border. So Bush Sr. is in an even more precarious situation. Buchanan wining more primaries would be pushing Bush even closer to the edge.
But while the tougher primary challenge might be damaging, compounding a worse ground situation, I still can't see it unseating sitting President Bush. Again the basic ideological logic here is that repudiating Bush is an admission of guilt, that bad things happening currently are in fact the fault of Republicans. It will not do then to say "ah, but that was the wrong kind of Republican, elect Buchanan and we'll have the right kind of Republican and it all gets better!" Any such admissions of weakness feed into Democratic and Perot's prospects alike.

So are you saying that the poor economic situation combined with Bush's disarray, possibly blown open by something nasty (nastier, really) happening regarding Mexico puts Perot into office? Indeed Perot might perform better than OTL, assuming he runs at all, as I recall NAFTA was a major talking point in his campaign...but also he had issues with Bush generally, so perhaps his running is a shoo-in no matter how many butterflies stampede? Now if Bush did resign, that might keep Perot from throwing his hat in the ring--though if the sequence were Perot gets fed up and announces he is running, then Bush quits, I imagine that would encourage Perot--''look, I've got the whole Republican party on the ropes!" Perot was not a fanatical anti-Republican to be sure, but clearly he had some considerable ego, and wouldn't you be encouraged if the mere announcement of your run seemed to cause a sitting President to fold? The rationalization being "Quayle is just Bush's pet Irish setter, so my reasons for running still hold even if Bush himself has gratifyingly quit." But the reality would at that point be ego..."I can win this!" But if Bush quit well before Perot said anything pointed on the subject of the '92 race, Perot might just relax and lose interest and focus on his business.

But Bush is not going to quit, I'd bet. No matter what happens up to and including global thermonuclear war, he's in it to the bitter end. So given that, I suppose Perot is likely. And the worse Bush does, the better Perot does.

But as I think I have shown, the better Perot does, the better whoever the Democrat is does. It is possible perhaps to nerf the Democratic candidacy by putting up the wrong Democratic candidate; OTL clearly one reason Clinton did as well as he did was his comfortableness for Southern voters. But I think we can easily overestimate that factor and even the general wisdom of collapsing to the center which DLC type Democrats pushed--basically, be Reagan Lite. As Dukakis was striving for with is claims he would be a more "competent" President, which boiled down in context to saying he would be a Reaganite with incremental touches of judicious liberalism here and there. But I think that while it is possible a different Democrat, even one who combined a more uncompromising liberalism (if you could find such a standard bearer among the party leadership at this late date! Jerry Brown tried to be it OTL in this race) with a definitely not Southern aspect that perhaps would be grating instead of soothing to key demographics OTL, could erode the Democratic baseline position somewhat, so that with no Perot perhaps Bush would win with OTL's basic considerations, it is still the Democrats' time. Lots of people on quite different sides are prepared to vote Democratic no matter who gets the nomination because lots of people on opposite sides of many important internal quarrels agree that its their damn turn already, after 12 years--Bush would have to have delivered some very solid good times for lots of people to override the basic "it is the Democrats' year" factor. The slightest dark clouds are enough to rain out Bush's parade, Perot or no Perot. And every vote Perot wins does more to hurt Bush than whoever the Democrat is. In the South I am willing to believe there are people who favored Clinton over Perot because they were traditionally Democrats, and Clinton stroked their comfort zone two ways, as a Southerner and as a "moderate," but might jump ship for Perot if confronted with a non-Southerner who seemed pretty radical to them. But I certainly doubt most traditional southern Democrats would jump that easily, yet. They'll forgive some Yankee or Californian being the candidate (after all, the last D President was the only one ever from really deep in the South!) and take a wait and see attitude about the radicalism, looking forward to their party being the one in charge again at long last, I think. Meanwhile we have to consider that if a different Democratic nominee might lose them votes in some sectors, it is likely also to pick up some support not so strong OTL from other sectors, so any deterioration an alternate D candidate might suffer in the South can be offset--indeed there is a possibility that even in the South, some of the hypothetical desertion by some traditional Democrats might be countered with people who perhaps sat out the election OTL showing up to vote for Democrat X. It might be worth dwelling on the South because part of what enables a person to be elected President is to prevail in more states than the other guy, so any factor that causes entire regions to tend to go mushy is pretty serious for that campaign. And specifically talking about Perot, anything that improves his strength in the South, where he was weak OTL, is significant for him.

Still I remain convinced, even if the Democrats objectively shoot themselves in the foot, the smart money is on them limping across the finish line of EV firstest with the mostest even so; up to a point, every vote Perot wins just improves the performance of whatever Democrat over Bush--beyond that point, Perot will start taking EV back from the Democrat, but he has to help the Democrat stomp Bush into oblivion first.

So at most I expect the legacy in this TL might be that Perot does a lot better, say 25 or even 30 percent of the PV, wins serious numbers of EV, and is really hated by the Republicans, and is in an excellent position to run again in 1996--but Democrat X still comes out well ahead and well beyond 270 EV.
 
So at most I expect the legacy in this TL might be that Perot does a lot better, say 25 or even 30 percent of the PV, wins serious numbers of EV, and is really hated by the Republicans, and is in an excellent position to run again in 1996--but Democrat X still comes out well ahead and well beyond 270 EV.
Please let me dream of a potential Perot victory. I don't want my dreams to be dreams.
 
President Perot would not end well, IMO. His lack of political experience, possible mental health issues, and the vague base of support he worked with (not to mention his weakly formed political positions) are not the things good Presidencies are made of.

That said, I think the Dems will still win the Presidency. If it gets out that the American-backed President of Mexico is in neck-deep with the drug cartels, it will be a political disaster of nightmarish proportions for the administration.
 
As for who inherits the Liberal leadership from Turner, I wasn't going to focus much on Canada for the rest of this TL, so I'll just go ahead and tell you: my plan was for Paul Martin to come out on top since his biggest enemy is out of the running, then loses the election of 1997 while Masse's majority decreases by only 6 or 7 seats, thus breaking the 18-year curse of no Canadian governments being re-elected.
Yeah, fair! Sorry, I think I got a little carried away; it's just cool to see the TL's ripples continue to expand and impact the rest of the world more and more. The Mexican focus is what makes it so unique and engaging, but the glimpses of the outside world help 'ground' it (for lack of a better term) for me.

And congrats on your move!
 
President Perot would not end well, IMO. His lack of political experience, possible mental health issues, and the vague base of support he worked with (not to mention his weakly formed political positions) are not the things good Presidencies are made of.

That said, I think the Dems will still win the Presidency. If it gets out that the American-backed President of Mexico is in neck-deep with the drug cartels, it will be a political disaster of nightmarish proportions for the administration.

I honestly think that a President Perot would really be a mixed bag.

Lincoln once said that the true test of a man's character is to give him a seat of power. To me, it means that power brings out both the best and worst aspects of ourselves.

Lincoln's political sharpness and humanism were enhanced by the Presidency, as were his extreme depression and his tumultuous family life.

Nixon, when given power, saw his insecurities and selfishness bubble to the surface like crazy. The man couldn't be happy despite winning one of the biggest landslides in America's history.

Perot, if given power, would no doubt crumple under the political spotlight due to his paranoia. But I also believe his good qualities, his technocratic viewpoints and desire to invest in America's future, would also shine through.
 
Part 18: 1992 United States presidential election
As 1991 dawned and election season began once again, the question on many Americans’ minds was not whether George Bush would lose re-election, but rather which Democrat he would lose to. His term had widely been deemed subpar: the economy was mediocre, and America’s lackluster performance in the Gulf War was seen as an embarrassment to a President who had campaigned heavily on his foreign policy credentials. Despite Bush’s unpopularity, however, several Democratic heavyweights hesitated to declare their candidacies out of fear that Mario Cuomo, the immensely popular Governor of New York, would enter the race and sweep them all aside. But in November, after FBI investigators uncovered a drug-smuggling ring within the New York City Police Department headed by corrupt NYPD officer Michael Dowd, [1] Cuomo announced that he would not be running for President so that he could address his state’s growing problems with drug abuse and corruption.

Within two weeks of Cuomo’s announcement, five high-profile Democrats threw their hats into the ring and began campaigning feverishly. However, they were at a disadvantage to the candidates who had been in the race since the spring—especially former Massachusetts Senator Paul Tsongas, who, despite being described as a “long-shot candidate” by the New York Times, instantly became the frontrunner when he won the New Hampshire primary in February. Tsongas initially saw a strong challenge from Arkansas Governor Bill Clinton, but Clinton’s campaign fell behind after reports surfaced of an extramarital affair between him and actress Gennifer Flowers. Clinton hoped he could stage a comeback by sweeping the South as a favorite son, but this strategy only drew concerted attacks from the other southern candidates, particularly Chuck Robb and Bob Graham, [2] allowing Senator Tsongas to take the lead while his opponents bickered amongst themselves.

With the southern moderates busy tearing each other to pieces, Tsongas had all the momentum as the impetus of the primaries shifted north. It was believed that the union strongholds of the Midwest would serve as a stumbling block for Tsongas, who was unpopular among organized labor. But, to many pundits’ surprise, the labor vote fractured three ways, with black union members overwhelmingly supporting Jesse Jackson while white union members broke evenly for George Mitchell and Bill Bradley. Tsongas, by contrast, had a monopoly over the white-collar middle class, increasingly embodying the role of the moderate, “new Democrat” which Clinton, Robb and Graham had tried to appropriate for themselves. Tsongas would go on to win a narrow first place in Illinois and a close second in Michigan, and after he took New York by a sizable margin in April, many news outlets began to view him as the likely nominee; Nebraska Senator Bob Kerrey still challenged him in the Plains, but by late May, Tsongas had amassed enough delegates to form a narrow majority. In a matter of months, the former Senator from Massachusetts had gone from long-shot candidate to presidential nominee. Not everything would go quite so splendidly for the Tsongas campaign, however—his first choice of running mate, Senator Henry Cisneros, declined the offer, intending to serve out his Senate term before moving on to any higher political office. A disappointed Tsongas instead picked Senator Kerrey, who was formally ordained as vice-presidential nominee at the Democratic National Convention in July.

CisnerosDNC92.png


Southern, Hispanic, socially moderate, fiscally progressive and an engaging speaker, Henry Cisneros was everything Paul Tsongas wasn’t. While he had no interest in being Tsongas’s running mate, Senator Cisneros happily agreed to formally nominate Tsongas at the Democratic National Convention, giving a well-received speech that criticized President Bush for not standing up to the authoritarian regime of Mexican President Manuel Bartlett.

Things were hairier on the Republican side. President Bush saw an unexpectedly strong primary challenge from conservative pundit Pat Buchanan, who lambasted Bush for breaking the promise he’d made in 1988 not to raise taxes. Though he won no statewide contests, Buchanan did manage to win over more than a quarter of Republican primary voters nationwide, [3] causing Bush to fear that the party’s conservative base was abandoning him. Indeed, after Buchanan’s insurgent run fizzled out, many suburban Republicans shifted their support to Tsongas, seeing him as the candidate more likely to hold taxes down without bowing to pressure from the religious right. Early polls put Tsongas well ahead of Bush, with almost a ten-point lead at the end of July.

Under normal circumstances, Tsongas might have been declared the frontrunner right then and there. This time, however, here was a new dog in the race—a candidate who claimed allegiance to no party, large or small. This man had never held elected office, but the American people had known his name for decades as that of a professional wave-maker, a man unafraid to call out corporate and governmental subterfuge whenever and wherever he saw it. In a success-studded career stretching back decades, he had made headlines time and time again by exposing malfeasance, negligence and corruption on the part of powerful figures in both the public and private sectors. This had netted him many enemies over the course of his career, but that hardly mattered to him as he watched the major parties’ nomination processes play out with growing disdain. And when he finally gathered enough signatures to appear on the ballot in thirty-two states, there would be no stopping the populist tide: Ralph Nader was running for President. [4]

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Ralph Nader's independent candidacy embodied popular disillusionment with the two-party system, which many Americans believed had failed to provide political solutions to the nation's problems. His statements on drug policy soon became rallying cries for progressive activists, particularly as narcotic use became a pandemic spreading out across the nation.

With Philadelphia Mayor Wilson Goode as his running mate and workers’ rights, universal healthcare and electoral reform at the top of his agenda, Nader set off across the country, giving a series of speeches in packed venues in which he slammed the two-party system and claimed that the major candidates were indistinguishable in terms of policy. The Tsongas campaign fought fervently against this charge, but many progressive voters couldn’t help but see Nader’s point—after all, Tsongas and Bush did seem to agree on a remarkable array of issues: Tsongas wanted to lower the capital gains tax, and so did Bush; Tsongas had frequently spoken out in favor of a balanced budget, and so had Bush; and Tsongas had repeatedly described himself as “pro-business”, a label which every Republican President from Abraham Lincoln to Ronald Reagan would have worn with pride and gusto. The Tsongas/Kerrey ticket's lead soon shrank to five percent, just in time for accusations to emerge that Senator Kerrey, a Vietnam veteran, had knowingly killed several Vietnamese women and children while serving in the Army in 1969. [5] No sooner had Kerrey denied those allegations than questions began to surface over whether or not Senator Tsongas truly was free of the lymphoma that had pushed him out of the Senate eight years prior. By October, the race was neck-and-neck, just in time for the drug issue to spin out of control and dominate the last month of the presidential campaign.

Drug abuse rates had already been high for much of Bush’s presidency, but they suddenly exploded in the summer of 1992, and by autumn they were beginning to reach terrifying new heights. A report by the Los Angeles Times found that fatal overdose rates had more than doubled since 1989, and between July and October, DEA agents discovered half a dozen illicit, cartel-run storehouses, each located near a major city and containing up to $312 million worth of cocaine, marijuana, heroin or amphetamines. President Bush advocated imposing harsh criminal punishments as a deterrent to drug use, while Tsongas blamed Bush for the crisis but stopped short of calling for reduced sentences for non-violent drug offenses, fearing he would alienate his newfound conservative base by appearing “soft on crime”. Nader, however, used his opponents’ responses against them, alleging that “tough on crime” was just an excuse to preserve draconian drug laws that unfairly discriminated against African-Americans. Tsongas soon found himself slipping even further in the polls as urban voters—particularly urban black voters—began to suspect he was throwing them under the bus for the sake of a bunch of rich, white suburbanites. As election day hurtled ever closer, it began to seem as though, for the second time in four years, George Bush would win an all-expenses-paid stay in a large, white house by narrowly edging out a sanctimonious Greek from Massachusetts.

To this day, some Democrats bitterly persist that Tsongas could have won the election had Nader not siphoned so may progressive votes away from him. Nader, for his part, stubbornly rejects these allegations, arguing that if Tsongas had really wanted to win, he should have run a better campaign. Yet, even if Mayor Goode’s presence on the ticket did manage to win over just enough Philadelphians to throw Pennsylvania’s 23 electoral votes to President Bush (without which he would have been one shy of the coveted 270), most political analysts have concluded that what really sunk Tsongas was the low turnout—the lowest recorded turnout, in fact, for any presidential election in American history—which itself was brought on by a general sense of dissatisfaction and disenchantment with the political system at large. President Bush would spend another four years the White House, but only because the people were too exhausted and disillusioned to throw him out.

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For a certain subset of the Democrats, Tsongas’s loss was particularly biting because 1992 was supposed to be their year. Ever since Walter Mondale’s ignominious flop against Ronald Reagan in 1984, a clique of moderate southerners including Clinton, Robb, Graham, and many others had been itching to pull the Party to the center, win back the South and and break the Republican lock on the White House. Their moment had come, but they had tripped over each other in their eagerness, and when Tsongas had tried to mimic their policies, rather than reuniting the New Deal Coalition behind a glorious banner of centrism and moderation, he had succeeded only in alienating one of the Party’s most important voter blocs. Before Bush had even been sworn in for his second term, some had already begun desperately searching for a suitable nominee for 1996, a mystery candidate who could appeal to southerners, northerners, city-dwellers and minorities all at once and bring the Democratic Party back from its decade-and-a-half-long stint in the woods.

Meanwhile, now that he knew he would have another four years at the helm, Bush set about trying to find a lasting solution to the drug issue. It was common knowledge that Mexican cartels had a near-monopolistic grip over the American drug market, and while Bush had refused to meet personally with Mexican President Manuel Bartlett during the election campaign (he feared it would damage his popularity to be photographed standing next to an authoritarian leader), now that he was safely re-elected, Bush immediately arranged an official state visit to Mexico. On November 28, 1992, Air Force One touched down at Benito Juárez International Airport with a stern-looking George Bush in tow, intending to extract some serious promises from Latin America’s newest and most notorious strongman.
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[1] In OTL, the incredibly corrupt NYPD Officer Michael Dowd wasn't arrested until 1992. With the sheer volume of drugs moving through New York City in TTL, Dowd's activities are noticed earlier and his ring of corrupt officers is exposed in 1991.
[2] In OTL, neither Robb nor Graham ran because they believed Bush was unbeatable.
[3] In OTL, Buchanan won less than 25% of the nationwide vote.
[4] You’re probably wondering why Ross Perot hasn’t entered the race yet. Well, his motivation to run in OTL was his opposition to NAFTA and his wariness of the example set by the Gulf War, which he feared would lead to more U.S. involvement in global conflicts. In TTL, the Gulf War’s less triumphant air means that interventionism has become far less popular a philosophy in the United States, and there has certainly been no NAFTA for obvious reasons. In addition, by the time Perot even starts to consider running, Nader has already occupied the role of the anti-establishment independent candidate. So, despite his dislike of President Bush, Perot doesn't sense a place for himself in the race and decides not to run for President.
[5] This incident, also known as the Thanh Phong raid, came out in 2001 in OTL. Kerrey says he thought he was shooting at Viet Cong soldiers, but a member of the SEAL team he was commanding alleges that Kerrey specifically ordered his men to kill the civilians.
 
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Was not expecting an update this early in the morning or too soon. I will have to concede on you with Perot. Now, how will the Manuel Bartlett handle Bush, and I wouldn't be shocked if Manuel connections with the Cartels would be outed during the meeting between the two. The Suspense is quite vexing, hopefully, the next update ain't too far off. Another great update, Roberto.
 
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That was really good! Taking a little inspiration from 2000 and 2016 there?

I'm psyched to see Bush take on Bartlett, Bush 1 was always pretty canny on foreign policy.
 
Well, you've finally managed to create a TL where Ralph Nader will likely be even more hated than OTL for costing the Democrat an election he should have won (though, like OTL, Nader wasn't the only reason)...

Good update, BTW...
 
It is really rare to find a TL where 1992 isn't a secure thing for the Democratic Party. Even rarer for it to happen when Bush's TTL image is slightly worse, and even rare to make it plausible.

Yeah Clinton was politically not much different then Tsongas, but as Michael Steele pointed out, he appealed to "bubba" enough that many Southerners were able to gave the Dems another chance.

Although, truth be told, I am kind of upset that Paul Tsongas lost. His manifesto "Call to Economic Arms" showed he might have been more technocratic then neoliberal. I really want to see what he would've done at an executive level.

Well, you've finally managed to create a TL where Ralph Nader will likely be even more hated than OTL for costing the Democrat an election he should have won (though, like OTL, Nader wasn't the only reason)...

Good update, BTW...


They will justifiably hate him. But TTL, he has more explicitly been a factor by drawing in alienated liberal voters. So now the Dems need to find a politician who can appeal to the progressive without alienating the suburbanites they so desperately want to win.
 
Before Bush had even been sworn in for his second term, some had already begun desperately searching for a suitable nominee for 1996, a mystery candidate who could appeal to southerners, northerners, city-dwellers and minorities all at once and bring the Democratic Party back from its decade-and-a-half-long stint in the woods.

A hint: H.C. 1996...
 
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