AHC: Make the German Head(s) of State from 1933-1945 a Judeophile.

Make the Head of State of Germany, or the Head of State of the largest Germanic state if it isn't unified in your scenario, to be pro-Jewish, have a respect for Jewish culture, and/or support Zionism. You can have more than one Head of State in the time frame, but they must all be Judeophiles. If you need to work in a non-Judeophile, they must be in power for less than a year.
 
Such a leader will require such a change of German and European culture that it renders the significance of those years moot.
 
Piece of cake! :) Keynesian economics to the rescue! The German Parliamentary does a tax cut earlier on for an economic shot-in-the-arm, even at the cost of a greater deficit.

Public works projects are an idea easy to hit upon. First, you get the idea that you might as well have make work, then we might as well do some useful stuff. It does, however, take longer to ramp up than a tax cut.

So, basically the German government gets some stuff rolling between 1929 and 1933. The damn Nazis DO NOT have any kind of greased path to power.
 
"In 1925, the German-Jewish industrialist and former Foreign Minister Walther Rathenau emerged from self-imposed seclusion following a failed assassination attempt. Answering the call of the united center-left parties, he defeated Paul von Hindenburg to become president of the struggling Weimar Republic and quickly stabilized the economy with broad economic stimulus. Rathenau’s belief that the Jews should be viewed as another German tribe, just like the Saxons, Bavarians, or Wends, gained gradual acceptance, and the right-wing Völkisch movement withered.

"Actually…none of this happened. Rathenau was killed instantly in a 1922 attack, and the Rathenau presidency is the invention of historian Michael Brenner (University of Munich/American University) in a speculative essay in the new volume What Ifs of Jewish History: From Abraham to Zionism (Cambridge, 2016). Brenner and the book’s editor, Gavriel Rosenfeld (Fairfield University), will discuss the role of counterfactual reasoning in historical inquiry. What factors and what actors contributed to the disintegration of a fragile pluralism in the 1920s? What utility do these questions have for the challenges of the 21st century?" https://www.lbi.org/events/weimar-republic-survived-counterfactual/
 
Gustav Stresemann would be another plausible candidate for this task.

Despite his wife coming from a (baptized) Jewish family, I'm not sure you could call Stresemann a Judeophile. See Jonathan Wright's discussion of Stresemann's attitude toward the Jews in *Gustav Stresemann: Weimar's Greatest Statesman* (Oxford University Press 2002)

"One example of an issue on which Stresemann's attitude was less than straightforward was anti-Semitism. He accused the left-wing Democrats of having 'cosmopolitan ideas' in contrast to the 'consciously German outlook' of the DVP. This division, like that between 'fire and water', became one of his standard themes. Applied always to the DDP, which had the reputation of being the Jewish party, and specifically to the Jewish-owned Berliner Tageblatt and Frankfurter Zeitung, the accusations clearly carried anti-Semitic overtones, although he also included a wider group of German intellectuals and pacifists in his condemnation.

"In discussing the party programme in September 1919, Stresemann was explicit about his reasons. Explaining a reference to 'international tendencies to disintegration' under the heading 'Nationality and Family', he argued that they most take a stand in some form on 'the Jewish question'. He said it was clear that they could not take part in the widespread movement of anti-Semitic agitation. But he went on to blame Jews for not having the courage to take a public position against the 'baseness of the Jewish press'. 'The "Ulk" of the Mosse publishing house and the "Weltbuhne" of Herr Siegfried Jacobson [sic] and others smear everything which is holy to national-minded Germans in the most disgraceful way' He added that there were many non-Jews involved in such activities as well, describing the pacifists Quidde, Schiicking, Gerlach, and Forster as an 'equal cancer'. He also referred to other abuses 'in many cases Russian conditions, with bribery part of the agenda', adding again 'Unfortunately it was not only Jews who were involved.'

"In common with other right-wing parties, the DVP included in its programme a clause against Jewish immigration from the east under the euphemism of opposing 'the flooding of Germany since the revolution with people of foreign origin'.' In his speech to the second party conference, which adopted the programme, Stresemann lumped communist agitation and foreign immigration together: 'We want our German people to remain German. We do not want to become a playground for the perverse, theoretical passions of creatures who have neither home nor fatherland.'96 The party's position was modified when Jacob Rieguer, one of its few prominent Jewish members, persuaded the standing committee that in answer to questions about anti-Semitism it would reply that the DVP refused to generalize from the 'relatively considerable number of Jews' in revolutionary movements and stood by its programme of 'equal rights for all citizens', while at the same time it was wholly opposed to the idea of 'world citizenship' in place of the 'profession of the national state—all who accepted this programme, whatever their faith, were welcome in its ranks.

"This attempt to define a patriotic but not overtly anti-Semitic stance distinguished the DVP from radical anti-Semites. Nevertheless, Stresemann's handling of the issue showed that he did not scruple to play on anti-Semitic feelings as part of his campaign against the republican parties. The fact that Kate came from a baptized Jewish family and that he was himself attacked on this score may have made him defensive. In a letter of protest to the DNVP chairman Oscar Hergt, he said that the allegation that he was married to a Jew was 'untrue'. But in reply to an enquiry about the DVP's position from the Central Association of German Citizens of the Jewish Faith, he referred to his marriage with a Jew. He was able to take both positions by playing on the difference between Jewish descent and Jewish faith. But it was clearly an uncomfortable situation both politically and personally. The DVP had to face attacks from the DNVP that it was unsound, and an official party publication sought to show that there was in fact no difference between the two parties on the 'Jewish question'. One of Stresemann's own party colleagues, Paul Moldenhauer, later wrote in his memoirs 'Basically we were all racially minded and against the Jews and we found it disturbing that the party leader was married to a Jew.'

"Although personal considerations and party tactics may have played some part in shaping Stresemann's attitude on the subject, it was in any case quite consistent with his hostility towards those he saw as Germany's detractors. He never endorsed and probably had no sympathy with anti-Semitism on racial or religious grounds. But he did not hesitate to attack those whom he saw as a danger to the nation by associating them with the anti-Semitic feelings of his audiences."

https://books.google.com/books?id=ne3S9ibdfi8C&pg=PP208
 
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