I think you misunderstand me -- I said he wouldn't accept a desk job. In a prior posting, it was asserted that he should have taken Northrop's job and cleaned up the Commissary Dept. What I meant is that he would have turned that job down.
It's important to remember that Johnston took the Quartermaster General's post in the Old Army solely to get a one-star staff rank, and did so in a peacetime army. I don't think Johnston would have settled for a desk job when a war was on and there were field commands to be had, especially not in view of the handful of amputee generals who were out there as early as 1861.
So, my statement was neither a slur nor unjustified.
Johnston took the Quartermaster General's job because it was offered to him and, as an ambitous man in his own right who desired promotion, he was never going to turn it down.
General-in-Chief Winfield Scott gave the Secretary of War a list of four people who could do the job effectively - A.S. Johnston, Robert E. Lee, Joseph E. Johnston and Charles F. Smith - and the Secretary of War chose the man who knew best out of them. There are few when offered promotion to a Generals rank that would turn it down.
I may have misunderstood what you wrote but the way you wrote it appeared to me to ba a criticism of him as if his "sense of entitlement" would be the only thing motivating his decision. It would not have been. Johnston could not have brought himself to sit in an office while the greatest conflict of his lifetime was occuring, he couldn't remove himself from the field and take an administrative position when the very thing he trained and prepared for all his adult life was being played out in the fields and hills of America. To take an office job, to him, would be almost the same as sitting out of the conflict entirely. He was motivated to take a field command because that's where he truely believed his talents could be used the best.
As for your scenario, I see your point (something some folks can't do for any reason

). If Johnston weren't in direct competition with Lee for almost two decades, his personal issues would have been muted. Not eliminated, but muted. Quite a few of their colleague in the Old Army speculated
in writing that Johnston and Lee viewed each other as gentlemen rivals from their very earliest days in the Army, predating the Mexican War.
Still, the basis would be there, and it wouldn't simply go away. A good essay or story on the subject would work it in there, in a much diminished form
West Point itself had encouraged competition amungst its students so as to cultivate the spirit of ambition and drive that the US Military wanted. Lee and Johnston had been rivals for a long time. Lee had always been ahead while Johnston had always been working hard to catch up. But even so Johnston had admired Lee in his youth and it had touched him deeply when Lee, upon seeing the shere pain that Preston's death brought him, shared in the moment and offered him his emotional support. Johnston never got over Preston's death, so for Lee to be there in the moment of his greatest loss and to have offered him such support in his greif was something he never forgot and always apreciated. Their professional rivalry aside, they were friend.
You make a bad assertion down here, by the way. Although no one explained the rank law to Johnston before it was promulgated, no one was under any obligation to do so in the first place. You don't run stuff like that past subordinates for their approval. After it was promulgated, Davis and Johnston had a lengthy correspondence on the subject, and the public record shows Davis bending over backwards to try and smooth Johnston's feelings out over the subject.
The assertion that "Nobody in Richmond or the War Office or Adjutant Generals Officer or the President himself took upon themselves to explain to him the fact that the President had decided to dertmine rank and seniority by the last rank held in a particular arm of the service" is completely wrong. If you don't believe me, feel free to look up the letters. They are available through several different archives and online.
I dont make the assertion that it was the job of the Richmond Authorities or the President or whatever to seek approval of the decision, nor that it was their job to inform Johnston of the change in assessing seniority before doing it. The case I made was for why Johnston felt so hurt by it, and why he had justification for doing so.
He believed he was entitled to the position as the Confederacy's Top Ranking General through Confederate Law and thought the fact that he had been demoted to fourth a public rebuke and display of lack of confidence in his conduct to that point. Davis's initial response of calling his reasons one sided, unfounded and unbecoming hardly did anything to lessen his feelings that Davis had done it purely to display some disatisfaction in his performance.
From Craig L. Symond's Biography of Joseph E. Johnston:
He [Johnston] painstakingly outlined the legislation that, as he saw it, granted him legal seniority, then offered his conclusion that the proper order of seniority should be: J. E. Johnstons, Cooper, A. S. Johnston, Lee, and finally Beaureard. Since the order of seniority was unchanged with the single exception of Johnston's place in it, he was forced to conclude that "this is a blow aimed at me only." Davis's list of appointments, Johnston maintained, was tantamount to his being broken in rank. Surely it would be percieved by the public as evidence of the governments disapproval of his performance, perhaps even of his loyalty. Such an interpretation led him to offer an impassioned defense of himself as a soldier and a patriot.
Page 128
An angered President Davis took Johnston's letter of protest with him to cabinet meeting on September 16 and railed to his advisers about it's "intemperate" tone. He also read them his breif reply; "I have just recieved and read your letter of the 12th instanct. Its language is, as you say, unusal; its argument and statements utterly one sided, and its insinuations as unfounded as they are unbecoming."
Page 129
And notes from those paged
Davis later offered several explanations for ranking Johnston fourth, the most prominent of which was Johnston's brigadier generalcy in the Old Army was a staff apointment. But so was Cooper's.
Even Johnston's friends thought he overeacted and believed his letter imtemperate.
And from Steve Newton's Joseph E. Johnston and the Defense of Richmond.
Johnston correctly assumed that the Confederate Congress guarenteed former officers of the U.S. Army the same relative rank they had enjoyed before the war. What he missed was the fact that the act of March 6, 1861, changed the manner in which that rank was calculated. Section Tewnty-nine wiped out any practical use for brevet rank beyond court-martial and boards of inquiry. It also specified tat an officer's seniority for purposes of command would be setermined from his highest commission from the corps or arm in which he currently served. This provision accounted quite legally for Johnston's drop in the rankings.
Page 6 and 7
Davis was ill when he recieve Johnston's letter or protest, and he knew that the general was aware of his condition. Had Johnton written more diplomatically, the president might have explained his interpretation of the statutes, no matter how sick he was. But stung by an attack on him in his sickbed, Davis fired back his famous bullet: "I have just recieved and read your letter of the 12th instanct. Its language is, as you say, unusal; its argument and statements utterly one sided, and its insinuations as unfounded as they are unbecoming."
Page 7
And notes from that book:
Davis, a longtime opponent of brevet rank, had neer believed that staff officers should be entitled to exercize command. In contrast to U.S. Army regulations, therefore, Confederate law specifially prohibited staff officers from asserting the seniority of their rank to assume command
One element of the controversy over rank that had recieved scant attention is the fact that Johnston's instincts in claiming that he had been intentially slighted in favor of Cooper, Sidney Johnston and Lee, however intermperately stated, were more accurate than many historians have been willing to admit. There is significant evidence, as suggested by Willian D. Davis and Steven Woodworth among others, that the president did manipulate his interpretation of the statutes in order to favor Sidney Johnston in particular and to a lesser extent Cooper and Lee. Although Johnston's "momentary lapse of self-control" is emphasized, very little analysis is given to the possibility that Davis first responded so sharply and then tacitly agreed to avoid the issue because he had been caught in an act of favoritism. Davis could rarely suffer himself to be corrected, even tactfully, and the absense of a detailed self-justification, which the president willingly employed on many similar occiasons, could with some justice be construed almost as an admission of at least guilty feelings"
I'll give you the sources Newton and Symond's cite if you want it later.
So you see, I fully accept Johnston overeacted - and I put that down to him having felt the need to protect the few things he actually had to his name - but Davis hardly handled the sitatuton well either so it shouldn't be hard to understand why Johnston was so upset.