At the very least it will have made a token protest.
First off, let me just say that I really didn't want to get into another one of these arguments with you. They are getting repetitive and pointless; neither one of us is going to change the other's mind. But since you said "token protest"... well, the US government (and other bodies) has made any number of "protest" statements against the idea that Taiwan's status is settled, and that it has already been returned to "China". I respectfully direct your attention to the following:
What Plumber stated is correct, the US purposefully had Japan renounce its sovereignty over Taiwan, without specifying whom it now belonged. (In an ideal world, I think it would have reverted to the Taiwanese people themselves, but apparently the US intended for it to remain "undetermined".)
That is why U.S. Secretary of State John Foster Dulles asserted in 1954 that "technical sovereignty over Formosa and the Pescadores has never been settled…because the Japanese Peace Treaty merely involves a renunciation by Japan of its right and title to these islands. But the future title is not determined by the Japanese Peace Treaty nor is it determined by the Peace Treaty which was concluded between the Republic of China and Japan."--
U.S. Department of State Bulletin, Vol. 31, No. 896 (1954).
If the 1952 treaty conclusively gave Taiwan to China, then why did the Soviet delegate to the peace conference cite the treaty's failure to do exactly that as one of the reasons the Soviet Union refused to sign the treaty? The Soviet delegate wrote: "this draft grossly violates the indisputable rights of China to the return of integral parts of Chinese territory: Taiwan, the Pescadores, the Paracel and other islands…. The draft contains only a reference to the renunciation by Japan of its rights to these territories but intentionally omits any mention of the further fate of these territories."--U.S. Department of State,
Record of the Proceedings of the Conference for the Conclusion and Signature of the Treaty of Peace with Japan, Publication 4392, 1951, p. 78.
The RoC government itself understood this. When their foreign minister was asked about the "status of Taiwan" in US congressional hearings on the RoC-Japan Treaty in 1952, he said "[T]he delicate international situation makes it that [Taiwan does] not belong to us. Under present circumstances, Japan has no right to transfer [Taiwan] to us; nor can we accept such a transfer from Japan even if she so wishes…. In the [ROC]–Japanese peace treaty, we have made provisions to signify that residents including juristic persons of [Taiwan] bear Chinese nationality, and this provision may serve to mend any future gaps when Formosa and the Pescadores are restored to us".--Robert L. Starr, "Legal Status of Taiwan," U.S. Department of State, Office of the Legal Adviser, memorandum to Charles Sylvester, Director of the Office of Republic of China Affairs, July 13, 1971.
In 1954, the State Department wrote "[The future status of Taiwan] was deliberately left
undetermined, and the U.S. as a principal victor over Japan has an interest in their ultimate future."
China and Japan, Vol. 14, Part 1, of
Foreign Relations of the United States,
1952–1954 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1970–1989), p. 760 (bolding is mine)
We can see further evidence of this during the negotiations for the 1955 RoC-US treaty. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee report on the Treaty notes that Secretary of State John Foster Dulles "informed the committee that the reference[…]to ‘the territories of either of the Parties' was language carefully chosen to avoid denoting anything one way or another as to their sovereignty."
Starr memo again
Even the Shanghai Communique reflects this US understanding of sovereignty over Taiwan. In the Chinese-language version of the Shanghai Communiqué, the United States insisted that the term "acknowledge" be translated as
renshidao (takes note of) rather than as
chengren (recognize) to remind the Chinese that the United States was not quite prepared for a final settlement of Taiwan's status.
The Normalization Communiqué of December 16, 1978, that the "United States
acknowledges" China's position that "Taiwan is part of China." Deputy Secretary of State Warren Christopher stressed in several congressional hearings that this did not necessarily connote formal U.S. recognition of the Chinese position. The TRA conference report specifically noted that while the Carter Administration had "acknowledged" the "Chinese position" that Taiwan is part of China, "the United States has not itself agreed to this position." U.S. Senate, Committee on Foreign Relations,
Taiwan Enabling Act, Report No. 96–7, 96th Cong., 1st Sess., March 2, 1979, p. 7.
The quotes you see here are from this Heritage Foundation report