AH Challenge: Athenian Victory in the Peloponnesian Wars

How could the Athenians have defeated the Spartans and their allies during the Peloponnesian Wars?

A few things come to my mind.
No plague ravaging the population behind the walls of the city.
A stronger Hoplite force.
Treating their allies (really subject cities at this point) better, making them less likely to revolt.

Any other ideas?
 
1) Not invading Sicily. Or not sending a triumvirate of generals who all disagreed about how to prosecute the invasion.

2) Incite the Helots to revolt through more intensive raiding the Peloponnesian coast.

3) Prevent Sparta from getting the Persians on their side. Either make a firmer peace with the Persians or blockade Sparta or find a treasonous Egyptian to fight a revolt.

4) Don't lose Amphipolis. Relatively easy if Brasidas dies a little sooner.

5) Don't think the Spartans will give up if you sit behind your walls. This was a big miscalculation on Pericles' part. Sure Sparta couldn't "defeat" Athens if Athens remained behind her walls, but neither could Athens defeat Sparta by the same tactic.

6) Do a better job of exploiting the faults in the Peloponessian Alliance that resulted in the Battle of Mantinea after the Peace of Nicias. Support the Argives more vigorously, win the Battle, and entrench anti-Spartan power in the Peloponese.

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As to your suggestions, the plague is sort of a gimme suggestion, but it's a likely consquence of Pericles' strategy, without which there is little chance of resisting a Spartan invasion. Though perhaps you could mount a pre-emptive campaign in the Peloponese, but unless the Athenian grow new Cadmian hoplites, they can fight a protracted campaign there because they really can't bet on defeating a Spartan army in Laconia. They can count on stirring up trouble by attempting to "free" Messenia, as Epmaninondas did the 4th Century. Plus, given the annual nature of Greek warfare, you'd have to mount such a pre-emptive campaign every year. At some point, Corinth and/or Thebes would try invading Attica at the same time, at which point the Athenians either take refuge and start the plague or face fighting a war on two fronts (i.e. a pitched battle in two places at once).

I'm not sure I being nicer to the subject cities would have been effective. That's not how the Spartans did things with their allies. If anything, contemporary critics (Cleon, for example) suggest that Athens should have harsher, demanding more tribute, placing more garrisons, imposing more democracies. The only time subjects manage to revolt is when Sparta gives them hope of assistance, which a more vigorous Athenian policy could have avoided through deterence (Melian Dialogue again and again and again) and prevention (blockade Spartan ports). After the war, the Athenians would probably have to reckon with their allies, but they could handle piecemeal uprisings. A general revolt would be more troublesome, but would be unlikely if Athens were victorious and held both Sicily and the Bosporus. Remember, the most effective conquerors of the Ancient world, the Romans, were also the most violent.

Also, the loss of the war was not the democracy's fault, as Thucydides suggests. In the case of Sicily, Athenians were not ignorant of Sicily's geography, but had been to the island in force in a mere decade before voting to conquer it. Nicias in that episode chose the worst possible means to dissuade his countrymen from going to war: saying how monumental a task it would prove. The Athenians, who at the time were at technical peace with Sparta, thought that was great and didn't think their greatest General was counseling caution by asking for so many troops. One might accuse the Athenians of being so much a mob, so ready to cashier fault officers, that Nicias was afraid. That's unlikely since to that point they hadn't yet killed generals who lost battles. Even so, once they do at Arginusae, the Athenians are not alone in punishing faulty generalship. The British monarchy shot Admiral Byng for cowardice, after all.

There is a case to be made that the democracy failed to work properly during the course of the war, but I think it's off base. The botched ostracism in the 420s proved that the polical air of Athens was "off." Rather than chosing as they normally did the least popular leader of one of a number of competing factions, the Athenians then ostracised a political no-body. Little wonder then this was the last ostracism ever to occur at Athens. The coup of 411 is more disconcerting, but I don't think it's correct to say that the war caused that coup or that the democracy lay any more open to such an uprising that at any point before the outbreak of war in 431. If anything, I'd blame it on the botched ostracism and thence on Alcibiades and Nicias, because it resulted from the extreme divisions in Athens. Ostracism if anything was designed to provide a way for the Athenians to chose a wide course of policy by exiling leaders of unpopular factions and thus leaving only a few leaders/policy arround at any given meeting of the Assembly. Also, the coup in 411 doesn't stop the Athenians from coming very close to wining the war around 406 (they held out for more favorable terms). And didn't stop the democracy from being responsible for Athens' continued successful resistance from 411 to 404.

The easiest answer is that the Athens should have won the war by not fighting it. They had little at stake in 431: lifting the Megaran Decree, for example, would probably not have hurt Athenian prestige. Even if it did, it surely does not prove that Sparta had stopped the Athenian Empire. If Athens continues to refrain from giving Sparta a casus belli, then Sparta would have to seek war more aggressively or the Peloponnesian alliance might have fallen apart. Pericles sought the war because he thought he could quickly force peace on the basis of arbitration or simply skip the war and go straight to arbitration. In this way, he would have revolutionized Greek diplomacy and cemented Athenian power as a counterweight to Sparta, if not hegemon of Greece.

All the foregoing being said, I also don't think the Athenians made many true mistakes in the course of the war.

1) Given the facts that their politicians presented them, the Athenian choice to invade Sicily wasn't a bad one. Nor was the one to send reinforcment. They simply shouldn't have trusted a bad general. Just because McClellan failed to invade the South doesn't mean that US Grant would.

2) Given the logisitics involved, inciting the Helots would have required permament fortifications on the coast of the Peloponnese. If undertaken at the same time as the seige at Plataea, this would have been overly costly. Even if undertaken later, Athens would have been hard pressed for cash (if of course they hadn't upped tribute levels). Also, their main enemy was much more Corinth than Sparta. Knock Corinth out of the war and give Sparta an honorable peace, and victory is easy. And then Sparta goes back to being a partner-in-hegemony.

3) The Athenians would have a great deal of difficulty in convincing the Persians to trust them. It would stab at the heart of the Athenian propaganda machine: that the Athenian Empire protected Greece from the ravages of Persian Barbarians. It stabbed at the heart of Spartan propaganda too, but not a the essence of the Peloponnesian system, simply at the legacy of the Thermopylae.

4) They couldn't force Brasidas to die sooner. Perhaps they were lucky he died when he did.

5) I think post-Periclean leaders understood this, but presumed that victory meant crushing Sparta in phalanx warfare. Ironically, this was not how Sparta won. Again, faulting the Athenians for not being revolutionary enough I don't think counts as a mistake, but as a reason not to fight the war.

6) The Athenians sent a fair-sized force to fight the Battle. They should have done a better job with the diplomacy, but to all accounts the Argive alliance was something of a diplomatic revolution and rather difficult to manage. Maninea was a close run affair to begin with and the force in place could have been victorious.
 
I am very impressed at your knowledge of Ancient Greece. This idea came into my head because my survey course of Greek Civilization was covering the Peloponnesian War.

I think a good number of your ideas would probably have worked. My impression was that one of the problems for Athens was that they had too much on their plate. They faced the plague while hiding behind their walls, they had to quash revolts among their allies, they tried to invade Sicily.
 
A few moments coem to mind. A victory at delium could give Atehns a decisive edge in that phase. But even after Sicily, victory was still possible. But athens lost to many men in the battles in the Aegean during the last ten years, even when they won. Change that, and don't have the admirals sacked after Arginusuae, and Athens can force a draw.
 
A few moments coem to mind. A victory at delium could give Atehns a decisive edge in that phase. But even after Sicily, victory was still possible. But athens lost to many men in the battles in the Aegean during the last ten years, even when they won. Change that, and don't have the admirals sacked after Arginusuae, and Athens can force a draw.

Athens can probably force a draw right up until Aegos Potami in 405, and if the Athenians had listened to Alcibiades at that juncture, the defeat could have been avoided. A draw for Athens at that point should likely be considered a victory, given the combined forces of Persia and Sparta.

I am very impressed at your knowledge of Ancient Greece. This idea came into my head because my survey course of Greek Civilization was covering the Peloponnesian War.
Thanks for the compliment, Caesar. I wrote my senior history thesis on Classical Greek history, so I could go on and on about this stuff. If you're curious, I'd recommend any of Donald Kagan's works on the Peloponnesian War. His 4 volume series is great, though hard to find. His one volume summary is also good, but with less character. My views very much align with his, though there's a great deal of scholarly debate on the issues at hand.

I think a good number of your ideas would probably have worked. My impression was that one of the problems for Athens was that they had too much on their plate. They faced the plague while hiding behind their walls, they had to quash revolts among their allies, they tried to invade Sicily.
It is a lot, but it doesn't happen all at once. The Plague is mostly over by 421, if not earlier. And the war technically ends then with the Peace of Nicias. Thus Athens is at peace with Sparta when considering invading Sicily. Securing Sicily would greatly enhance Athenian security because it would include an additional source of grain for Athenian food needs. This would make control of the North Aegean and the Bosporus less important and Athenian trade harder to quench as Lysander did in 405. Athenian subjects don't begin to revolt en masse until after the invasion of Sicily fails. So it's not that there's a lot of Athens' plate all at once, but that a bad outcome in one arena quickly led to a bad circumstance elsewhere.

As far as Sicily itself goes, Nicias took almost every turn in the Sicilian campaign to make a bad decision, from the timing of his advance to the placement of his camps. If the generalship had been his alone, he might have gotten away with a simple show of the flag and tour around the island. If Alcibiades had been there alone, the force sent would have been much smaller and would have first gathered Sicilian allies against Syracuse. If Lamias (I may have the name wrong, it's been a while) had been there alone, Athens would have launched a surprise attack and overwhelmed the Syracusans and overawed the rest of the island. By all rights, without Nicias, the Athenians beat the Syracusans and Sparta has little reason to expand the conflict. Corinth may defect, but to whom?

An Athenian victory is still fairly easy to achieve. What's harder is for the Athenian Empire to last much longer after the victory. Even when Sparta "beat" Athens in 404, by the 390s Athens had rebuilt her walls and regained a powerful fleet. In 387, her navy threatened to reconquer much of the old Empire, thwarted only by the diktat King's Peace in 386, which even then conceded Athenian gains to the point of awarding Lemnos, Scyros, and Imbros to the Athenians.

A victorious Athens may fair better than Sparta because her victory would not hinge on Persian support. Given the tumult in Persia following the attempted coup and the Battle of Cunaxa, Athens may have found the opportunity to win new victories against the Barbarian and stir up Panhellenic enthusiasm. Corinth will still simmer and a Sparta retaining control of Messenia and a dominant position in the Peloponnese will always remain a potent power. Nonetheless, Athens and Sparta have little true conflicts of interest. A Cimonian yoke-fellow strategy would be difficult to re-make, but a revanchist Corinth in the West and Theban ambitions in general might allow a Sparta-Athens alliance to maintain the old order in Greek international affairs. Still a dicey affair and still no solution to the decline of the city-state and the macro-trends which led to the rise of Alexander and the end of Classical Greece.
 
Nicomacheus you make some good points.

Bear in mind the Athenians were just like the rest of Hellas at this time - they believed in the invincibility of the Spartan military machine. No state could possibly be expected to succeed in defeating the Spartans in open battle.

If the Athenians could raise the helots in revolt I do not think it would require too much gold or blood to be successful. Simply build fortification like they did at a later date and let the Spartans try and take the strong points with no seige machinary. This would tie down large numbers of Spartiates in combating the gurilla warfare and allow Athens to raid at will particularly against the League allies of Sparta.
 
Dont forget that Spartans pledged for Peace after the disaster and the capture of a whole Spartan army in the island of Sphacteria (its a small rocky island outside Pylos near the heart of Sparta...)
Athenians refused and massacred every Spartan prisoner... (Well the "Ecclesia" repealed the death sentence 1 day after but the order arrived too late...)
Spartans were enraged and vowed revenge... This would be an excellent way for Athens to emerge somewhat victorious if they had accepted the Spartan peace offer...
The second chance the Athenians blew away was their victory in Arginussae... Spartans again pledged for peace but Athenians refused again... However the crucial mistake here was the "General's Trial"
Oligarchs accused the Generals for not collecting the deads after the naval battle and "Ecclesia" sentenced 6 out 10 Generals to death decapitating that way the military leadership of Athens and leading to the Aegos Potamoi crushing defeat...
 

Rockingham

Banned
In this situation, would it be possible for the Athenians, rather then Macedonians- to unify Greece? They could the nmaintain the Roman system of Administration, with representaion being restricted to the capital. This could probably only happen if they captured Sparta itself though-near imppossible task.
 
Maybe if Aegopotosami is a real battle, Athens can win. If memory serves me correctly, the actual battle consisted of Spartans and their allies/mercenaries under Lysander massacreing Athenian crews on the shore searching for food. Now, Athens will lose material from even a victory, but such a constant loss of money, men, and ships in battles in the Aegean which the Athenians win as much as they lose can't be good for the Spartans. SOoner or later, the Persians will stop funding a stalemate at best, and or Sparta's allies will desert due to the lack of progress. A crude analogy would be the Western fron in WWI, where thousands were thrown away in assaults on the German trenches which produced little.

But cutting down on Athenian losses is a necessity. I believe the Athenian manpower losses in the years prior to Aegopotosami were the physical; not proportinal, physical; equivalent of the USN losing 10 supercarriers plus crew. Although limiting the plague could help; it saves lives, and removes some of the cultural aftershocks which later hurt athens. If there had not been so much death and desicration at Athens itself, would they have sacked the victorious admirals bec ause of rumors they abandoned bodies?
 
Maybe if Aegopotosami is a real battle, Athens can win. If memory serves me correctly, the actual battle consisted of Spartans and their allies/mercenaries under Lysander massacreing Athenian crews on the shore searching for food. Now, Athens will lose material from even a victory, but such a constant loss of money, men, and ships in battles in the Aegean which the Athenians win as much as they lose can't be good for the Spartans. SOoner or later, the Persians will stop funding a stalemate at best, and or Sparta's allies will desert due to the lack of progress. A crude analogy would be the Western fron in WWI, where thousands were thrown away in assaults on the German trenches which produced little.

I mostly agree. I'd call the Battle of Aegospotami, though, the maneuvers which led the Athenians to beach their ships and fall into Lysander's trap. Otherwise, I agree.

But cutting down on Athenian losses is a necessity. I believe the Athenian manpower losses in the years prior to Aegopotosami were the physical; not proportinal, physical; equivalent of the USN losing 10 supercarriers plus crew. Although limiting the plague could help; it saves lives, and removes some of the cultural aftershocks which later hurt athens. If there had not been so much death and desicration at Athens itself, would they have sacked the victorious admirals bec ause of rumors they abandoned bodies?

I'm not so sure of this. Athens' losses were staggering, no doubt about that. But comparing them to losing 10 out of 12 supercarriers is a bit extreme: for one, it took far less time to build a trireme than it does to build a supercarrier so the triremes are more replaceable. As far as cost goes, one has to remember that Athens pays its entire budget out of Tribute. Only twice in the course of the war is a direct tax on Athenians levied to support the war: the eisphora which we can take as the modern equivalent of an income tax. Now to some extent even such a small tax was incredibly hard to bear because the simply supply of money might be lacking to pay the tax; however, it was a progressive tax, mostly aimed at the wealthy wh had access to specie. A better comparison to Athens losing say 10 trieremes is if the British RN during the Napoleonic Wars lost 1 Ship-of-the-line.

To some extent I would say that the finanical burden was harder to bear, since at some points of the campaigns in 406 and 405, Lysander can simply outbid the Athenians in the wages he pays to rowers. The more wearing burden which perhaps you meant is one of manpower, but Athens does manage to summon three or four new fleets into existence between 411 and 404. It's taxing but they did it, and once they started freeing slaves to let them row, they open up a huge untapped reserve.

Bear in mind the Athenians were just like the rest of Hellas at this time - they believed in the invincibility of the Spartan military machine. No state could possibly be expected to succeed in defeating the Spartans in open battle.

You make an excellent point here yourself, MarkA. Still, it's important to remember that something like the Battle of Mantinea in 416, one of the few hoplite Battles between Athenian and Spartan forces, was a close run affair. It only takes one small change and perhaps the astonishment of Leuctra would have occured earlier.

If the Athenians could raise the helots in revolt I do not think it would require too much gold or blood to be successful. Simply build fortification like they did at a later date and let the Spartans try and take the strong points with no seige machinary. This would tie down large numbers of Spartiates in combating the gurilla warfare and allow Athens to raid at will particularly against the League allies of Sparta.

The issue of cost would be if the Athenians wanted to maintain their own verisions of the fort at Decelea. They never grasp the principle of forward-fortification that Agis uses to maintain a continuous grip on the Athenian countryside. Such a tactic would be harder for the Athenians in Laconia since their supply lines would involve cost (stretching across sea lanes) and the Spartans probably wound't hide in Lacedaemon as the Athenians did in Athens when Agis built the fort. This is somewhat different from freeing Helots and re-fortifying Ithome (Messenia's capital), but it probably would have been a necessary first step to raise enough helot forces. When Epaminondas managed the feat in the 360s, he had defeated the Spartan army and threatened Lacedaemon itself. The Athenians would have had to do something equivalent to stir up the helots. Since a land invasion of Laconia runs counter to Athens' strengths, then the fortifcations along the coast is their best bet, but a costly one.

However the crucial mistake here was the "General's Trial"
Oligarchs accused the Generals for not collecting the deads after the naval battle and "Ecclesia" sentenced 6 out 10 Generals to death decapitating that way the military leadership of Athens and leading to the Aegos Potamoi crushing defeat...

All due respect, but I very much disagree. Firstly, ideological motivations of oligarch v. radical democrat don't seem to have been the driving issues; factional dispute, yes, but not ideological ones. Second, given the strains on Athens manpower (much more pressing than the physical costs of ships), to say nothing of Greek religious views on the matter, not collecting the survivors/dead was a major issue. Third, I don't really buy the direct link between decapitating military leadership and the loss at Aegos Potamoi. And even if there is a link, I doubt this counts as "the crucial mistake." Otherwise, one would think Athens had been soundly winning up until 406. The easier reason to fault the Generals' Trial is that the politics that produced it were also part of the reason that Athens chose not to make Peace with Sparta in 406. That's a crucial mistake. Killing generals may or may not have avoided defeat; making peace defintely would have.

In this situation, would it be possible for the Athenians, rather then Macedonians- to unify Greece? They could then maintain the Roman system of Administration, with representaion being restricted to the capital. This could probably only happen if they captured Sparta itself though-near imppossible task.

To me, this is the fun question. Unifying Greece might have taken some additional effort. In a situation in which Athens simply curbs Peloponnesian aggression and manages to pursue friendly relations with Sparta, then they can be co-hegemons. One might even see a renewed Hellenic League, if the right circumstaces arise (crusade against Persia? fighting the Romans? conflict with Carthage?). If Athens manages to completely break the power of Sparta and unify all of Greece as subject-allies, then they still have to contend with the issue of citizenship. At some point, the Greek city states will resent not a having any say in the running of the Empire. A Social war, such as the one that broke the 2nd Athenian League in 356 or such as the one that Rome won against her Latin allies in the 2nd century, probably would come about. The Persians are always ready to stir up trouble, and Artaxerxes if he couldn't control Greece by means of diplomacy and dictated Peaces, might have resorted to force.

Rome responded to her war by beginning to grant citizenship rights to subject cities, eventually transforming Roman citizenship such that it could be applied to all peoples of the Empire by the second century AD. A similar grant of citizenship would be much harder for the Athenians to bear. Unlike Rome, whose Senate ruled no mater who were citizens, all Athenian citizens have a voice in politics. For Athens to govern her empire as Rome did, something like a federal solution would have been necessary: Athens seems to have had such a system, with a council of allies which can veto foreign policy measures of the Athenian Assembly, in her 2nd Confederacy formed in 378. Such a measure was not sufficient to keep her allies from revolting. I've always thought, however, that the reason they did revolt was that Athens didn't deliver on the promises of hegemony. A victorious Athens in 404 has a better chance of doing so.

Athens also might have ruled her empire as Sparta had the Peloponnese and Mesenia: the Athenian navy was large and quick enought to ruthless surpress any revolt, a la the Spartan approach to Helots. The Athenians could probably have hamstrung the efforts of many allies to revolt by imposing democracy on them. The newly empowered populace would not support Athens per se--such ideological/class warfare kind of approach just doesn't fit the mentality of Greek polis--but the internal disputes might complicate politics so much that it became harder to rebel. The Spartans acted similarly, intervening in the affairs of neighboring states to make sure that friendly forces prevailed.

Athens also has to deal with the major problem of the fourth century, the decline of the city-state as a viable concern fueled by the decline in the efficacy of hoplite warfare. Alexander could respond with a tribal/national monarchy and a professional army with integrated infantry and cavalry tactics. A professional approach may work for Athens, but it's likely to have a more mercenary character than Alexander's army. Athens could offer, however, the same kind of Hellinizing effect of Alexander's conquest: by the 360s, the orator Isocrates spoke of how being an Athenian was more a matter of culture and education than birth, of how Athens was become a light of civilization to Greece and the whole world. Maybe Athenian culture takes root such that Greeks and Persians don't mind being ruled by Athens just as they countenance the Hellenic Kingdoms.

A victorious and lasting Athenian Empire does have one resounding historical effect: democracy probably fairs better in the minds of historians than OTL. Because Athens lost to Sparta, Athenian democracy was largely discredited in the eyes of intellectual Greece just as Soviet socialism was after the Fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Soviet Union. While aristocratic resentment would have been strong, a new class of men and of writers might have arisen more wedded to democratic ideals than aristocratic ones. Or at least found democratic politics a better way of pursuing old aristocratic factional disputes. The troubling factor is that Athenian democracy by no means guaranteed the kind of liberal state we associate with "democratic principles," rather democracy at Athens was more a system of allowing the whole city to sit on a communal sovereign throne.
 
How about the moral blow? By killing 6 of the most competent Generals on trumped up charges delivers a huge morale blow to the army... No soldier would want to fight just to serve politicians's ambitions and jealous Generals...
Anyway now that i see it the crucial mistake is indeed the refusal of peace right after Arginussae... But since Athenians would never accepted peace unless they conquered Sparta "Generals Trial" is a mistake too... Decreases the morale of Athenean troops significantly...
 
Nicomacheus' mention of Ithome gave me an idea. I think it was during the Third Messenian War that the Helots held out against the Spartans in Ithome. The Athenians were asked to send troops, but shortly after they arrived the Spartans told them to leave. Part of the reason was that the Spartans supposedly feared the Athenians either deciding to side with the Helots or giving the Helots ideas. If this is correct, could the Athenians have incited enough of the Helots to revolt that Sparta could no longer continue the war? If enough Helots revolt and cause enough problems at home, the Spartans soldiers off fighting would have been forced to return to quell the revolt.

On another note, I would also like to discuss the potential after-effects of an Athenian victory. As Nicomacheus says, that is the fun part.
 
The Ostracism of Hyperbolus: You Decide

I've been giving this subject a good deal of thought and I think I've lit upon an interesting POD for a potential TL on the subject of a victorious Athens: the ostracism of Hyperbolus.

As with many things in the Peloponnesian War that Thucydides doesn't mention, we don't know the exact date of this event. I'm convinced (and I believe scholarly consensus validates this conclusion) that it took place in the sixth prytany (sometime in February) of 416. [1] At this point, Athens has lost the Battle of Mantinea, but is still technically at Peace with Sparta under the terms of the Peace of 421, better known as the Peace of Nicias. Sparta, however, has not fully complied with peace because it has yet to return Amphipolis (an important colony to control the ship building supplies of the Northern Aegean; Ancient Greece's Skagerak) to Athenian control.

Ostracism to the citizen of modern, liberal democracy seems like a typical excess of Athenian democracy. Nonetheless, "
throughout its history ostracism served both as a referendum on issues and as a vote of confidence in political leaders. Themistocles and Pericles followed the example and the intention of Cleisthenes when, as leaders of the majority, they used ostracism to rid themselves of dangerous political rivals. It was a safety valve that helped avoid the explosion of stasis which might rent Athens with factional strife and prematurely destroyed its greatness. The success of ostracism is attested to on the one hand by the weakness of subversive groups so long as the law was in force, and on the other hand by the small number of ostracisms necessary to the safety of the state." [2] Ostracism, IMHO, is correctly understood as having a very important dual effect on Athenian politics: it allows Athens to make long-term policy choices by silencing the voice of a major factional leader and hence his ideas and it guards domestic political integrity. The Ostracism of Hyperbolus was the last time the institution was used. I don't think it's a coincidence that after the last ostracism, Athens suffered two coups.

OTL Hyperbolus moved the ostracism in somewhat of surprise move. He's a minor historical figure so we don't know much about him. He was probably a radical democrat like Cleon; if so, both Alcibiades and Nicias were political opponents. He was probably hoping one of them would be exiled, allowing him the chance to further his own ambitions. As events unfolded, Alcibiades and Nicias, the two leading figures at Athens, had both suffered major setbacks: Alcibiades' Peloponnesian policy had was a failure due to the loss at Mantinea. Nicias' Peace (made in 421) is defunct due partly to the recent battle but mostly because Sparta has not return Amphipolis. Neither has enough support to be certain of avoiding being ostracized. This led Alcibiades OTL to approach Nicias to make a deal: they would both agree to have their supporters ostracize Hyperbolus. This meant that the institution failed to resolve the foreign policy deadlock (setting a poor precedent for the debate in the next year regarding the Sicilian expedition). Alcibiades and Nicas are also able to use their political "clubs" to undermine democratic institutions. Athenian politics will remain polarized for the next century or more.

In the spirit of democracy, before I offer up the beginnings of a TL, I'd like to get your input. Whom would you want ostracized from Athens in 416, Alcibiades or Nicias?

Alcibiades iOTL after 416 would be the major force behind the decision to go to Sicily in 415 (not its composition and the decision will occur again due to events in Sicily, so there's still a chance Athens will go a-conquering without him). Exiled in 414/3 because of complicity in a religious perversion, he will then go on to advise the Spartans on how to defeat Athens at Syracuse; he also at one point defects to the Persians. In 411, he aids the oligarchic conspirators of the 400 only to lead the Athenians of the fleet against the coup, restore democracy, win a series of battle in the eastern Aegean in 410-407, eventually winning the title of Supreme Commander. He is disgraced in 407 and retires to the North Aegean coast (where he probably meets Thucydides, also in exile nearby). He attempts to warn the Athenians in 405 at Aegos Potomoi of their tactical blunder but is ignored because no one trusts him.

Nicias iOTL was a competent general, but a somewhat timid politician. He has successfully conquered Cythera, off the coast of the Peloponnse, and Delos. He is rich and overly religious and tends to like proving how pious he is. His mistakes, as I outlined above, were probably responsible for the disaster at Syracuse. He loses an army of more than 10,000 men even though he has every chance to defeat the Syracusan forces arrayed against him. He dies when the Syracusans finally catch the remaining Athenians.

My fellow Athenians, the choice is yours. Cast your potsherds. Vote in the Poll here. Post thoughts, comments, and follow-up questions in this thread.




__________
1. Others suggest it occurred in either 417, directly after the Battle of Manitnea in 418. An inscription seems to prove the presence of Hyperbolus at Athens after the legal date for the ostracism of 417, so we can reject that. Still others suggest it occurred in 415 as a part of the decision regarding the Sicilian Expedition. A passage from Theopompus suggests that we prefer 416, however.

2.
Donald Kagan, “The Origin and Purposes of Ostracism,” Hesperia, Vol. 30, No. 4. (Oct. - Dec., 1961), 401. Don't worry; I'm just excerpting from an old college paper; I did not do this much research for this post. :)
 
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