Against Stupidity (Mark 1)

The things posted here will essentially be the beginning of what I hope will be a fairly long and detailed timeline. However, before I can move forward I need to know if the foundations are strong. So I would very much appreciate feedback on this, in particular with regards to how realistic it seems.
 
Chapter 1: Unfortunate Choices.
Stupidity in small quantities is never useful; but stupidity in large quantities can force the wise to take action – and that is all the usefulness in the world.
The appointment of Jean-Girard Depaul as the Governor-General of New France was, without a doubt, the biggest blunder in French trans-atlantic history. But the man’s worst deficiencies had not been obvious in France. At the court he was regarded as uncivil and over-familiar, always thinking he could see straight into men’s minds, but otherwise not particularly bad. Many people were glad to have an ocean between Jean Depaul and themselves, so when the previous Governor-General died in 1952, the court agreed that Depaul should serve as his replacement.
Perhaps they didn’t realize just how uncivil he could be.
***​
“I always thought the Jesuit missions were a bit silly, didn’t you? After all, no matter how much effort we may put into it, these savages will never truly understand Catholicism, don’t you think? The priests should be here ministering to Frenchmen, not talking to the redskins about things far over their heads – it’s a bit like tossing pearls before swine, after all, isn’t it? Isn’t it? Huh?”
“Yes, sir. Just as you say,” the unfortunate assistant kept his voice to a whisper, painfully aware that Governor Depaul’s booming baritone went right through the walls and to the crowd outside. And also that regardless of what Depaul apparently thought, the Native dignitaries understood English quite well.
It didn’t get any better once Depaul threw the doors open, either. The man stood there with a mad grin, the sort that men use when they want to show babies or dogs that they’re happy, before beginning a speech. It was, by far, the single most condescending one given by a Frenchman to a Native. Nevertheless, the sheer stupidity of the words could never prepare everyone for the end:
“…and to commemorate the beginning of our relationship, we will have a special treat! Carry it in, boys!”
The four men walking in had on their faces expressions of both disgust and horror. When the Natives saw their burden, they shared the expression.
In America, as in France, it is generally considered impolite to bring a roasted corpse to a gathering.
The general consensus among historians is that this was not a calculated insult. Governor Depaul must have honestly believed the Natives would see this as a friendly overture. Certainly, the diaries of the men present suggest that he was completely unaware of the tense atmosphere.
“Go ahead,” he smiled. “Eat up!”
If there is anything he could have said to make the situation worse, that would be it.
“Uh…sir? I really don’t think they’re interested,” his hapless servant whispered.
“Nonsense! Watch what you say there, or our friends here might just eat you next! Right? Right? Am I right, or what?” Depaul gave an exaggerated wink at the Natives. “They’re just shy, I’m sure. Don’t you worry, though. We understand these things in France. Ancient customs and all that, right? Here, I’ll even go first.”
To everyone’s horror, Governor Depaul leaned down and cut off one of the roasted man’s fingers with his knife. Then, with great care, he bit off a piece of the flesh and chewed it with great jaw movements.
“Hey, this isn’t half bad! I can see what you people find in this.”
***​
The complaints started immediately. The very next ship to leave New France was laden with letters seeking to inform the Crown that Governor Depaul was in a position unsuitable for him. The representatives of the Native government wrote in to assure King Lois that Depaul’s attempts to feed them human flesh were not appreciated, and that nor were his attempts to make the French act enthusiastic about the whole thing. Even more than the cannibalism, the native population protested the Governor’s plans to increase French immigration into Huron lands and the ‘Tomahawk Tax’ he attempted to levy.
Few of the letter-writers followed the proper procedures, and those who did still had to compete with Depaul’s reports of his own excellence and the general belligerency of the population. Even when the King grew worried, it only meant that the slow wheels of the government started turning. There were committees to be held before a commission could even be dispatched. That commission then had to traverse the span of the Atlantic and thoroughly check things out, then make the return trip. Its results would then be called ‘inconclusive,’ and another commission would be dispatched. All of that took time, so it was nearly two years before a messenger arrived with signed orders for Depaul to immediately step down and return to France, to be replaced by the Lieutenant-Governor until his replacement arrived. But the messenger failed to find Depaul, who had taken most of the French Colonial Army along with whatever Natives he could conscript, and rode out into Ohio, with the intent of “kicking British butt from here to Virginia.”
***​
The conflict taking place in North America between 1754 and 1755 had many names throughout history. In Europe, it was known as the American War. To the members of the Thirteen Colonies, it was the War of French Aggression. To the inhabitants of New France, it was the War of Depaul’s Folly. But we shall call it by the name American history books list it as: The War of Unification.
From a military standpoint, the war was an embarrassment for the French. Though Depaul dominated the fields of Ohio at first, this was mostly because he had brought the entirety of the French military forces into the contentious region. By the time the King’s messenger reached Depaul, however, the British had recovered from their shock and mounted militias, backed up by the Iroquois, the entire combined force hell-bent on avenging the French invasion.
Michel-Ange Du Quesne consequently found his term as Governor-General of New France short and troublesome. It seems unfair that even as Depaul’s ship took the former Governor back to his estate, Du Quesne had his hands full dealing with an army gutted by high casualties and higher desertion rates, the irreparable relations with the Indians, and a disaffected populace. And even while Depaul, barred forever from holding any government office, settled down to write the first ever comprehensive cookbook for cannibals, indulging the taste he’d developed in New World, Du Quesne was left to lose the war he did not start.
For the British colonists, the remainder of the war was mostly a scramble to be the first to bring New France down. The disorganization of the British forces was the only reason the war lasted until 1755 rather than ending long before then. But when at last Virginian militia under the command of George Washington entered Quebec City, the war was over. New France had effectively fallen. Soon afterward, it was officially ceded by the French Government, eager to be finished with the whole embarrassing business.
The series of extraordinary bad decisions was not finished quite yet, however. The torch was passed to the British government, in the form of the Royal Proclamation of 1756. It added the conquered territories to the possessions previously gained by the British. New France was thus divided into Ontario, Ouisconsin, Labrador, Newfoundland, Acadia/Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Hudson Bay, North Quebec, and South Quebec. The Proclamation laid heavy restrictions on the population of New France, including an oath of loyalty, British-appointed governors who could decide the affairs of their territories with no regard for the wishes of the populace, and a clause forbidding Catholics from running for any political office unless they renounced their faith. In this, it represented the worst of the British paranoia, and in seeking to prevent revolts it almost certainly hastened them.
Worse than that was the provision regarding the Ohio territory. Since the possession and colonization of Ohio was the main reason for the war, the Colonials naturally expected their efforts would be rewarded with freedom to expand. However Britain, for reasons of its own, while opening Ohio to colonization in the loosest sense of the word, kept tight controls on the territory, ruling it from far-off London.
 
Chapter 2: A war in Germany
All wars are follies, very expensive and very mischievous ones.
~Benjamin Franklin

Even while conflict died down in North America, a worse one was starting in Europe.
The French were taking their loss in Americas lightly. The northern provinces had never yielded much to them, and they weren’t about to become embroiled in a costly war with Britain over them. Instead, Louis turned his attentions to the Continent.
Here, Britain relied on its old policy of supporting a mainland state to fight their battles for them. Their alliance with Austria, which had grown weaker as Maria Theresa doubted the British commitment, was looking stronger once more in the wake of American War. Britain, fickle or not, was much too valuable an ally to lose.
In response, France grew closer to its ally, Prussia, however reluctantly. Frederic the Great was a dangerous ally, and an impulsive one. But a spreading British influence in Europe would be unacceptable, so France rattled its sabers.
Even while the European nations built up their forces, the monarchs of England and France hoped that a war could be avoided. Militant interests in both countries were being held in check by cooler heads…for now.
All of this changed when Frederick launched the first assault on Saxony. It was the start of a war which, before it was over, would sweep through half of the known world.
From the beginning of the war, Austria was caught between the hammer and the anvil. As Frederick tore their northern provinces to shreds, France entered the war as well, almost reluctantly in its way, with an assault on Austrian Netherlands. Unable to concentrate its forces or defend its territory, Austria howled for help.
The first help came from the British as they transported supplies and money to Austrian mainland. It was exactly this that Ferdinand was trying to prevent, with little success. The French fleet moved in warily, but held off on challenging to powerful British fleet for the moment.
Sweden did not enter the war until 1757. Though their initial intervention was largely bloodless posturing, it did force the Prussian army to take a momentary pause in their assaults on Austrian provinces and turn back to drive the Swedes off. Before winter fell, the Holy Roman Empire.
1758 saw the greatest successes of the French-Prussian alliance come about. After receiving reinforcements, the French dealt a crushing blow to an Austrian-led coalition, followed only a week later by an equally crushing victory over British forces landing on the Continent. Frederick circled his nation to drive Swedes even further back while carving up new pieces of Austria. The combined French and Spanish fleets successfully encircled and destroyed a division of the British Navy.
The fortunes of war were reversed by the Russian entry into Prussian lands. Catching Frederick at a bad moment, the Russian army under Saltykov was able to march quite a long way into Prussia before digging in to receive the Prussian assault. France, meanwhile, saw its fortunes at sea reverse as the British fleet asserted its dominance and dropped off more troops. King Louis began to make preparations for a possible invasion across the Channel, drawing some troops back.
1759, the last year of the war, was filled with almost unending battles as Frederick’s army struggled to defeat the closing lines of British, Austrian, Russian, and Swedish armies. It was the Russians that defeated Frederick at last, before the allied forces proceeded to tear Prussia to pieces. Austrian campaigns against the French proved unsuccessful due to the waning enthusiasm of the British. By December, Austrians were forced to sign a reluctant peace, accepting their losses of territory to French, with their southern pieces of Austria as consolation.
Naturally, France had its own worms to swallow. While their campaigns in Europe achieved success, Britain had gained important victories overseas. France could no longer consider itself a true colonial power, having lost most of its territory, aside from several commercially important islands. Still and all, the French considered the German War to have ended in a victory of sorts.


Interlude: Money Problems

It is difficult to get people to agree on anything about the German War. To this day, it is an issue that divides both historians and laymen as many of its aspects are nebulous. There is, however, one aspect of German War everyone can agree about: it was expensive. While some nations ended up with territories that were potentially lucrative, for the moment every participating power was settled with a great financial burden.

[FONT=&quot]This expense had nearly as many ramifications on the history of the world as the war itself did. For it produced the crippling debt that plagued the French government for the rest of its existence; it put a second wind in the sales of Russian monarchy’s struggle against its boyars; and it made Britain look to the west for sources of revenue.[/FONT]
 
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Chapter 3: The Bear Awakens
I always consider the settlement of America with reverence and wonder, as the opening of a grand scene and design in providence, for the illumination of the ignorant and the emancipation of the slavish part of mankind all over the earth.
~John Adams

The awakening of American Nationalism can be traced directly to the War Of Unification. It was the first time when Americans realized the extent of what they could do – and also of what limitations they possessed. Like nothing else, it showed them the benefits of standing together, and sent America on its way to forging a full-fledged national identity.
To perceive this fact clearly, one need only look upon the differences between the Albany Congress of 1754, held on the eve of the war, and the Philadelphia Congress of 1763. The Albany Congress had meant very little. Benjamin Franklin’s proposed Plan of Union did nothing, and the attempt to organize the military forces had likewise failed. While the Congress attendees could agree, the Colonial legislatures could not.
The Philadelphia Congress was in most ways alike to the Albany Congress. While the members of the Albany Congress faced the impending threat of French invasion, the members of the Philadelphia Congress faced the even more insidious threat coming from the British crown in the form of the Stamp Act of 1762. While the Albany Congress faced the problem of reconciliation with the Indians, the Philadelphia Congress had to deal with the difficulties inherent in colonizing the Ohio territory. The difference is that the solutions of the Philadelphia Congress were accepted.
In interests of fairness to the ‘Great People’ theory of history, it should be noted that another difference was the presence of John Adams at the Philadelphia Congress. However, it should likewise be noted that at the time Adams was still a young man, possessing none of the political clout he later acquired, and that his proposals weren’t all that different from the earlier proposals of the Albany Congress, and were in fact weaker than the Albany proposals.
In any case, the following Resolutions were passed by the Congress and later ratified by the colonial legislatures:
1. The formation of an American Coalition – a system of representatives from the various colonies to be governed together. The initial plan demanded a Crown-appointed representative, but after the Crown rejected the resolutions, the Coalition went ahead without one.
2. The request that the Ohio Territory be opened fully for colonization, and the associated restrictions on westward migration removed.
3. The demand that the Stamp Act be repealed and that no more taxes should be levied without due and proper representation of the inhabitants of North America within the British Parliament.
4. Greater independence for the colonies in all endeavors, but particularly in legislature.
These resolutions were summarily ignored by the British: the Stamp Act and the colonization restrictions continued in full force; the colonial power was not increased; and the members of the Parliament inclined to listen to the Americans were generally ostracized.
Naturally, this response did not make the Colonials happy. The next year saw riots rise all across America. During the worst of them, the colony of Pennsylvania recalled Benjamin Franklin from London, having deemed him an unsuitable messenger. Though Franklin would redeem himself in years to come, for now his role would be taken over by Thomas Miffin, judged to be a much better man to communicate American anger to Britain.
Violence did what words could not, and the Parliament, in a rare moment of clarity and insight, repealed the Stamp Act. While the remaining American concerns were ignored, even this was enough to quell the worst of the disorder. And it once again showed Americans the power that could be theirs, provided it was properly directed.
Their chance to learn how to direct came practically immediately. A long-time concern of the Americans was the increasing militancy of the Huron tribes. Before the arrival of Depaul, they had been allied with France. Now, many of them were second-guessing the break they made in that alliance. With British on all sides of them and Iroquois encroaching on their lands, the Huron were beginning to grow belligerent, hoping perhaps to be considered too troublesome to conquer.
This was not to be; the British decided that this threat had to be eliminated, and eliminated for good. The only question was: how? There were basically two options available: either regular troops could be sent in, or else Colonial militias could be allowed to handle the problem. The former option was generally unpopular in Great Britain, especially given the apparent refusal of the Colonial inhabitants to pay taxes. Given the surprising success American population had had in dealing with the French, it was deemed acceptable to allow them to handle things.
Americans took to the task with their usual industriousness, learning in particular the lesson of the last war. At that time the thing that impeded the American war effort more than French was the broken chain of command and the lack of communication among the different colonial governments. To prevent this, it was decided that the militias of the different colonies would be combined and placed under command of George Washington, who’d managed to distinguish himself in the American War as the man who actually broke the French. After being recruited and supplied, the troops trained together for weeks before ever setting one foot in Huron territory. The direct command of the army was handed to the Delegates of the American Coalition.
John Adams had managed to become a representative of this coalition, much to the displeasure of some of the more loyalist members. Moreover, he insisted that a representative of the Ontario territory be allowed to join, though Ontario was not allowed to field a militia of its own.
The war itself was little more than a series of humiliating defeats for the Huron, as they were torn apart by the Coalition forces and the Iroquois, who were only too happy for the opportunity to deliver this final blow to their old enemies.
Of considerably more note is the organization the American Coalition gained in this endeavor. Surprising as it may be to those who are not serious students of history, prior to the events of this war the colonies rarely cooperated in any great undertaking. As it was, the various governors could easily see how much more effective the combined army was than the disparate militias they had fielded a decade prior. Already there was talk of at least keeping this force maintained after the war was over, to provide for mutual protection. Furthermore, the discussions began on providing for the building of an American fleet.
The war also brought the Thirteen Colonies into closer contact with New France, mostly out of necessity. Their delegates had been allowed to join in advisory capacity since the war was fought on their soil. But the French-speaking population was not allowed to do much to assist in the war: they could not raise militias or armies; they could not even levy taxes without the Crown’s say-so.
In an attempt to change this, the French-speaking colonies lobbied for greater independence and the repeal of some of the sanctions of the Royal Proclamation of 1756. The petitions were largely ignored by the British government, entrenching the New French resistance to British rule. The American Coalition informally supported them, since most Americans could identify with the need for some degree of self-government.
1766 saw the beginning of the Penn revolts in Pennsylvania. The long-standing issue with the proprietary nature of the colony had finally come to boil. Despite the support granted to Pennsylvanians by the other members of the American Coalition, Britain ultimately sided with the Penn family. Surprisingly, Benjamin Franklin reemerged to prevent the riots from turning into something much worse. Having regained the confidence of his fellow Pennsylvanians, Benjamin Franklin was appointed as one of the representatives to the Coalition Committee, which was growing more powerful. The members were still theoretically supposed to represent the will of their home colonies, but they had more discretion in the orders they gave.
1767 to 1770 was a time of small gestures. The British pointedly ignored the Coalition and tried to restore order in the colonies in a small way, convinced that the troubles might still blow over. The Coalition calmly insisted on American rights and gathered political strength. The people worried and occasionally a small riot would spring up, but not much else happened.
By this time John Adams had entrenched himself deeply into the Coalition. While all delegates were supposed to be equal, he took an informal role of leadership, which allowed him to advance his agenda. He was working on the gradual transformation of the American Coalition into something a lot more like the entity described by Ben Franklin’s Plan of Union while simultaneously filling it with men of like mind to him – those who put the interests of America first.
The year of 1771 proved once and for all that Britain couldn’t see the danger of antagonizing America or feel the presence of American spirit. There is no other way to explain the passage of the Draconian Acts.
Though the Stamp Act had failed to bring in the revenue Britain desired and embarrassed the government greatly, Britain still faced a crippling national debt, and the colonies still looked like a great potential source of money, if only a way to extract it could be arranged. In a series of close decisions, the Parliament passed the Sugar, Tea, and Shipping Acts, prompting another outcry among the Americans.
The Sedition and Removal Act was a more extreme measure directed towards New France. Fed up with the entrenched resistance to British rule and the steadfast refusal from many of the citizens to accept an oath of allegiance, the Parliament decided to begin removing the population from New France, to be replaced by British-approved colonists. The initial plan was to have the militias of the current English-speaking colonies handle the operation, as they had most military actions in North America. However, with the colonies in an uproar on Taxation without Representation, they were in no mood to comply with British demands. Britain reluctantly began shipping in regular soldiers, the expense of this ensuring that the taxes imposed on the British colonies as well as higher ones on the former French would stay in place.
No action could be better designed to finish building American nationalism by creating a sense of bond and unity between the formerly-French and the currently-British colonists in resisting the tyranny of London. Almost immediately, delegates from all the territories of New France were admitted into the American Coalition as equal members, and New France got the combined sympathy of the Thirteen Colonies.
Late in the year, with the Removal running into roadblocks, the Parliament saw fit to add to the Draconian Acts with the Quartering Act, intended to help settle British troops in New England before moving them north to quell the riots. For many New Englanders this was the final sign that the government in Britain lost all touch with Colonial concerns.
The outrage continued to rise up and up and up. Already, Maine joined the Acadian riots along with North and South Quebec. Further to the South, a new organization formed, quietly working to subvert and sabotage all British efforts in the colonies. Though the Freedom Front, an illegal organization ultimately seeking independence from Britain, was a completely distinct organization from the halfway-legal and well-respected American Coalition, the two shared many of their most prominent members, and more so as Adams continued his campaign of ideological purification. This goes a long way to explain why the colonies made the decision to ramp up the production of the American Fleet and why George Washington was given private instructions to begin weeding out the most intense loyalists from the combined militia.
By 1772, the last of the Draconian Acts were put in place. The Justice Act, denying the right to be judged by a jury of peers to colonists in extreme cases; the Proper Governance Act, officially denying the existence of the American Confederation and severely curtailing the powers of the colonial legislatures; and the Quebec Act, stating that everyone in New France had to officially become a Catholic, or else face expulsion under the Sedition and Removal Acts.
These additions to British repression made for excellent fodder for the pro-independence faction. The Justice Act was rechristened the Injustice Act and held up as proof that Britain did not care about the rights of the Colonials. The Proper Governance Act was held as a sample of utmost tyranny. And finally, the Quebec Act was used with great force to appeal to the colonists in the Confederate Papers:
“…Today the Parliament and the King say everyone in American must be Protestant. But even if you agree with the faith, you cannot agree with the decision. For if the government is granted the power to intrude into man’s deepest heart to decide his faith, it is granted the ultimate power of tyranny. Tomorrow it could declare that we all must become Jews, or else that we must all worship the King’s left shoe…”
During this time, the legislatures seized to send any paperwork to London. But they continued to operate as normal, including levying of taxes. The difference was that now some of the tax revenue could be used to purchase arms in Spain and France. The weapons would make their way through Spanish Florida and across the continent, ending up either in the hands of New French rebels, or else of the Continental Army. The creation of the American Fleet was likewise hastened.
1773 was the year of the Boston Congress. It was the biggest meeting of the American Coalition ever, with the already-appointed delegates being reinforced with additional representatives. The colonies fully represented were: Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New York, Connecticut, New Hampshire, Delaware, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Virginia, Maryland, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Quebec (the citizens of which refused to recognize the distinction between North and South Quebec), Acadia, Ontario, Ouisconsin, and Labrador. Newfoundland, New Brunswick, and Hudson Bay colonies were almost entirely loyalist, and so did not send representatives. Ohio and Maine territories sent separate representatives, though neither was considered fully independent yet. But with the population of Ohio swelling since the British restrictions had begun to be ignored, and Maine filled with New French refugees and sympathizers, both felt they needed a separate voice.
The Boston Congress ended up adapting the following resolutions:
1. That the colonial legislatures and the American Coalition retained full authority over Colonial affairs, regardless of what the Proper Governance Act stated.
2. That all the colonies, including those in New France, retained the right and the ability to field armed forces and fleet as necessary for their defense.
3. That all members of the colonies, regardless of citizenship or past status, retained the freedom of religion and that no religious test could be used to bar them from residing in their preferred location or running for political office.
4. That taxation without representation was unjust and illegal, and that no such tax would be paid.
5. That until such time as all of the Draconian Acts were repealed, all of the Boston Resolutions recognized, and proper compensation be issued for all of the above, the members of the undersigned colonies would not act to comply with any British law, nor recognize the authority of British-appointed governors.

1774 was like the final calm before the storm, representing the last time during which people still hoped that some sort of a compromise could be arranged. The loyalists prayed or prepared to board up their windows while the rest of the country made their preparations.
The Freedom Front multiplied its pamphlet output tenfold. By the middle of 1769, nearly a third of all paper used in North America went towards the creation of revolutionary literature.
The Colonies and Great Britain placed each other under a sort of economic isolation. The colonies attempted to resolve this situation by buying more from other European powers, particularly France and Spain, who were only too happy to aid the rebellious interests in this matter.
Rightly suspecting that the ships of the French-allied countries were carrying weapons in addition to food, Britain attempted to intervene on the sea, stopping ships. This was viewed as an unacceptable act of aggression and cemented the cooperation between France and America.
In March of 1775, the final hope for peace vanished as Britain officially declared the colonies to be in rebellion. Meanwhile, in America, a declaration of a different sort was being made…
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[/FONT] Interlude 2: Novus Ordo Seclurum
The liberties of our country, the freedoms of our civil Constitution are worth defending at all hazards; it is our duty to defend them against all attacks. We have received them as a fair inheritance from our worthy ancestors. They purchased them for us with toil and danger and expense of treasure and blood. It will bring a mark of everlasting infamy on the present generation – enlightened as it is – if we should suffer them to be wrested from us by violence without a struggle, or to be cheated out of them by the artifices of designing men.
~Samuel Adams
The signing of the Declaration of Independence was merely a formality. But sometimes formalities are important. This formality was the most important of them all.
The delegates were assembled from every corner of civilized North America, bearing the signed resolutions of their respective legislatures. At the end, the decision was unanimous, though in some of the colonies – soon to be colonies no more – this was only because the loyalists were bodily forced out of legislature houses. Nevertheless, the paperwork was in order, which would be important when the grateful descendants examined the actions taken on this day.
They signed it, one by one. John Adams had been the first, wanting to leave no doubt to anyone that he was the ringleader of this rebellion and wishing to be judged as such by whomever read the manuscript. John Hancock was the most eager, creating an oversized signature that left others strapped for space. James Livingston was the one to sign directly in the middle, breaking the precise order of the signatures up until then, forcing everyone to sign in a jumbled order so that representatives of Ouisconsin and Maryland signed side by side.
The last to put the quill to the document was Benjamin Franklin. He squeezed his signature into the one corner remaining to him and then blew on the ink before turning around and making his most famous declaration.
“Let it be known to all the world that today the sun sets on the British Empire.”
 
Chapter 4: To Light A Candle
In a war, pragmatism must sometimes trump good manners. Thus, even as the Declaration of Independence was being loaded on the ship bound for Great Britain, the Coalition army was marching north to liberate New France.
The drive into Quebec was the most difficult part of the campaign, since the British regulars were at their strongest here. But even they weren’t prepared for the suddenness and the ferocity of the American assault, nor for their supply routes being cut off by the Quebecois, who were suddenly armed a lot better than anyone remembered. The nature of the confrontation left them no realistic hope of winning.
Once Quebec was under American control, the gloves could come off. Most notably, volunteers could be openly called up and firearms could be distributed among them with impudence. The New France Army was born. Almost immediately, it prepared for an assault on Ontario and Ouisconsin. This would not prove particularly challenging, as the British supply routes had been overstretched even before Quebec fell.
The already-prepared American soldiers rushed eastward, towards Acadian, Newfoundland, and New Brunswick. The British could not be allowed to possess a friendly port on the Atlantic.
In the meantime, the news of America’s independence reached Europe. France immediately and gleefully recognized American independence, followed only a day later by Spain. Both of the powers were still sore at Britain’s actions in the German War, and the chance to weaken and humiliate Britain was more than they could pass up.
In Britain, the news caused outrage. The preparation of the British soldiers was hastened.
The first British landings occurred on August 10th and 11th, at New Brunswick and Massachusetts respectively. The idea was to begin the campaign into New France, considered at the time the most belligerent, while also taking the rebel capital. Unfortunately for the British, the Americans could follow that logic as well, and so were waiting for them. Benedict Arnold attacked the British forces as they unloaded in New Brunswick, while George Washington and the main Continental Army bore the brunt of the British assault near Boston. The first engagements of the war were American victories.
Things did not go as smoothly within the next months, however. The American Fleet, though well-constructed, was no match for the Royal Navy numerically, allowing British to drop off troops more or less wherever they pleased. While the Massachusets invasion was a failure, the British successfully invaded New York, stopping just short of New York City at first, and Virginia. In the north, they made a successful landing in Acadia, despite heavy resistance.
The coming of winter and the official entry of France and Spain into the war relieved American fortunes somewhat. The British force in Acadia found itself unable to take possession of proper lodgings. In the South, the fighting continued nearly unabated, with the British taking more land.
1776 saw an increase in the Loyalist Riots. While the Coalitionist forces had taken control of most of America, there remained many thousands of people who still felt British rather than American, and so fought on the side of the Crown and against what they saw as unlawful rebellion. Some fought directly; others attempted sabotage or subversion, especially among slaves and Indians.
The French and Spanish forces entered the American South, halting the British advance.
1777 was the darkness before the dawn. The Royal Navy successfully held off the combined fleets of America, France, and Spain; the Loyalist, British, and Hessian forces pushed against the revolutionaries; the Cuban theater had been inadvertently open, with the British attacking the French and Spanish forces camped out on the island.
The dawn itself came in 1778.
At the Second Battle of Boston, George Washington crushed the attacking British forces, securing the North.
In New France, James Livingston arrived to the aid of Benedict Arnold leading the Army of New France swollen with volunteers. The ‘miracle at New Brunswick’ meant the end of effective British presence in New France.
And in the South, the Iroquois Confederacy successfully crushed the British-aligned Indian tribes, earning the gratitude of the American government.
The remainder of the war consisted mainly of British attempts to punish the three countries opposing it as much as possible and save whatever it could. Before the war’s official end in 1779, British forces, though cleared from Continental North America, would attain full control of the Caribbean.
The end of the war came in Boston. In a four-way settlement, the following provisions were agreed upon.
1. Great Britain revoked all claim to Continental North America and recognized the independence of America.
2. Great Britain agreed to pay partial reparations to America for losses in the war.
3. France and particularly Spain revoked all claim to lost possessions in the Caribbean in exchange for payments from Great Britain and America.
4. America and Great Britain agreed to cooperate in providing for transport of British Loyalists out of America.
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Chapter 5: The Texts That Bind
With the Revolutionary War ended, it was time to decide the fate of North America. This was not an easy task. As little as two decades prior, the American lands were divided and weak, with each colony looking to itself. That view was not yet gone from the national discourse, with many isolationist movements settled in for a long fight against a centralized government. The divisions between Americans were not yet gone. Protestants feared Catholics; French-speakers feared the former British; the Loyalists waiting to be exported or unwilling to leave were snappish with everyone and determined to stick a wrench in any orderly proceedings.
Nonetheless, the majority of the country desired a central government to be formed. But with the recent memory of British excesses of power fresh in mind, there was a desire for that government to be limited in its actions. For that purpose, the Second Boston Congress was called to ratify documents which would set the government’s power – and limits – in stone. Quite different from the meetings by the Coalition Committee, it featured nearly a thousand representatives.
Three major issues were on the docket: the proper power and scope of the central government; the representation of the various territories and their people within that government; and the contentious issue of slavery.
That last issue was handily avoided early on in the debates when John Adams suggested that the issue be simply delayed until the new country was feeling more secure and had dealt with the other issues. This was a compromise easily accepted by the major slaveholding states, which had feared that an outright abolitionist sentiment would emerge at the Congress. Unknown to them, the abolitionists were settling in for the long haul. At the moment, slavery remained popular throughout most of North America. But plantation slavery was practiced only in the South, while in the North slaves tended to be domestic servants and slavery was already seen as temporary. A wait of two decades could be easily afforded, with the time going to turn the public’s sentiment against slavery.
On the central government, two groups emerged. On the one hand, the Confederates, led by John Adams, and enjoying the support of many of the more prominent members of the former Coalition Committee, advocated for a powerful national government. The other group, dubbed loosely the anti-Confederates, stood for a drastically weaker central government, with some advocating the return to pre-Coalition status quo. While this group was disorganized and outnumbered, their concerns had to be heard and accounted for if the government was to have legitimacy at all.
The representation issue was trickier. Here the split was twofold: first, between the populous territories and the smaller, less populous ones; second, between those who wished for lifetime appointments in government and those who wanted frequent elections.
In all, the Second Boston Congress took nearly a month to complete. During this time John Adams gradually built support by whatever means he could. He had the will of many people on his side, and the support of the heroes of the Revolutionary War. George Washington, James Livingston, and Benedict Arnold were frequently paraded through the crowds to publically state their support for Adams’s policies, and reminding the Congress attendees that the soldiers who fought and died in that war did so not for the sake of any one piece of America, but for all of it.
The Constitution underwent a series of changes and compromises. The much-put-upon Jefferson would hardly get one draft in before having to revise it. After the first five drafts, Franklin thoughtfully eased his burden by setting the current wording in type, so that when changes were made the whole document did not need to be written over again. But at last it was done.
The central government would be strong, but not absolute. The separate Territories (former colonies) retained some powers and a good degree of legislative independence.
The compromise between the large states and the small ones took form of a two-tier legislature. Named after the ancient Roman institution, the Senate would be split into two Houses: the House of Representatives, its members elected by the people of the Territories according to their population, and the House of Delegates, its members appointed by Territorial Legislatures and governors as the old representatives of American Coalition were. The fact that the majority of the Delegates would likely end up being Adams’s own allies was hardly irrelevant, but generally accepted for the moment.
In any case, the Constitution was signed and ratified; John Adams was appointed as the first President; and the American Coalition was no more; the former colonies had reemerged onto the world scene as a single nation: the American Confederation.
 
Consider me Subscribed :D

I like the stories where Benedict Arnold's abilities are recognized, and he does not become a traitor. It would have happened in OTL as well, but for one H. Gates...
 
Consider me Subscribed :D

I like the stories where Benedict Arnold's abilities are recognized, and he does not become a traitor. It would have happened in OTL as well, but for one H. Gates...

Well, this isn't actually going to be the real thread. Before I post that, I'd like to get more of a buffer made, since I have an unfortunate tendency to let my schedule meander.

And as for Arnold, his move towards the British was oen of opportunism rather than idealism. With a larger Colonial Army, there are more opportunities for command, so he wouldn't feel as slighted.
 
Here's the text of the American Confederation Constitution:


We the People of the American Confederation, in Order to form a shining new State, establish Justice, provide for the common defence, insure domestic Tranquility, promote the general Welfare, maintain Freedom, and increase the power and prestige of the Confederation, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the American Confederation.
Article I
Section 1. All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in the Senate of the American Confederation, which shall consist of the House of Representatives and the House of Delegates.
Section 2. The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members chosen every second Year by the People of the several Territories, and the Electors in each Territory shall have the Qualifications requisite for Electors of the most numerous Branch of the Territory Legislature.
No Person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the age of twenty five Years, and been seven Years a Citizen of the American Confederation.
Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among the several Territories which may be included within this Confederation, according to their respective Numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole Number of free Persons, including those bound to Service for a Term of Years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fourths of all other Persons. The actual Enumeration shall be made within three Years after the first Meeting of the Senate of the American Confederation, and within every subsequent Term of ten Years, in such Manner as they shall by Law direct. The Number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty Thousand, but each Territory shall have at Least one Representative;
When vacancies happen in the Representation from any Territory, the Executive Authority thereof shall issue Writs of Election to fill such Vacancies.
The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other Officers; and shall have the sole Power of Impeachment.
Section 3. The House of Delegates shall be composed of two Delegates from each Territory, chosen by the Legislature or Executive Authority thereof, as per each Territory’s own Constitution, to serve until recalled; and each Delegate shall have one Vote.
No Person shall be a Delegate who shall not have attained to the Age of thirty Years, and been nine Years a Citizen of the American Confederation.

The House of Delegates shall choose their Speaker and other Officers; and shall have the sole Power of Impeachment.
The House of Delegates shall have the sole Power to try all Impeachments. When sitting for that Purpose, they shall be on Oath or Affirmation. When the President of the American Confederation is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside: And no Person shall be convicted without the Concurrence of two thirds of the Members present.
Judgment in Cases of Impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from Office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any Office of Honor, Trust or Profit under the United States: but the Party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to Indictment, Trial, Judgment and Punishment, according to Law.
Section 4. The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Representatives, shall be prescribed in each Territory by the Legislature thereof; but the Senate may at any time by Law make or alter such Regulations.
The Senate shall assemble at least once in every Year, and such Meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by Law appoint a different Day.
Section 5. Each House shall be the Judge of the Elections, Returns and Qualifications of its own Members, and a Majority of each shall constitute a Quorum to do Business; but a smaller Number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the Attendance of absent Members, in such Manner, and under such Penalties as each House may provide.
Each House may determine the Rules of its Proceedings, punish its Members for disorderly Behaviour, and, with the Concurrence of two thirds, expel a Member.
Each House shall keep a Journal of its Proceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such Parts as may in their Judgment require Secrecy; and the Yeas and Nays of the Members of either House on any question shall, at the Desire of one fifth of those Present, be entered on the Journal.
Neither House, during the Session of Senate, shall, without the Consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other Place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting.
Section 6. The Delegates and Representatives shall receive a Compensation for their Services, to be ascertained by Law, and paid out of the Treasury of the American Confederation. They shall in all Cases, except Treason, Felony and Breach of the Peace, be privileged from Arrest during their Attendance at the Session of their respective Houses, and in going to and returning from the same; and for any Speech or Debate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other Place.
No Senator shall, during the Time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil Office under the Authority of the American Confederation, which shall have been created, or the Emoluments whereof shall have been encreased during such time: and no Person holding any Office under the American Confederation, shall be a Member of either House during his Continuance in Office.
Section 7. All Bills for raising Revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the House of Delegates may propose or concur with Amendments as on other Bills.
Every Bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the House of Delegates, shall, before it become a Law, be presented to the President of the American Confederation; if he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his Objections to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the Objections at large on their Journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such Reconsideration two thirds of that House shall agree to pass the Bill, it shall be sent, together with the Objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two thirds of that House, it shall become a Law. But in all such Cases the Votes of both Houses shall be determined by Yeas and Nays, and the Names of the Persons voting for and against the Bill shall be entered on the Journal of each House respectively. If any Bill shall not be returned by the President within ten Days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the Same shall be a Law, in like Manner as if he had signed it, unless the Senate by their Adjournment prevent its Return, in which Case it shall not be a Law.
Every Order, Resolution, or Vote to which the Concurrence of the House of Delegates and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question of Adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the American Confederation; and before the Same shall take Effect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two thirds of the House of Delegates and House of Representatives, according to the Rules and Limitations prescribed in the Case of a Bill.
Section 8. The Senate shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the American Confederation; but all Duties, Imposts and Excises shall be uniform throughout the American Confederation;
To borrow Money on the credit of the American Confederation;
To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, with the Indian Tribes, and within the Territory of the American Confederation if necessary for national interest;
To establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization, and uniform Laws on the subject of Bankruptcies throughout the American Confederation;
To provide a uniform law for Migration into the American Confederation;
To coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign Coin, and fix the Standard of Weights and Measures;
To provide for the Punishment of counterfeiting the Securities and current Coin of the American Confederation;
To establish such National Projects as shall be deemed necessary for the continued wealth and well-being of American Confederation and its people;
To promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts, by securing for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive Right to their respective Writings and Discoveries and by establishing Prizes and Endowments for the purpose of advancing the same;
To promote useful Industries by granting subsidies or making loans;
To constitute Tribunals inferior to the supreme Court;
To define and punish Piracies and Felonies committed on the high Seas, and Offences against the Law of Nations;
To provide for the Education of American Children;
To declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and make Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water;
To raise and support the Army of the American Confederation and such specialized forces as shall be necessary within it;
To provide and maintain a Navy;
To make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land and naval Forces;
To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws of the Confederation, suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions and to grant command thereof to Appointed Officers;
To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia, and for governing such Part of them as may be employed in the Service of the American Confederation as well as all forces controlled directly by the Confederate Government;
To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the American Confederation, or in any Department or Officer thereof.
Section 9. The Importation of slaves into those Territories condoning slavery shall not be prohibited by the Senate prior to the Year one thousand eight hundred, but a Tax or duty may be imposed on such Importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each Person.
The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it.
No Bill of Attainder or ex post facto Law shall be passed.
No Capitation, or other direct, Tax shall be laid, unless in Proportion to the Census or Enumeration herein before directed to be taken.
No Tax or Duty shall be laid on Articles exported from any Territory.
No Preference shall be given by any Regulation of Commerce or Revenue to the Ports of one Territory over those of another: nor shall Vessels bound to, or from, one Territory, be obliged to enter, clear or pay Duties in another.
No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence of Appropriations made by Law; and a regular Statement and Account of Receipts and Expenditures of all public Money shall be published from time to time.
Section 10. No Territory shall enter into any Treaty, Alliance, or Confederation; grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal; coin Money; emit Bills of Credit; make any Thing but gold and silver Coin a Tender in Payment of Debts; pass any Bill of Attainder, ex post facto Law, or Law impairing the Obligation of Contracts, or grant any Title of Nobility.
No Territory shall, without the Consent of the Senate, lay any Imposts or Duties on Imports or Exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection Laws: and the net Produce of all Duties and Imposts, laid by any Territory on Imports or Exports, shall be for the Use of the Treasury of the American Confederation; and all such Laws shall be subject to the Revision and Control of the Senate.
No Territory shall, without the Consent of Senate, lay any Duty of Tonnage, keep Troops, or Ships of War in time of Peace, enter into any Agreement or Compact with another Territory, or with a foreign Power, or engage in War, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent Danger as will not admit of delay, in which case the Territory is permitted to raise a Militia and take other actions deemed fit by the Territorial Legislature, unless countermanded by the Senate of the American Confederation
Article II
Section 1. The executive Power shall be vested in a President of the American Confederation. He shall hold his Office during the Term of four Years, and, together with the Vice President, chosen for the same Term, be elected by Popular Vote of all Free Citizens of American Confederation.
No Person shall be the President or Vice President who shall not have attained to the Age of thirty five Years, and been fifteen Years a Citizen of the American Confederation.
In Case of the Removal of the President from Office, or of his Death, Resignation, or Inability to discharge the Powers and Duties of the said Office, the Same shall devolve on the Vice President, and the Senate may by Law provide for the Case of Removal, Death, Resignation or Inability, both of the President and Vice President, declaring what Officer shall then act as President, and such Officer shall act accordingly, until the Disability be removed, or a President shall be elected.
The President shall, at stated Times, receive for his Services, a Compensation, which shall neither be encreased nor diminished during the Period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive within that Period any other Emolument from the American Confederation.
Before he enter on the Execution of his Office, he shall take the following Oath or Affirmation:--"I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the American Confederation, and will to the best of my Ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the American Confederation."
Section 2. The President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the American Confederation, and of any members of Militias called into the service of the American Confederation; he may require the Opinion, in writing, of the principal Officer in each of the executive Departments, upon any Subject relating to the Duties of their respective Offices, and he shall have Power to grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offences against the American Confederation, except in Cases of Impeachment.
The President shall be Chief Diplomat of the American Confederation. He shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of the House of Delegates, to make Treaties, provided two thirds of the Delegates present concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the Advice and Consent of the Delegates, shall appoint Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the supreme Court, and all other Officers of the United States, whose Appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by Law: but the Senate may by Law vest the Appointment of such inferior Officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in the Courts of Law, or in the Heads of Departments.
The President shall have Power to fill up all Vacancies that may happen during the Recess of the Senate, by granting Commissions which shall expire at the End of their next Session.
Section 3. The President shall be the Chief Legislator of the American Confederation. He shall have Power to suggest bills to the Senate, with the intention of being made into law.
Section 4. He shall from time to time give to the Senate Information of the State of the Confederation, and recommend to their Consideration such Measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; he may, on extraordinary Occasions, convene both Houses, or either of them, and in Case of Disagreement between them, with Respect to the Time of Adjournment, he may adjourn them to such Time as he shall think proper; he shall receive Ambassadors and other public Ministers; he shall take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed, and shall Commission all the Officers of the United States.
Section 5. The President shall have the power to delegate any of his duties to the Vice President or to rescind same.
Section 5. The President, Vice President and all civil Officers of the United States, shall be removed from Office on Impeachment for, and Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors.
Article III
Section 1. The judicial Power of the American Confederation, shall be vested in one supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The Judges, both of the supreme and inferior Courts, shall hold their Offices during good Behaviour, and shall, at stated Times, receive for their Services, a Compensation, which shall not be diminished during their Continuance in Office.
Section 2. The judicial Power shall extend to all Cases, in Law and Equity, arising under this Constitution, the Laws of the United States, and Treaties made, or which shall be made, under their Authority;--to all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls;--to all Cases of admiralty and maritime Jurisdiction;--to Controversies to which the American Confederation shall be a Party;--to Controversies between two or more Territories;--between the government of a Territory and Private Citizens;-- and between the government of a Territory or Citizen of the American Confederation, and foreign States, Citizens or Subjects.
In all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, and those in which the government of a Territory shall be Party, the supreme Court shall have original Jurisdiction. In all the other Cases before mentioned, the supreme Court shall have appellate Jurisdiction, both as to Law and Fact, with such Exceptions, and under such Regulations as the Senate shall make.
The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases of Impeachment, shall be by Jury.
Section 3. Treason against the American Confederation, shall consist only in levying War against it, or in adhering to its Enemies, giving them Aid and Comfort. No Person shall be convicted of Treason unless on the Testimony of two Witnesses to the same overt Act, or on Confession in open Court.
The Senate shall have Power to declare the Punishment of Treason, but no Attainder of Treason shall work Corruption of Blood, or Forfeiture except during the Life of the Person attainted.
Article IV
Section 1. Full Faith and Credit shall be given in each Territory to the public Acts, Records, and judicial Proceedings of every other Territory, except as countermanded by Laws of American Confederation. And the Senate may by general Laws prescribe the Manner in which such Acts, Records, and Proceedings shall be proved, and the Effect thereof.
Section 2. The Citizens of each Territory shall be entitled to all Privileges and Immunities of Citizens of the American Confederation.
No Person held to Service or Labour in one Territory, under the Laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in Consequence of any Law or Regulation therein, be discharged from such Service or Labour, but shall be delivered up on Claim of the Party to whom such Service or Labour may be due.
Section 3. The representation of any Territories within the American Confederation shall be decided by the joint will of the Senate of the American Confederation and the population of the affected Territories and such Representation as they choose to send before the Senate. The decisions of the Senate must comply with the abovestated Sections concerning the Houses of Representatives and Delegates.
Section 4. The American Confederation shall guarantee to every Territory in this Confederation a Republican Form of Government, and shall protect each of them against Invasion; and on Application of the Legislature, or of the Executive (when the Legislature cannot be convened) against domestic Violence.
Article V
The Senate, whenever two thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose Amendments to this Constitution, or, on the Application of the Legislatures of two thirds of the several States, shall call a Convention for proposing Amendments, which, in either Case, shall be valid to all Intents and Purposes, as Part of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three fourths of the several Territories, or by Conventions in three fourths thereof, as the one or the other Mode of Ratification may be proposed by the Senate; Provided that no Amendment which may be made prior to the Year One thousand eight hundred shall in any Manner affect the first and fourth Clauses in the Ninth Section of the first Article; and that no Territory, without its Consent, shall be deprived of its equal Suffrage in the Senate.
Article VI
All Debts contracted and Engagements entered into, before the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the American Confederation.
This Constitution, and the Laws of the American Confederation which shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the Authority of the American Confederation, shall be the supreme Law of the Land; and the Judges in every Territory shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or Laws of any Territory to the Contrary notwithstanding.
The Delegates and Representatives before mentioned, and the Members of the several Territorial Legislatures, and all executive and judicial Officers, both of the American Confederation and of its Territories, shall be bound by Oath or Affirmation, to support this Constitution; but no religious Test shall ever be required as a Qualification to any Office or public Trust under the American Confederation.
Article VII
Section 1. There shall be a wall of separation between Church and State; The Government of the American Confederation may take no action to encourage or abridge any faith or religion, except to limit religious practices that are harmful or unlawful for reasons independent of religious faith.
Section 2. Full freedom of speech and press shall be maintained; the Government of the American Confederation may take no action to limit the freedom of expression.
Section 3. The Government of the American Confederation may take no action to abridge the freedoms to peaceably assemble, or to petition the government for redress of grievances, or to protest the actions of the government in a peaceful manner.
Section 4. The Government of the American Confederation may take no action to establish a national language, or to prevent any language from being spoken or written within its borders.
Section 5. The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.
Section 6. The No Soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any house, without the consent of the Owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law.
Section 7. No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in actual service in time of War or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offense to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.
In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the Assistance of Counsel for his defence.
Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted
Section 8. The right of the vote shall not be abridged; franchise cannot be denied based on religion, race, previous condition of servitude, or nationality prior to becoming a citizen of the American Confederation. Excessive property requirements shall not be imposed, and franchise may not be tied to a specific type of property.

It ends up being essentially the same in most respects as the OTL Constitution, since there would be similar problems, and presumably similar solutions. But there are a few important differences: notably, the power to provide subsidies and undertake projects (i.e., internal improvements), and unlike the United States, the American Confederation is treated as a single unit with regional sub-units rather than a collection of halfway-independent states. This will eventually become important.
 
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