After the forest of Foixà: a new beginning for the House of Barcelona

Chapter 19: Blood on the royal court.
Chapter 19: Blood on the royal court.

It all began in 1496, when the young Duke of Palma, Juan, was looking for a wife. Since his childhood he had been in love with Francisca Álvarez de Toledo, daughter of García Álvarez de Toledo y Carrillo de Toledo, Duke of Alba; however, Tomás of Alcubierre organized the marriage of Francisca with his elder son, Alfonso. The marriage took place in May 1496, to the great anger of Juan and the displeasure of the king Jaime VI/I, who was worried by this unexpected quarrel in the royal family. Nevertheless, the feud seemed to be forgotten until when Juan of Palma was named governor of Navarra in 1505. There Juan began by reintroducing the Navarrese Fueros and some other privileges while, at the same time, keeping an iron fist over the country, specially over the decimated Agramontese faction. Then he slowly and carefully purged his administration of any follower of his cousin Alfonso of Alcubierre, who was powerless to act as he had become an unoficial ambassador to England and was often abroad and away from the royal court. By March 1509 when Juan was sent as an Ambassador to Rome by the king. He remained there until 1510. When he returned to Hispania, he found that Enrique, the younger brother of Alfonso, duke of Alcubierre, had caught the eye of King Jaime VI/I at a hunt in Ávila and, supported by the Duke of Alba, had risen to become the king's favourite, and, after intense lobbying, secured his appointment as Royal Cup-bearer, a position that allowed him to be in constant touch with the king.

Under the king's patronage, Enrique of Alcubierre advanced rapidly through the ranks of the nobility, and intense lobbying secured his appointment, in 1511, as Royal Cup-bearer, a position that allowed him to close to the king; the following year he was made Marquis of Villa Verde, and became a Knight of the Order of Montesa. Even this was a mostly honorary post by then, it enraged many noblemen in spite of the royal blood of Enrique, as it was considered as nothing but an upstart with nothing but a royal ancestors, good looks and little brain. His cousin Juan of Palma, even if it was surprised by this act of nepotism, which was apparently as surprising as unpopular, said nothing on the issue.

However, the good luck of Enrique came to a sudden end a few months later, in October 1511, when he angered the old king after being found in bed with one of the ladies in waiting of the queen. He was replaced by Alfonso de Palma, the son of the Duke, something that further enraged Enrique; aware of this, King Jaime V/I sent him as an ambassador to París, where he remained until May 1512. On his return to Hispania, he was soon noted as a satirist, a genre he had cultivated in France. Prominent men such as Juan Alonso Pérez de Guzmán y Afán de Ribera, 3rd Duke of Medina Sidonia were frequent targets. Thus, Enrique was ordered to withdraw from court in June 1513. However, he was forgiven and returned in December of that year. To keep him appeased, he was appointed gentleman-in-waiting to Eduardo I's young wife, Anne of Shrewsbury.

It is claimed that, while in court, he attempted to seduce Ana Pérez de Guzmán, the wife of Alfonso de Palma. This led that the rivalry between Alfonso and Enrique soon became a deep hatred and, in December 21, 1513, after a heated exchange of words, Alfonso fatally wounded his cousin and namesake, Alfonso, Duke of Alcubierre. Alfonso was arrested and imprisoned on the spot. However, that was not enough for Enrique and, in January 8, 1514, he sent two men to Alfonso's rooms, and there they stabbed him in his chest. Meanwhile, Enrique fled to Portugal, but, before he could reach the border, it was attacked by unknown assailants and stabbed to death on January 18, 1514

Thus came to its end the House of Alcubierre.
 
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Chapter 20: Hispanic Emperor (1527-1533)
Chapter 20: Hispanic Emperor (1527-1533)

After the sad events that led to the demise of the House of Alcubierre and the death of his heir, Eduardo I was determined to change the course of events and, to that, he gathered the most powerful and influential men of his kingdoms in Toledo. There, on March 23, 1519, he styled himself as Emperor of Hispania, reinventing the old title of Imperator totius Hispaniae and used under a variety of circumstances from the ninth century onwards by the kings of León and Castile. Thus, his full titulature went as follows: Eduardo, by the grace of God, Emperor of all Spains, King of Castile, Aragon, Leon, Navarre, Granada, Toledo, Valencia, Galicia, Majorca, Sevilla, Cordova, Murcia, Jaén, Algeciras, Gibraltar, the Canary Islands, King of both Hither and Ultra Sicily, of Sardinia, Corsica, King of Jerusalem, Prince of Asturias and Catalonia, Count of Barcelona, Roussillon, Cerdagne, Lord of Biscay and Molina and Duke of Athens and Neopatria. When this was known in Rome, Pope Leo X was not amused by Eduardo's behaviour. Even if he raised no objection about the action, he deeply resented it as he considered it a slight against his dignity as a Pope. The king had made himself a powerful enemy. However, he did not worry about neither the feelings nor the dignity of Leo X.

Meanwhile, in Europe, the English and Hispanic victories had began to ennerve the French king and the German Emperor so, in 1527, Francis I of France, the Emperor Charles and Pope Clement VII signed the Treaty of Rome, which, aimed to defend Italy from foreign intervention, it resurrected the Holy League when it was joined by Milan, Venice, Florence, Bavaria and various smaller German realms joining forces. The Holy League had thus changed from opposing French or Imperial influence on Italy, as Francis, Charles and Clement managed to redirect the League against England and Hispania. In response Eduardo I and Edward V prepared themselves to defend their realms from the Holy League. Edward reinforced Calais while Eduardo did the same with Naples and the border with France.

Just as Charles and Francis had busied themselves with the Treaty of Rome, Edward not only prepared for war, but he also moved to settle accounts in the New World. Cuauhtémoc expanded its empire into the lands of the Purépecha empire in 1526, which was crushed by 1528 and the cazonci Tangáxuan II brought to Tenochtitlan to be executed there. The war, however, had left an exhausted Aztec Empire, as it caused as, even if the Mexica did win in the end, it was at the cost of thousands of lives and they were forced to leave several garrison forces in the area, as the locals would revolt at the first opportunity. It would not be until 1531 when the Aztec expansion was resumed. Meanwhile, Edward I, who was aware that the Hispanic attention was fixed south, proposed a common enterprise, that is, the conquest of the Aztecs. He proposed to use Cuba as the departing point for the conquest and the division of Central America between them, with the dividing line being the Yucatan Peninsula.

The English expedition was led by Sir Charles Brandon (c. 1484 –1545), one of the rising stars of the English court and, at the same time, a troublesome character. Thus, the chastisement of the Aztecs looked as the perfect opportunity to test his mettle. Once in Cuba, Brandon set himself to organize the expeditionary force, which was made by 280 Englishmen and 300 Hispanic mercenaries. He landed in Cheapside (Veracruz OTL), the last English outpost in Aztec lands that still held. It had survived the Aztec blacklash and several months of fruitless siege thanks to its small harbor and Cuathémoc changing his attention towards the north of his lands. From there he attacked and seized Cempoala, and then he was forced to fight the Otomis and the Tlaxcalans in three battles from 2 to 5 September 1532 that decimated his forces. He then returned to Cheapside to wait for reinforcements, where the Aztec army arrived first. Under the command of Cocijopij , one of the lieutenants of Cuáthemoc, 4,000 Aztec warriors laid siege to the colony. They breached the walls in various places after several weeks of siege, but they were bloody repulsed and pushed back. The arrival of a Hispanic fleet bringing supplies and reinforcements on November 25, 1532, forced Cocijopij to withdraw. Brandon now he had 900 men and 8 guns under his command and marched south again, taking Cempoala and from there, he advanced towards Tenochtitlan. On the way, 2,000 warriors from Cempoala and Tlaxcala. Together they marched to Cholula, the second-largest city in central Mexico. and they were pitted against the Tlatoani of Tenochtitlan's force of nearly 50,000 men.

Brandon decided to launch a surprise attack on the enemy camp on the morning of February, 4, 1533, and achieved little success. The total casualties of Brandon's force were 57 killed and 137 wounded. The Aztec army lost 25 officers of distinction and 600 men. The raid only managed to enrage Cuáthemoc, was infuriated on learning of the attack and mustered his kingdom to crush the invaders. His moment came on June 23, 1533.

At daybreak on 23 June, the Aztec army emerged from their camp and started advancing towards the enemy. Their army consisted of 40,000 infantry, some of them armed with arquebuses, swords and pikes captured to the English. Brandon had 850 English, 1800 warriors from Cempoala and Tlaxcala and eight guns. The English soldiers were placed in the centre of the line, flanked on both sides by the guns and the warriors.

In the end, in spite of their previous experience with the English, the Aztecs were defeated by the English guns and horses. By marshalling on an open plain, they also allowed the experienced English commanders to bring to bear their own tactics, weaponry, and the know-how of European warfare. The English losses were 22 killed and 50 wounded along with 2,000 native allies.. Brandon estimated that the Tlatoani 's force lost 7,000 men, including several key commanders. The battle helped the English to take control of the Aztec Empire, as Cuáthemoc was quietly removed by his own noblemen and replaced by Matlatzincatl, who soon gave significant concessions for the previous losses and revenue caused by the massacres of 1525.

Meanwhile, in the Old World, Eduardo I and his English ally were fighting for survival.
 
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At daybreak on 23 June, the Aztec army emerged from their camp and started advancing towards the enemy. Their army consisted of 40,000 infantry, some of them armed with arquebuses, swords and pikes captured to the English. Brandon had 850 English, 1800 warriors from Cempoala and Tlaxcala and eight guns. The English soldiers were placed in the centre of the line, flanked on both sides by the guns and the warriors.

In the end, in spite of their previous experience with the English, the Aztecs were defeated by the English guns and horses. By marshalling on an open plain, they also allowed the experienced English commanders to bring to bear their own tactics, weaponry, and the know-how of European warfare. The English losses were 22 killed and 50 wounded along with 2,000 native allies.
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Chapter 21: When Europe was Aflame (1526-1527)
Chapter 21 When Europe was Aflame (1526-1527)

The winter of 1526-7 was quiet on the diplomatic and militar fronts in spite of the Treaty of Rome. Eduardo I suffered an unexpected loss. His wife, after several miscarriages, finally gave him a healthy son, Prince Jaime (October 12, 1527). The birth was difficult, but Queen Anne appeared to recover slowly at the beginning, until she suddenly suffered a great fever and died on October 24, 1527 from an infection. Then, to the surpirse of the court, after Anne had been buried, measures were immediately put in place to find another wife for Eduardo.

While this was happenning, Edward V of England spent the winter reinforcing the defences of the Channel and reinforcing his armies in Brittany. However, Burgundy seemed to grow more and more distant as the pressure from France and the Empire became more intense. On his part, Eduardo I also reinforced Naples and Sicily, and kept an eye on the French border. Unknown for both of them, Francis and Charles had decided to defeat first Edward and then turn against the Hispanic emperor. For this they mustered a grand army of almost 60,000 men; a huge force mainly comprised of German and French soldiers with Italian bankers paying the bills. With a swift coup, they hoped, they would defeat Edward by crushing Brittany. The two kings decided to send 15,000 men west under the command of Jacques de la Palice and Charles de Bourbon against Calais, which would serve as a distraction for Edward V. Meanwhile, Charles and Francis would take 25,000 men to invade Brittany. Another 20,000 men under Georg von Frudnsberg would take care of the Hispanic forces in Naples. However, unfortunately for them, Edward's agents had infiltrated the French court and had learned of the division and direction of forces.

Edward V had only 30,000 men availabe then, including levies and Swiss mercenaries. On his part, Eduardo I could muster 20,000 men. Thus, they could barely match the armies of the Holy League in size. Therefore he sent his son Richard, Prince of Wales and Duke of Britany, to Brittany with 10,000 soldiers with the experienced Lord Chase as his second in command. Supported by the Breton forces, Richard was expected to hold the line. The remaining 20,000 English soldiers would then have to defend Calais. For this task Edward V recruited the peasantry of the region to fight as archers.

Charles and Francis launched their invasion in March of 1527 as their 25,000 strong army lay siege to the English fortress in the Channel. However. Edward waited and the main forced remained in England. Well provided with good rations for aat least 2 months and under strong walls, the garrison of Calais was hope to held his ground while he preapred to strike hard at his enemies. Only 3,000 men were finally sent to Calais and used to raid deep into French territory harassing and disrupting supply lines. Finally, in early April 1527, the English crossed the Channel and landed in France. Following the example of Henry V, Edward took his army on a forced march through the night of April 3, and appeared behind the enemy army at dawn. Under a blizzard that reduced visibility, the English charged, trying to pin the besieging army against the town walls andto destroy it there. However, the rain hampered the English moves and the attack ended in a confused stalemate, even if Charles and Francis were obliged to retreat. Calais was safe.

Bourbon and de la Palice attacked Brittany in the last week of March 1527 and reached Pontivy by the end of the month, placing it under siege. They also carried out raids into the Breton countryside, hoping to draw out the Breton army and destroy it, but only small parties rose to the challenge. Then, Duke Richard attacked the larger French force at Pontivy on April 1st. In the end, Richard had to withdraw after half of his army was lost in the unequal battle Eventually, Pontivy surrendered and by the beginning of the summer easter Britanny was in French hands as the Anglo-Breton army recovered its forces and Edward sent reinforcements from Calais under the command of Henry, Earl of Warwick (1492-1539). Thankfully, logistical problems weakened the French Army and Bourbon had to use part of his men and of his time to redress the situation. This temporary weakness gave a chance to Richard, who launched a surprise attack against de la Palice at Loudeac (August 27, 1527). Even if Richard was the commander of the English army, Warwick, a seasoned warrior, had the control of the force, and this marked a difference this time. A feint launched against the rear of the enemy line broke havoc among the French. In the ensuing confusion, the French army was broken by the spirited charge of the English knights and, in the ensuing melée, Bourbon was wounder and captured while de la Pallice fled with the remnants of the army.

Eventually, the defeat suffered at Brittany and the stalemate at Calais were composed by the disaster suffered by the forces of the Kingdom of Hungary and its allies, led by Louis II, at the battle of Móhacs (August 29, 1526), made worse by the death of the Hungarian king. The battle, by itself, changed little in the general outcome, but the death of Louis II threw the Hungarian kingdom into disarray as the divided Hungarian nobility elected two kings simultaneously, John Zápolya in 1526 and Ferdinand of Austria in 1527. This forced Karl V to return to his Empire to attempt to put some order on its eastern borders, as an Ottoman advance against Vienna loomed in the horizon as the chaotic situation in Hungary spiralled out of control. This put an end to the campaign of 1527.

Eduardo I, on his part, had greatly reinforced the French border and the fortifications of Naples while launching some raids on the other side of the Pyrenées and some naval attacks against the French fleet in the Mediterranean. In April, as the French invaded Brittany, Eduardo launched an attack against Bourdeaux, which was well defended by Odet de Foix, Vicomte de Lautrec, and Eduardo was forced to withdraw. Meanwhile, Guillaume Gouffier, seigneur de Bonnivet, commander of the French forces in Italy, misjudged the streght of the Hispanic armies in Naples and waited for the arrival of more reinforcements before moving south. His innaction led to this replacement by Lautrec.

Eduardo I, on his part, was determined not to wait for the French attack in Italy, but to move first. Thus he sent to Naples a 20,000-strong army under the command of Fernando Álvarez de Toledo y Pimentel, 3rd Duke of Alba, If everything was according to Eduardo's plans, Alba would sweep Italy in a swift campaign before Lautrec was able to react.
 
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Chapter 22: The Italian Campaign (January - March, 1528)
Chapter 22: The Italian Campaign (January - March, 1528)

Fernando Álvarez de Toledo y Pimentel, 3rd Duke of Alba landed in Naples in November 1527 and spent the next two months preparing the campaign. Then, on late January 1528, he left Gaeta and moved south, towards Naples. On the way he found Giovanni de' Medici and his Black Bands near the Bolla Aqueduct (February 2, 1528). The Bands had grown from a 4,000 strong mercenary company to almost 15,000, with a mixture of Italian soldiers, English renegades and European mercenaries, including a great number of arquebusiers—including Europe's first mounted arquebusiers. Medici commenced the attack, himself leading the main division, forcing Alba's right wing to retreat across the road. However, the Hispanic cavalry, which had remained in the rearguard, as a mobile strike force, was released from his position by Alba and landed with all its might against Medici's division, which simply dissolved. The rest of the army, unaware of this, attempted an encirclement of the Hispanic left wing, but the Hispanic tercios kept their ground and brough the attack to a halt. By then Medici's division was in full flight in spite of the attempts of its commander to reorganize its force. In this situation he was when he was attacked by several German mercenaries who, unaware of who he was, killed him in their rush to press after the fleeing enemy, with the hope of reaching their camp in order to plunder it. As the news of Medici's death were known among the Black Band, it began to withdraw, but Alba did not allow them to withdraw and their plight soon became a rout. By the end of the day, the Black Band had been utterly destroyed and the mercenary force dissolved as the English renegades fled north, to join Lautrec's main force while most of the mercenaries simply changed sides.

Lautrec had problems of his own, as Francis de Bourbon, Duke of Estouteville took 18,000 men with him (half of Lautrec's force) and marched south to meet Alba, only after berating Lautrec for what Bourbon thought it was "despicable cowardice". In fact, Lautrec had some troubles moving his 36,000 men, as he had some difficulties with the supply of such a force. Eventually, Bourbon's departure with half of the army, the supply situation was quite eased. Bourbon, on his part, was hit by a very bad luck strike. When his force met Alba at Frosinone (February 17, 1528), they fortified themselves and waited for the enemy to attack them. Then, the few French arquebusiers were ineffective in their reply to the Hispanic fire and the Swiss infantry launched a fearsome pike charge but the more nimble Hispanic arquebusiers did not attempt to stand up to them; instead, they moved out of the way to reformi on their flanks; then they resumed their fire. Bourbon, in despair, led a heavy cavalry charge but he was killed by an arquebus shot. Alba, worried by an unconfirmed report that Lautrec was moving with the rest of the French army and could appear to his rear, withdrew from Frosinone just as the enemy force collapsed without its commander.

Alba, back in Naples, rested and reorganized his army after the arrival of reinforcements from the Peninsula and resumed his advance in March, 1528. After some small skirmishes around Frosinone, Lautrec, who had been heavily reinforced and now outnumbered Alba, attacked head on and the two armies inconclusively clashed near Casalvieri (March 28, 1528), but Alba counter-attacked on the following day. The battle began with a thunderous volley of the Hispanic arquebusiers that brought havoc among the enemy ranks. Again, their French counterpart proved to be less effective than their rivals and, following the discharge, Alba, instead of attacking, allowed his men to fire several additional volleys before Lautrec charged to escape from the murderous fire that decimated the ranks of his army. The armies and the numerically inferior Hispanic army was forced to give ground and retreat, but the French left wing, which had suffered great losses by the enemy fire, had less momentum than the rest of its formation, breaking the French line of battle. After three hours of fighting, this breach allowed Alba to break the enemy in two and, with the French line breaking up, the advantage shited to the Hispanic as the French began fleeing for their lives.

With Naples thus secure, Eduardo began to consider expanding the campaign. Lautrec, on his part, decided to cut losses and withdrew north, hoping to join the promised reinforcements that Francis had sent. Instead, he met in Rome a ragtag army, a mixture of some 14,000 Landsknechte under Georg von Frundsberg; some Italian infantry and cavalry under the command of Ferdinando Gonzaga. All in all, included Lautrec's men, there were 34,000 soldiers in Rome. Numerous bandits, along with the Lautrec's deserters, joined the army during its march. What happened then has been reported in many ways, but there is some kind of agreement about placing the blame on Gonzaga's undisciplined Italians beginning a riot on the streets of Rome. The riots soon became a wild sack of the city that was only stopped by the timel,y intervention of von Frundsberg's Landsckenechte, while Lautrec berated Gonzaga for his lack of control over his men. Even if the Eternal City suffered little damage, Clement VII was shocked by the vision of his Itaian allies sacking the city just to be cut down by his German allies (some of them, apparently, also joined the sacking on his own). And then, with the divided army of the Holy League on the point of fighthing each other, Alba's army appeared on the horizon. At once the deserters, the criminals and the muntinieers fled. Lautrec, von Frundsberg and Gonzaga attempted to reorganize their forces to defend the city just to be berated by the Pope, who demanded them to leave Rome alone. Thus, the allied army simply left the city to Viterbo. There met Lautrecand von Frundsberg as Gonzaga managed to get captured by Alba's patrols when he was leaving Rome. To the despair of the two commanders, they had hardly 6,000 men with them. Agreeing that they had no choice to withdraw north, they departed to Milan on April 30. In less than a month the army of the Holy League had dissolved itself without Alba having to rise a finger.

Meanwhile, the Hispanic commander was having a few words with his Holiness at Rome. Clement VII, without the military or financial resources to keep fighting and to avert more warfare, adopted a conciliatory policy toward Edward and Eduardo while trying to have them exerting more control over the Church and Italy. In what regards the former, he was to be complete successful. In the latter, he would only managed to keep Eduardo out of the Papal States as the Hispanic armies marched through Italy, breaking the Papal attempt to become the temporal overlord of Italy.

Meanwhile, the French colonies in the Caribe came to a sad end. In the summer of 1527 the English fleet launched several raids against the French settlements in Fort St. Jean-Baptiste (OTL Puerto Rico) and Fort Toulouse (OTL Punta Cana). There, the English attackers were supported with some hundreds of Aztec mercenaries, that attacked the French with gusto. Both outposts were razed to the ground. Some other settlements were also attacked, even with not such a violence, but the fear caused by the attacks and the extreme cruelty of the Aztec warriors made most of the settlers to return in panic to France. The French fleet in America was hopelessly outnumbered and outgunned and was reduced to provide some protection to the scattered ships that returned to France. Thus the French empire in America came to a temporary end. while the English settlers in America rose frmo 6,000 to 20,000, most of them in New Albion (OTL Hispaniola) but also in Yorkstown and Saint Edward (In OTL Dominican Republic), in St Matthew Islands( and Bahamas), New Norfolk (OTL Newfoundland) and Richardstown (OTL Panama City).

The Hispanic settlement in America paled in comparison, as it was limited to several colonies in the shores of OTL Venezuela and the exploration of the shores of Braizil, where a settlement was built, San José (OTL Fortaleza), as the main effort was being directed in the exploration of the Birú, of Peru, with the first contact with the Inca Empire. As we have seen, it would take twenty years and a lucky strike for the Hispanic to barely control the north of the Empire.
 
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Chapter 23: The Sword and the Cross (1528-1530)
Chapter 23: The Sword and the Cross (1528-1530)

By the summer of 1528, Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor, had enough of his French ally and, in the face of the Ottoman threat, he secretly approached Eduardo to find a way to get out of the mess he was in. Eduardo I of Hispania was delighted by the offer as he was also worried by the Ottoman rising power and worked hard to bring Edward V of England into the deal, so, by the Treaty of Vienna (March 1529), the Empire ended its feud with the English and Hispanic kings after barely warning Francis I of France that he was on his own. Of course, Francis was mighty angered by this "treason" and his rage may have affected his judgement because he didn't bother to look for a peaceful exit from the war, but he began to ready his armies for the next campaign and looked for allies. If Charles V had "betrayed" him out of fear of Suleiman the Magnificent. The French king hoped that the Ottoman sultan would help him to redress the situation. As Charles V recovered Buda, Suleiman not only accepted Francis' offer but also marched through the valley of the Danube and regained control of Buda; thus the sultan entered the path that would led him to his death when his forces laid siege to Vienna. However, the Austrians inflicted the first defeat on Suleiman, whose second attempt to conquer Vienna in 1532 was even less luckier, as the Ottoman army was plagued by bad weather and overstretched supply lines. It was during this campaign that Suleiman fell ill and died when he was returning to Istanbul (September 30, 1532). His death threw the Ottoman Empire into chaos, as his potential heirs, Selim, Mehmed, Mustafa and Bayezid fought each other to succeed his father. In the end, Mustafa came on top when the civil war ended in 1542. He defeated his brother Bayezid, who died in battle (1537) and had Selim and Mehmed executed in 1539 and 1542. However, his rule did not restore the glory of the Empire and, in the decades that followed, the empire began to experience significant political, institutional, and economic changes, with Persia on the rise (the failed campaign of 1548-49 only further damaged the Ottoman treasury), it would take almost a decade to Mustafa to return his attention to Europe.

Thus, with Francis' options being reduced at a quite fast pace, he decided to force the end of the war on his terms. To do so, he decided to take the full force of the French army into Brittany to force its surrender. This, he hoped, would lead the English to accept peace on his terms. Francis I made the first move as his 30,000 men surrounded and cut off Rennes in the first weeks of May, and then moved towards Vannes to cut off the English force in St Nazaire. However Edward V ad predicted this and his commanders on the field had blocked many of the roads running west and south from Rennes to slow French progress and by April 15 Francis was still some 5 miles from Vannes, with his army harrassed by the Breton light horse and Edward V landing at St Malo after brushing aside a French force blocking the port. The 20,000 men of the English army moved south to relieve Rennes. On April 27 Francis attacked Edward as the English army was close to the village of Redon. Confident he had 30,000 men in the field and Edward could barely manage 20,000 exhausted and shaken men, Francis launched an all-out attack which would have made the survivors of Agincourt proud. Again, the English had erected some swift defences, as a trench in front of the army. However, a heavy rain precluded the use of heavy cavalry, and Francis withdrew, not wishing to repeat old mistakes. Hardly three days later he attempted again, launching a general charge on Edward.

Perhaps in the past Francis could have been victorious, but not with Edward. Having learnt the ropes of war with his father and his uncle Gloucester, he had a few aces up his sleeve, and, in the space of an hour, the French army folded under the combined action of the English longbow and the cannons. All in all, Francis was lucky, as he only lost 5,000 men in the battle for 3,000 English casualties, among them Edward de la Pole, who lost an arm in the fight and barely managed to survive the wound. After this battle, which seemed brought from the past, Francis I withdrew from Brittany and pondered what to do next. However, wth his plans in ruins, there was little to do. Even worse, the garrison of Calais, was carrying out raids in Northern France, forcing the French king to reinforce his armies in the area, further depleting his chances to strike back in Brittany.

Then Pope Clement VIII offered a way out of the French king. In Rome, the Pope was having a bad time, with the victorious Hispanic troops controlling the south of Italy and shadowing the whole of Italy with their prestige and power, and with the English defeating over and over again the French as there were dangerous rumours of an heressy spreading in the German Empire and in England. There were rumours that pointed out that heresy appeared in France due to the devastation caused by the war. Thus, the Pope rushed to put an end to the war. Francis I gladly accepted the Papal mediation while Eduardo I and Edward V were quite cold at Clement's offering. After some consideration, both kings had their reasons to accept the offer. In the New World, there was news about a rich land to the south of the Hispanic settlements where precious metals flooded their hills. The reports sent by Alonso de Ojeda, Diego de Almagro and Vasco Núñez de Balboa only reinforced that impression and, of course, after securing Naples, Eduardo I was quite willing to end the war. Also, the Ottoman threat was beginning to worry the Hispanic Emperor. Edward V, on his part, had problems of his own. As Martin Luther was spreading his revolutionary ideas through Germany, something similar was happening in England. To make it worse, Edmund Grey, 1st Earl of Kent, Thomas Boleyn, 1st Earl of Ormond and Henry Stafford, 1st Earl of Wiltshire were supporting the heretics and sponsoring them. That Kent was uncle of the king only added fuel to the fire. Then Edward V discovered that his own brother, Richard of Shrewsbury, Duke of York, was also a Reformist. Suddenly, the English king wanted to turn his attention to that delicate problem after securing Brittany.

Eventually, the treaty of Rome (1529) put an end to the war, known today as the War of the First Coalition, for the Anglo-Hispanic alliance. Francis I of France, on his part, was determined to turn this treaty into an armistice once the enemy alliance broke because of their opposing interests in the New World, as Francis hoped. Meanwhile, he turned towards the heretics on his kingdom. Despite his personal opposition, Francis had tolerated Luther's ideas when they entered France in the late 1520s, largely because the definition of Catholic orthodoxy was unclear, making it hard to determine precisely what was or was not heresy. However, in in January 1530, Catholic authorities made a definitive ruling by classifying "Lutherans" as heretical Zwinglians. This was the first step of France towards what today is known as the French Wars of Religion, which lasted from 1545 to 1577.
 
Yes! the Ottomans will not be a danger for quite some time! It will give Charles time to Consolidate his gains!

And England and Spain ended the war in their favor, that's good.
 
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