African rice domesticated in fourth millennium BC

That would be cool. To flip the same idea on its head, the waste-disposal people might be both despised as untouchable and treated as holy, a sort of blood sacrifice to the god of plague. I could imagine orphaned boys, unwanted sons of the elite and, in times of great plague, a prince being handed over to the priesthood of the plague god, to work on the sewage works.

I'd imagined that those who died of plague might be more likely to be considered sacrifices to the plague god - after all, they're the ones who pay the price for the shield that disease provides against *Mali's enemies - but this kind of dedication is also possible. Dedication of children to the priesthood certainly isn't without precedent in other ancient cultures.

If this happens, it would be a strange sort of untouchability - a class of people who are socially shunned but not despised. Instead, they would be venerated and would be part of the city's religious life, and might be maintained in considerable luxury by the standards of the time. This would be especially interesting if the original waste-disposal priests were slaves, which would elevate some slaves to spiritual prominence and possibly establish the later priesthood as a place where slave and free are on equal terms.

Of course, for any of this to happen, the *Malians would have to realize that contaminated water and epidemics are linked. Maybe they would realize this - they'd know that plagues start among those closest to the river, and they'd also know that water can be made safe if brewed into rice beer, so they might figure out that something in the water (as opposed to the water itself) is unhealthy.

Is there any OTL analog to hunter gatherers adopting Mettalurgy (not just trading for metal goods but having native smiths) before adopting an agricultural, or at least a pastoral, package?

There are examples in Borneo - ironworking on a small scale only requires a few specialist laborers, so it wouldn't be unsustainable for a hunter-gatherer tribe. And some of the Khoisan-speakers were pastoralists. What I'm imagining is a semi-settled society developing in *Zambia in the first millennium, with the ironworking Khoikhoi supplementing the herds and wild harvesting with small-scale gardening and trade with the peoples to the north.

Not to sidetrack your world building away from alternate native African development (which is incredibly fascinating) but Carthaganian predecessors almost certainly had some trade links with West Africa (though not as far as the Niger Delta) as early as 800 BCE and the Phonecian Circumnavigation of Africa took place at the end of the period you are describing (600 BCE or so).

The evidence for Carthaginian circumnavigation of Africa is very uncertain, and in any event, Phoenician expansion only occurred in the 10th century BC and after, so trans-Saharan contact with the Mediterranean littoral probably won't be advanced by that much. What I figured was that, during the ninth century, the *Carthaginians would trade with tribes in Mauritania who are also part of the *Malian commercial network, leading to one or the other of them deciding to cross the desert directly.

From there... well, the *Carthaginians would hear *Malian stories about a rich state on the coast, which could draw exploratory voyages somewhat earlier than Hanno's voyage IOTL. At that point it would be a matter of finding a reliable route around Cape Bojador and finding crews willing to brave the disease environment of Atlantic Africa. I'd expect that the *Carthaginians, the Lower Niger culture, and possibly Tartessos or other native Iberian cities, would clash over islands and coastal trading colonies, although I'd put the dividing line closer to Cape Verde than Sao Tome (which is a long way from the Med by ancient standards).

And this would certainly lead to Mediterranean influence in the Lower Niger during the classical era (probably 5th century BC or later), with influence also going the other way.

Which, of course, raises the issue of another possible domesticate. A bit of a trope, but...

Elephants, you mean? It's a trope, yes, but a very cool one. Proto-Yoruba elephant cavalry needs to happen.

H'mm. I note that that's only arguing for a date of 2'500 BP, which is to say approximately 500 BC, i.e. well after the documented spread of horses from Asia into Egypt & NorthAfrica...

I've seen 3000 BP elsewhere, but your point still stands. I think I'll fudge the issue. Blench argues that the West African ponies are descended from North African breeds that crossed the Sahara; I'll suggest that ITTL the crossing takes place earlier due to the more sophisticated *Malian culture's continuing trade with Saharan tribes, and that the *Malians get horses or donkeys before the Sahara dries up completely.

I though that I'd seen this mentioned somewhere, but can't find the reference now. They certainly seem relatively easy to train, but their hunting style is more ambush-based rather than chase-based and (at least in the wild) they prefer to hunt at night. I think that the optimum use in this context would be in areas of reeds or tall grass close to rivers, to catch waterfowl that have been startled into flight by the humans (as they've been observed jumping several yards up to catch birds).

I like this idea a lot, actually. So the *Malians will have two domesticated felines - African Wildcats for the granaries and barns, and Servals for the hunt.
 
Elephants, you mean? It's a trope, yes, but a very cool one. Proto-Yoruba elephant cavalry needs to happen.

Well, as long as you're troping....http://twonerdyhistorygirls.blogspot.co.il/2012/07/lord-rothschilds-zebras.html

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zebra#Domestication

WalterRothschildWithZebras.jpg

Not in the Sahel of course. But if the Bantu and agriculture/domestication spread southwards earlier, The Khoisans (or Nilothic depending on how far south they get) cultural area may end up domesticating Zebras during their period of relative isolation from Sahelian and Eurasian culture.

Might be the edge the Khoisans need to push back Bantu and Nilothic invaders... And would also make the interior of Southern Africa well nigh impregnable to later maritime colonists whether European, North African, *Nigerian, Arab or Indian.

If the Khoisans are doing the riding they wouldn't even need to breed them up to larger sizes in order to ride.

From there... well, the *Carthaginians would hear *Malian stories about a rich state on the coast, which could draw exploratory voyages somewhat earlier than Hanno's voyage IOTL. At that point it would be a matter of finding a reliable route around Cape Bojador and finding crews willing to brave the disease environment of Atlantic Africa. I'd expect that the *Carthaginians, the Lower Niger culture, and possibly Tartessos or other native Iberian cities, would clash over islands and coastal trading colonies, although I'd put the dividing line closer to Cape Verde than Sao Tome (which is a long way from the Med by ancient standards).

And this would certainly lead to Mediterranean influence in the Lower Niger during the classical era (probably 5th century BC or later), with influence also going the other way.

Would the *Malian cultural and agricultural package be able to make the leap westwards to the Atlantic, on the Gambian Riverine system as well as down the Niger? If yes, then *Senegal/Gambia might become an alternative, or a dominant native maritime center thanks to earlier Med contact. They would need to have a state level organization in order to capitalize on exposure to med naval techniques and trade though. Would make for a interesting story if the lower Niger cultural center developed first and then found it's trading network challenged by Senegalian upstarts acting as middle men for Iberian and Northafrican trading houses.

WalterRothschildWithZebras.jpg
 
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Not in the Sahel of course. But if the Bantu and agriculture/domestication spread southwards earlier, The Khoisans (or Nilothic depending on how far south they get) cultural area may end up domesticating Zebras during their period of relative isolation from Sahelian and Eurasian culture.

Might be the edge the Khoisans need to push back Bantu and Nilothic invaders... And would also make the interior of Southern Africa well nigh impregnable to later maritime colonists whether European, North African, *Nigerian, Arab or Indian.

If the Khoisans are doing the riding they wouldn't even need to breed them up to larger sizes in order to ride.
Domesticating zebras is... problematic. They're vicious, they bite, they don't like anything on their backs. It would probably be a lot like when people in the Middle East tried to domesticate onagers... not so well. Onagers are a lot like zebras in that regard, and were used to pull chariots and carts, and not much else, and they weren't so great at that either. When horses and burros came along, people dropped onagers in a flash. I'd imagine that zebras would go through a similar process....
 
Not in the Sahel of course. But if the Bantu and agriculture/domestication spread southwards earlier, The Khoisans (or Nilothic depending on how far south they get) cultural area may end up domesticating Zebras during their period of relative isolation from Sahelian and Eurasian culture.

Domesticating zebras is... problematic. They're vicious, they bite, they don't like anything on their backs. It would probably be a lot like when people in the Middle East tried to domesticate onagers... not so well. Onagers are a lot like zebras in that regard, and were used to pull chariots and carts, and not much else, and they weren't so great at that either. When horses and burros came along, people dropped onagers in a flash. I'd imagine that zebras would go through a similar process....

What Dave Howery said, pretty much. People have tried to domesticate zebras, and with a few isolated exceptions such as Lord Rothschild, they've failed. A few hundred years of selective breeding might change that, but it would be a multi-generational project, and one with no immediate return for the people undertaking it.

Would the *Malian cultural and agricultural package be able to make the leap westwards to the Atlantic, on the Gambian Riverine system as well as down the Niger? If yes, then *Senegal/Gambia might become an alternative, or a dominant native maritime center thanks to earlier Med contact. They would need to have a state level organization in order to capitalize on exposure to med naval techniques and trade though. Would make for a interesting story if the lower Niger cultural center developed first and then found it's trading network challenged by Senegalian upstarts acting as middle men for Iberian and Northafrican trading houses.

A rice-based agricultural package could certainly spread as far as Liberia, Sierra Leone and Guinea, which were known as the "Rice Coast" in the 18th century IOTL. Rice is also grown in Casamance and on the Gambia floodplain. I'm not aware of modern rice culture in the Senegal River basin - that's more a millet and fonio region IOL - but the river does have 12-foot annual floods, so a state capable of major irrigation works could probably make the *Malian package work there.

Given when the Lower Niger maritime culture is likely to get started and how fast it's likely to propagate rice culture, I could see rice-growing states coalescing in the lower Senegal and Gambia floodplains just in time to meet the first Mediterranean traders, and then growing rich very quickly as middlemen. Of course, one of the things they'd trade would be slaves, but ITTL that commerce might go both ways, at least to some extent.
 
What Dave Howery said, pretty much. People have tried to domesticate zebras, and with a few isolated exceptions such as Lord Rothschild, they've failed. A few hundred years of selective breeding might change that, but it would be a multi-generational project, and one with no immediate return for the people undertaking it.

I've always regarded the attempted domestication of onagers as kinda odd, because they had an animal that clearly was poorly suited for it, yet they persevered with it until something better came along... apparently there was a need for a horse-like critter that cattle couldn't fill, so they kept trying it. I could see zebras in this scenario going through a similar process; try and try again, not so great results, horses and burros eventually come along, and zebras are dropped like a hot potato....
 
I've always regarded the attempted domestication of onagers as kinda odd, because they had an animal that clearly was poorly suited for it, yet they persevered with it until something better came along... apparently there was a need for a horse-like critter that cattle couldn't fill, so they kept trying it. I could see zebras in this scenario going through a similar process; try and try again, not so great results, horses and burros eventually come along, and zebras are dropped like a hot potato....

The difference between Zebras and the biblical onagers is that our forefathers had other options for beasts of Burden appear fairly soon. The Khosians won't- even after trade links are opened across the Indian ocean the disease environment will be hostile to horses and donkeys. That's why the Bantu tribes of the interior never adopted the horses the Arabs brought to the Indian ocean ports- and one reason why the Arabs didn't go all conquistador on the interior once they got established on the coast. It took 19th century gunpowder technology for the Zanzibar sultanate to even begin asserting authority inland.

What Dave Howery said, pretty much. People have tried to domesticate zebras, and with a few isolated exceptions such as Lord Rothschild, they've failed. A few hundred years of selective breeding might change that, but it would be a multi-generational project, and one with no immediate return for the people undertaking it. .

Carrying burdens? Zebras have been trained to do that. For that matter, they might also be herded and bred for meat. Both might appeal to a semi-nomadic people. And once they are bred for greater docility new possibilities might open.

I've read about a few cases where equestarians were able to train specially docile individual zebras to carry a rider- and this is without Gelding or being raised by humans from Infancy. That would argue that the potential is there- it may just need a few centuries or millenia of high density, pastoral-agricultural population in Isolation. No one really knows for sure how wild and problematic the pre-domesticated horse and donkey were and how long it took to breed those traits out of them. For all we know Gilgamesh might has found the war donkeys pulling his chariot as difficult to handle as Rothchild found his Zebras.

Anyway, I'm not saying it's ineveitable or even likely- simply that the premise in the TL you are positing gives it a better chance to happen than any other I've run across.

Given when the Lower Niger maritime culture is likely to get started and how fast it's likely to propagate rice culture, I could see rice-growing states coalescing in the lower Senegal and Gambia floodplains just in time to meet the first Mediterranean traders, and then growing rich very quickly as middlemen. Of course, one of the things they'd trade would be slaves, but ITTL that commerce might go both ways, at least to some extent.

Not sure how profitable Slave trade would be over those distances with Europe and the North African hinterland offering so many nearer and cheaper sources. African slaves were not too uncommon in the Roman Empire but they mostly came down the Nile and even that was after Pax Romana was established and endemic slave-producing warfare around the Med died down. Trade over those distances, with the exception of Tin, usually involved exotic goods and luxuries. Gold, Ivory, Tropical spices and the like fit the bill. Slaves who need to be fed on the voyage, except as the odd curiosity or as a "filler" if the Ivory harvest is low seems unlikely. So probably at least no custom designed slave ships as the type which infested the Middle passage.

Slave trade the other way seems even less likely given the disease environment (worse with Rice Paddy agriculture). Maybe of *Morrocans/Mauritanians if the West African trade pushes Phonecian settlements farther West and south.

*Edit* come to think of it, one way the slave trade AND diffusion of naval knowledge and technology might take place is related to the disease environment of even relatively benign ports like the Senegal. If ships lose 5-15% of their crew in each voyage they may pick up slaves as substitute oarmen. Slavery in the classical period being what it was, a rather larger proportion of those who survive will gain manumission than in new world slavery, and they may evenually find their way home on their prior owners ships...
 
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Carrying burdens? Zebras have been trained to do that. For that matter, they might also be herded and bred for meat. Both might appeal to a semi-nomadic people. And once they are bred for greater docility new possibilities might open.

The Khoisan-speakers already have better meat animals, but if wild zebras can be trained as pack animals, that might be the hook. That would be the immediate benefit they'd need to make the investment in breeding, and after a few centuries of selecting for size and docility, they could have cavalry or at least chariots. Given enough time, there might even be Khoisan-speaking zebra nomads on the plains of *Zimbabwe and southern *Zambia.

That could add to their staying power, although if they succeed in zebra husbandry, the Bantu and Nilotic peoples in East Africa might not be long in following them. The end result might be that the true hunter-gatherers among the Khoisan-speakers would still be pushed to the Kalahari and the Cape, but Khoisan pastoralists and semi-agricultural peoples would hold the rest of southern Africa.

Not sure how profitable Slave trade would be over those distances with Europe and the North African hinterland offering so many nearer and cheaper sources.

I figured the Carthaginians or Tartessians might want slaves for the trading colonies they set up in the Canaries, Madeira or the Senegalese coast, and that they'd prefer to buy locally. As you say, they might also want slaves to crew their ships, although most of those would probably get their freedom fairly quickly (keeping them in galley-slave conditions would create a worse disease problem than buying them would solve, so the ship-owners would have to give them incentives instead).

I agree there wouldn't be anything on the scale of the Atlantic slave trade - it would be retail rather than wholesale, and the demand wouldn't be enough to generate endemic warfare - and that few slaves would reach the Mediterranean. The late-coming *Senegalese and *Gambian rice kingdoms would mainly be middlemen for luxury goods, subject to the occasional attempt by Mediterranean or Lower Niger merchants to cut them out.
 
I figured the Carthaginians or Tartessians might want slaves for the trading colonies they set up in the Canaries, Madeira or the Senegalese coast, and that they'd prefer to buy locally.

Aye, that makes sense- though I suspect the West African slave population in the Canaries and Madeiras will be primarily composed of Iberians and North Africans from the hinterland with West Africans a minority (15-20%).Iberia/Morroco are closer to the islands and no significant disease advantage for Africans there.
 
No one really knows for sure how wild and problematic the pre-domesticated horse and donkey were and how long it took to breed those traits out of them.
That's what I was going to say.

The Khoisan-speakers already have better meat animals, but if wild zebras can be trained as pack animals, that might be the hook. That would be the immediate benefit they'd need to make the investment in breeding, and after a few centuries of selecting for size and docility, they could have cavalry or at least chariots.
Chariots only if they can learn about the wheel from somebody, or invent it from scratch, of course...

Jonathan Edelstein said:
(keeping them in galley-slave conditions would create a worse disease problem than buying them would solve, so the ship-owners would have to give them incentives instead).
Remember that galleys in Classical times were usually rowed by free men rather than by slaves... or were the Carthaginians an exception to that practice?
 
Aye, that makes sense- though I suspect the West African slave population in the Canaries and Madeiras will be primarily composed of Iberians and North Africans from the hinterland with West Africans a minority (15-20%).Iberia/Morroco are closer to the islands and no significant disease advantage for Africans there.

True, although if the Carthaginians/Tartessians/whatever want to grow rice - which would certainly be possible in their coastal trading colonies and maybe in parts of Madeira (albeit not the Canaries or Cape Verde) - they'll need West Africans to teach them how.

The reason I'm thinking about this, BTW, is that slavery is a method of cultural diffusion, albeit one that really sucks for the slaves. If there are West African slaves in Madeira or Cape Verde, then there will be a hybrid culture in a couple of generations, especially if the settler population is relatively small. Likewise, if the *Senegal-Gambia culture buys Berber or Iberian slaves, some influence will come through - the music, at the very least, might get interesting.

Anyway, slavery or not, I'd expect there to be a brisk luxury trade in Mediterranean crops from Madeira to *Senegal and maybe the lower Niger by around 500 BC, and although most Med crops won't grow well in West Africa, citrus at least might take hold in some places. They grow citrus crops in Nigeria today.

Chariots only if they can learn about the wheel from somebody, or invent it from scratch, of course...

With the Nilotic peoples extending further south and providing a cultural pipeline to Egypt, I'd guess that the Khoisan-speakers would learn of the wheel. East Africa ITTL would be oxcart country, which could give the proto-Khoikhoi the idea of zebra carts and eventually chariots.

Also, if the *Malians and the Chari basin culture don't figure out wheels for themselves, they'll learn of them when barbarian charioteers come charging in during the last third of the second millennium, and the wheel could spread south from there. By 500 BC or at least 1 AD, I'd expect that nearly all Africans will know of the wheel, although there will be regions such as *Gabon or the Congo basin where it won't be very useful.

Remember that galleys in Classical times were usually rowed by free men rather than by slaves... or were the Carthaginians an exception to that practice?

No, you're right about classical times IOTL, but if *Carthaginian captains buy slave rowers in order to get crews who can survive the West African disease environment, then they'll either have to keep them under Renaissance galley slave conditions (which would create worse sanitation problems than it would solve) or offer them incentives to stay. I think, all things considered, that they'd be more likely to recruit free West African rowers, some of whom might end up settling in the Med. Others might end up in Macaronesia - not all the West Africans who make that trip will be slaves.
 
. No one really knows for sure how wild and problematic the pre-domesticated horse and donkey were and how long it took to breed those traits out of them.
true, but we can guess based on what really happened. Humans have lived alongside zebras since... practically whenever we evolved into our modern species. And they were never domesticated. Horses and burros, OTOH, were domesticated not long after people thought of it, and migrated to where the wild ancestors of those animals lived. Which argues that the latter were a lot easier to domesticate. One of the biggest issues of domesticating zebras is if those occasional docile ones will breed true, in which case they'd have a shot at slowly being domesticated and built up in numbers. If they don't, then they will have to sort through hundreds of penned up zebras to find that one that is docile... over and over and over.
 
Humans have lived alongside zebras since... practically whenever we evolved into our modern species. .

Humans with an agricultural package have only been living with Zebras for a few centuries, and at low denseties at that, before better alternatives appeared When the Arabs started trading with and colonizing the Indian ocean seaboard (started even before the Islamic era). The Bantu only got to the great lakes around 1 C.E. If they, or their tech, arrive two or three millenia earlier than that's a much longer period of agricultural isolation.

The reason I'm thinking about this, BTW, is that slavery is a method of cultural diffusion, albeit one that really sucks for the slaves. If there are West African slaves in Madeira or Cape Verde, then there will be a hybrid culture in a couple of generations, especially if the settler population is relatively small. Likewise, if the *Senegal-Gambia culture buys Berber or Iberian slaves, some influence will come through - the music, at the very least, might get interesting.

Well, that would be a mix worth exploring (and I certainly agree that some slave trading based cross pollination will take place). Would also be interesting to see how the phonecian and later olympic mythology combines with the West African one. Hellenism was fairly effective in getting the elites it came in contact with to identify their gods with the more codified mythology of Homer and his succesors. Of course I can think of one rather ugly combination. Child sacrifice was, from what I read (slave ship) not uncommon amongst the Igbo, dahomey and other coastal people. Combine that with a Molech like hybrid deity and you have a nasty piece of work.

Anyway, slavery or not, I'd expect there to be a brisk luxury trade in Mediterranean crops from Madeira to *Senegal and maybe the lower Niger by around 500 BC, and although most Med crops won't grow well in West Africa, citrus at least might take hold in some places. They grow citrus crops in Nigeria today.

Aye- but I think they didn't grow them in the Med in the early classical period. With the exception of the Citron They diffused from China and SE asia during the late classical to late middle ages. Olives might do well in Senegal and Mali/north Nigeria, though I'm not sure how it would compete with palm oil from the south.

http://websites.lib.ucr.edu/agnic/webber/Vol1/Chapter1.htm

With the Nilotic peoples extending further south and providing a cultural pipeline to Egypt, I'd guess that the Khoisan-speakers would learn of the wheel. East Africa ITTL would be oxcart country, which could give the proto-Khoikhoi the idea of zebra carts and eventually chariots.

Even if they don't Travois are a great advantage and seem to have been fairly universally invented even when equine quadrapads were lacking.
 
Well, that would be a mix worth exploring (and I certainly agree that some slave trading based cross pollination will take place). Would also be interesting to see how the phonecian and later olympic mythology combines with the West African one. Hellenism was fairly effective in getting the elites it came in contact with to identify their gods with the more codified mythology of Homer and his succesors. Of course I can think of one rather ugly combination. Child sacrifice was, from what I read (slave ship) not uncommon amongst the Igbo, dahomey and other coastal people. Combine that with a Molech like hybrid deity and you have a nasty piece of work.

I'm not sure anything like Hellenism would exist, given more than three thousand years of gradually-accumulating changes, but that kind of syncretism was also common elsewhere in the ancient world. The Egyptians, in particular, identified their subject peoples' gods and even their enemies' gods with figures in their own pantheon. ITTL that might go both ways between the western Mediterranean and coastal African cultures - many of the maritime West Africans' gods would be heavily syncretized *Malian deities, so they'd be used to adapting other people's myths.

And yes, if the proto-Igbo sacrifice twins the way their premodern fellows did IOTL, that could lead to some nasty synergy with Phoenician religion.

Aye- but I think they didn't grow them in the Med in the early classical period. With the exception of the Citron They diffused from China and SE asia during the late classical to late middle ages. Olives might do well in Senegal and Mali/north Nigeria, though I'm not sure how it would compete with palm oil from the south.

I'd thought lemons, at least, were ancient, but apparently not. Citrons will be fine, though - they have many uses, and for a maritime culture, they'd be good as an antiscorbutic. I wonder how well *Malian fruits like dika (African mango) or baobab fruit would do in North Africa.

Olives could flourish alongside palm oil, although the most prized Mediterranean import, and one that couldn't really be made in West Africa, may well be wine.
 

Mali 1 - croc and hippo.jpg


How Ko Became the River God


The story of how Ko, or Father Niger, took his kingdom from Crocodile and Hippopotamus is believed to be one of the oldest *Malian myths, and reveals a very ancient view of the gods. In later stories, Crocodile is a trickster figure and patron of spies and thieves, while Hippo, the River-Shaper, is respected for his strength and aggressive nature but considered a largely benign figure. In the Ko myth, both are implacable enemies of humanity. This may be a reflection of the fact that the earliest *Malians had not yet learned to mold nature and use it for their benefit, or – as some scholars believe – the myth could be an allegory of the fighting that occurred in the early fourth millennium BC between the indigenes of the Inner Niger Delta and invaders from the north and southeast. The fact that people are as much the heroes of the myth as gods may support the latter interpretation…


________
When the Creator first made the world, Ko wasn’t the god of the Niger as he is today. In those days, Crocodile was the king of the great river and Hippo was its queen, and Ko stayed in the lakes and streams of the forest.

Many thousands of years passed, and there was a drought on the land. In this time the children of the first man and the first woman were numerous and had grown into mighty tribes, and when the drought came, they feared they would starve. But they listened to the beasts they hunted and the fruits they gathered, and went down to the river to make their homes.

When they got to the river’s edge, Crocodile was waiting. Crocodile didn’t swim under the water then as he does now, nor did he lie in the sun on the riverbank. Instead, he strode on the water itself, large as ten men, and wherever the people settled, he drove them off.

And whenever they fled from Crocodile, there was Hippo. She, too, was different then: she had teeth like a lion and didn’t spend her days deep in the water, but walked up and down the shore, eating whole trees and crushing the people wherever they camped.

The people bowed to Crocodile and Hippo and made sacrifices to them, but still they guarded the river fiercely. They said, “Go north to the desert, go east to the grassland, go south to the forest, but the great river belongs to us, and only the beasts we hunt and the plants we eat may share it.”

The people could not go north, because there was drought and starvation. Nor could they go east, because it was dry there and the game had fled. So they went south to the streams that fed the river, and there they found Ko and worshipped him.

“God of the streams,” they said, “become god of the river. Defeat Crocodile and Hippo and let us make our home there, and we will build temples to you all along the shore.”

Ko said, “I cannot enter another god’s house, because that is the law of the gods. But I will give you weapons, and if you fight them where their home is not, then I will come and protect you.” And he taught them to make bows and arrows and spears, and showed them how to fight.

Then the people went again to the river and stood near its banks, and they taunted Hippo and Crocodile. “You attack us when we come to the river,” they said, “but if you fight us on land, we will surely defeat you.” But Hippo charged at the men on one bank of the river while Crocodile charged at those on the other, and although the people fought bravely, they were defeated and many were slain. And Ko came not to protect them.

And when they asked why Ko did not come, it was Crocodile who answered. “He did not come because you stand in our house. Not only is the river and the water’s edge our home, but so are the plains where you stand, and so is every place where the river’s flood reaches. Whatever is bathed in the river’s water is our house, and there you will never live.”

The people lamented, for they knew now they would surely starve. But that night, Atou, the chief of the Pouched Rat tribe, marked where Hippo and Crocodile slept and gathered the people around the fire. “We must dig,” he said, “and change the course of the river, so that when the morning sun dries the place where they sleep, it will not be bathed in the river’s water.” So the people in their thousands dug a great canal so that the river no longer flowed where the two gods slept, and because there was such a great drought, the morning sun baked it so dry that not a drop of water remained.

As the sun rose, Atou whispered in Crocodile’s ear, and said “It is Hippo who made this place dry, because if the people defeat you, she will rule the river herself.” And he whispered in Hippo’s ear, and said “It is Crocodile who made this place dry, because if the people defeat you, he will rule the river himself.” So when Hippo and Crocodile awoke to find their resting-place baked dry by the sun, each turned on the other and they fought a mighty battle. When they had made each other weak, the people rushed in with their spears, and they were no longer in another god’s house, so Ko came to them and gave them strength.

At last Crocodile fled, and he said “I curse you, and I will always wait for you under the water, where you will never see me until I take you.” And Hippo fled, and said “I curse you, and I will trample you and your fields, and when you come to drive me away, I will always be where you can never reach me.”

But the river was Ko’s house now, and he was mightier than they, and he blessed the people where Hippo and Crocodile had cursed them. “Every weapon they use against you,” Ko said, “you will have too. You will be patient and stealthy like Crocodile, and you will see him before he sees you. And you will be clever and strong like Hippo, and you will build strong walls where she will never reach you.”

And last of all, Ko moved the river in its course, and instead of one stream there were many intertwined ones reaching far across the plain. “I was god of the streams, and streams I will have now,” he said. “I will have a larger house than Crocodile and Hippo did, and it will be your fields and hunting grounds forever.”

And the people settled among the streams of the Niger, and they hunted and fished and planted fields of rice and brewed madolo, and each year Ko made the floods to ensure that they would prosper forever.

Mali 1 - croc and hippo.jpg
 
Wow Johnathan, that was really good. Do you plan to further flesh out this idea?

Thanks. If people are up for it, I might try a few more myths and a couple of stories - I'd like to explore some of city-state *Mali's ideas of justice, cosmology, politics and religious symbolism.

BTW, for the record, "ko" (sometimes "kɔ̌" using the symbol for the open-O vowel) means "river" in Bambara -- Bamako, for instance, means "crocodile river." I know it's cheating to use modern Bambara words, but we've scarcely even begun to figure out Proto-Niger-Congo, so my default is to adapt words that exist across several modern regional languages.
 
Thanks. If people are up for it, I might try a few more myths and a couple of stories - I'd like to explore some of city-state *Mali's ideas of justice, cosmology, politics and religious symbolism.

I'm certainly interested. I like exploring AH cultures through myths and stories, it's a nice change from the usual text book style.

BTW, for the record, "ko" (sometimes "kɔ̌" using the symbol for the open-O vowel) means "river" in Bambara -- Bamako, for instance, means "crocodile river." I know it's cheating to use modern Bambara words, but nobody's even begun to figure out Proto-Niger-Congo, so my default is to adapt words that exist across several modern regional languages.

It might not be ideal, but it beats making random stuff up.
 

Inner Niger Delta village.jpg

Gaadai’s Gift
3270 BC

The child was sleeping when Bakalo found him. Bakalo had shot two rabbits and a pouched rat, and now they were slung over his shoulder next to his bow while he went to refill his water-skin. There was a stand of baobabs amid the scrubland, and when he got close to them, he saw the child, curled up beside one of the trunks.

The boy stirred at Bakalo’s footsteps and looked up anxiously. He was starving, the hunter could tell, and he had the signs of thirst on him too, and the marks of injuries. Some of the wounds had been inflicted by animals, and it was the rice-mother’s own luck that they’d healed rather than festering. He’d taken no precautions against another attack, and the hunter wondered whether he was too exhausted to protect himself or whether he’d stopped caring.

Bakalo looked past him to a hollow that another hunter had made in one of the baobabs – there always was one, in a stand this close to the village – and scooped up the water inside with his skin. On impulse, he offered some to the boy, and marked his look of surprise as he drank. He doesn’t know we use baobabs as cisterns, he thought, and that was even stranger than the child being there in the first place: children of three knew that, and this boy might be a precocious four or a stunted eight.

“Let’s find you something to eat too,” Bakalo said, and the child looked at him uncomprehending. He found a fallen fruit and cut it with his flint knife, scooping out the pulp and mixing it with the water in the skin. “We need to wait a few minutes,” he explained, and again the child didn’t understand. He shrugged and sat down in the shade to wait.

The boy said nothing, but he didn’t run. After a while, the hunter put his hand on his chest, said “Bakalo,” and pointed to the child. If he’d expected the boy to repeat the word or say his own name, he was disappointed; the boy sat as still and silent as he’d been before.

More time passed, and Bakalo opened the skin and saw that the pulp had absorbed the water; he stirred the mixture again into a thick tan liquid. He drank some of the bouye, savoring the sour-sweet taste, and handed the child the skin and mimed raising it to his mouth. The boy followed, grimacing at the unfamiliar taste but following his first swallow with a second.

The hunter took the skin away. “Not too much at once. Not when you’ve been starving.” He took a few steps away from the baobabs and gestured with his arm. “Are you coming?”

Bakalo wasn’t sure what the child would do, and indeed, the boy stood at the edge of the trees for a moment and hesitated. He looked north, scanning the horizon for something, and evidently didn’t find it, because he took a fearful step out of the grove and followed where the hunter led.

“Is that where you’re from?” Bakalo asked. “Up north?” The child didn’t answer, but Bakalo could guess; like the tribesmen who came in from the desert to trade, his skin was a medium brown rather than black like Bakalo’s, and his hair came in waves rather than the hunter’s tight curls. He looked north every time Bakalo stopped to give him some more bouye, and he looked north sometimes as they made their way toward the village, and did so one last time as the settlement came into sight.

Durubara, it was called – five acacias – and the trees formed a central space around which eighteen huts of pole and thatching were arranged. The sun was setting as Bakalo and the child reached the threshold, and men were returning from hunting or dredging canals while the women came in from the rice fields or put aside their pottery. The smell of cookfires mingled with that of the goats and guinea-fowl by the trees, and the sounds of the work-day were fading amid singing and conversation.

Bakalo’s hut stood open in the gathering darkness, and Mari, who he treasured most in the world, was stirring a pot of rice-mush in the fire-pit beside it. She turned as he approached, her necklace of clay beads rattling, and registered only the slightest surprise as she took in the child beside him, Bakalo liked to bring home curiosities.

“Where does he come from?” she asked.

“The north, I think. He’s a child of Gaadai, the desert-spirit.”

“Does he have a name?”

“He doesn’t speak. Whatever happened to him must have taken his wits.”

She pursed her lips. “Can he work?”

“I don’t know.”

“He can eat, I’m sure.” But she smiled in welcome, and there was enough rice-mush to fill three gourds, and they sat together, looking past where the granary stood on its stilts and down to the the dark Niger stained golden by the sunset. There was room in the hut for three, as well.
_______​

In the months that followed, the child never spoke, but his wits hadn’t left him altogether: he followed where he was led, and when he was shown what to do, he learned quickly. He worked in the rice fields and mended reed boats and houses. When the water rose, he helped take the huts down and rebuild them on higher ground. Mari showed him how to make clay pots and comb fleece; Bakalo sometimes took him hunting. No one needed to teach him to tend the goats; it was clear enough that he’d done so before, and he had a facility with the animals that others came to admire.

He was a slave – he wouldn’t have been set to do to women’s work otherwise – but in a village like Durubara, there was little difference between slave and free. There was work to do and people did it, and when the work was done, there was dancing and stories told to the beat of drums. Bakalo and Mari, who had no children of their own, came to think of the child almost as a son and to treat him as one. She named him Sama – the gift – and the other villagers followed.

But where there are gifts, there are those who would take them. The headman was growing old – he was almost forty – and his wife and son had died of rice-fever two years before. He wanted someone to look after him, to fetch and carry for him, and he claimed Sama as his slave. And now, the distinction between slave and free did make a difference: had the child been Bakalo and Mari’s son, not even the headman would have dared take him, but property was his for the asking.

He came with two of the other men, one day after the floods receded when Bakalo was hunting, and seized Sama roughly. Mari’s protests were silenced with a threat; the child’s, not so easily. He couldn’t speak, but he could, it seemed, cry. The headman struck him across the face and, when he still shrieked, did so again, and, with Mari shouting curses behind him, carried him away.

Sama ran back to Bakalo’s hut two days later, and the headman found him, beat him and took him back. After that, he wasn’t seen in the village; he stayed in the darkness of the hut instead.

“We have to go to Gungun,” Mari said, as she and Bakalo ate rice and dika fruits and watched the sluggish river.

“It’s dangerous,” Bakalo answered. “If the king and the elders rule against us, the headman will chase us out of the village.”

“Then we’ll go to another one. Everyone has a right to justice, and we aren’t the headman’s slaves to let him cheat us of it.”

“We, Mari? Or Sama?”

“Justice is his right too. And if we don’t seek it for him, who will?”

“Maybe.” Bakalo laid a hand on his hunting spear. “Maybe we’ve become too afraid of that man.”

No agreement was made, not in so many words, but the next day at sunrise, Bakalo and Mari called the headman to judgment over the matter of Sama’s ownership. The chief took the news with bad grace, but he went down to the boats with them: the look he gave them promised trouble later, but the law was the law.

Sama was there too, in the headman’s boat. “He should be in ours,” said Mari, and Bakalo said nothing and poled down the river.

It took two hours to reach Gungun, even with the river’s current in their favor. None of them but the headman had been there before, and Mari couldn’t help staring as the town came into sight. It was an island packed end to end with houses, and the buildings weren’t made of thatching but mud-brick. As they came closer, their boat threaded through muddy channels, riverside villages and flooded rice fields where hundreds of people were working. The streets by the landing – in Durubara, there was no need for streets – contained hundreds more, and they were making bricks and jewelry and musical instruments and the other things that were only made in towns.

There were shrines too – to the rice-mother, to Father Niger and the land he fertilized, to the sun and the sky. Priests in painted masks trimmed with reeds and goat’s hair performed rites, and the idols were baked from clay rather than the driftwood or colored stones that villagers used to represent their ancestors. Somewhere a pipe was playing; maybe it was an offering to speech and song and justice.

“They say eight hundred people live here,” said Bakalo, but Mari’s was gone, and she had eyes only for the large building that lay at the end of their path.

The place was surrounded by a low wall and a ceremonial gate made from carved wood; Bakalo wondered what treasure the king had had to give the forest people to purchase it. Beyond was a courtyard, and within it, a house twice a man’s height painted red and ochre and decorated with sticks and pieces of polished stone baked into the clay. And by the door of the house – a rich cloth dyed in geometric patterns – there were five stools, and five men sitting on them to deliver judgment.

They stood and waited amid the crowd of onlookers, and examined the men who would judge them. All were dressed in robes dyed with geometric patterns in deep red and blue and green; except for the king, all were forty-five or even fifty. When they questioned witnesses or conferred among themselves, the wisdom of the ancestors seemed to flow from them, although Bakalo suspected they also had more earthly motivations.

At last it was their turn. The elders administered fearsome oaths to the Creator, the highest and most secret of gods, and to the patron of justice. “Guard your voice,” the king said. “If you speak unjustly, the gods will still your tongue.” Bakalo was awed as he had no doubt meant to be, and even the headman looked frightened, but they pled their cases anyway.

“And so?” a green-clad elder said to the headman. “Why is justice on your side?”

“The child was taken at my instructions. Three things must everyone obey: their parents, the chiefs, and the gods.”

“But even the king must follow the law,” Bakalo answered.

“What law, though? What law must the headman follow?” The elder looked at Bakalo keenly. “That is the question, isn’t it?”

The chief spoke first. “The law is that I am the headman. The headman tends the village, so what’s in the village is his.”

A murmur went through the onlookers: the headman had scored a point with his claim on the village’s property. Bakalo searched his mind for a proverb that might refute him. There was one about tribute turning to theft, if he could only remember it…

“The giver decides who receives the gift,” said Mari. She spoke in Bakalo’s place and held the judges’ eyes. “The child was brought to us by Gaadai, and he placed him in our safekeeping.”

The murmur in the crowd was louder this time, and the elders bent their heads and conferred. The moment went on, and both litigants and onlookers drew in their breath, until finally the king called for silence.

“The judgment goes to you,” he said. “The village may belong to the headman, but gifts of the gods are different. The child is Gaadai’s servant, and the god gave him into Bakalo’s care, and when Gaadai is angered, the rains stop.”

The headman still looked ready to argue, but judgment had been given, and it was clear that the people found the king’s logic compelling. Bakalo and Mari took Sama by the hand and led him through the town to their boat, the one where Mari had sworn he belonged. The current was against them, and the return trip took closer to three hours than two, but it was as inexorable as the Niger itself.

Halfway there, Sama spoke: his first words in the language of the Niger, his first words in any language since Bakalo had found him. “Stay with you?”

Speech, too, was an offering to the god of justice. Mari held his hand tighter, and her eyes filled with unshed tears.
_______​

Few people listened to the headman after that. He had been defeated in judgment, the king and elders had found his acts unlawful, he may even have angered the gods: it was hard for a man to hold power after such things happened. He gave orders and made rulings, but few obeyed; others began listening to Bakalo, for all he was not yet thirty.

Sama learned new words day by day, a few now and a few more later. He never remembered his birth-name, so Sama he stayed. Nor did he recall his country, except for confused memories of grazing lands growing dry and tribes fighting bitterly over what remained. But he joined the singing and the tale-telling, and as he grew more comfortable in speech, he began to tell stories he remembered from his homeland.

One night when the river was in flood and the nightjars were calling, Sama told of Atiolo, the ancestor who had tamed the sheep and tricked it out of its wool. The people of Durubara – three fewer than last year after another bout of rice-fever, but four babies would soon be born – gathered and listened, and as they did, they realized they knew the story already.

“Atiolo was our ancestor,” said Uti the fisherman. “We tell of him too.” In the darkness, his eyes were hard to read, but his voice betrayed his surprise: Sama might have been touched by the gods, but how did he know a story of Durubara that he had never heard?

“They say some of our ancestors came from the north,” said Bakalo, “in what is now the desert. Atiolo is a father of his people as well as ours.”

“Then when Sama was destroyed, Gaadai brought him to us. To his family.”

“It was his gift,” said Mari. “Ours for safekeeping.”

Ours in justice, Bakalo thought, and it was when the king gave good judgment that he spoke. He is a gift, and also a test.

The last rays of the sun painted the river red, and Bakalo thought of tests to come. He and Mari and Sama sat by the fire and remembered deserts and baobabs.

Inner Niger Delta village.jpg
 
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