Across the high frontier: a Big Gemini space TL

Eclipse chasing
  • Archibald

    Banned
    And now something entirely different... not only space will be impacted. How about supersonic transportation ? This is only a introduction to a much bigger chapter I've polished for weeks.

    I grew up with my parent Mike Olfield vinyls and I wanted that pop ballade in my TL. Hope you'll enjoy it !



    The last time ever she saw him
    Carried away by a moonlight shadow
    He passed on worried and warning
    Carried away by a moonlight shadow.
    Lost in a riddle that Saturday night
    Far away on the other side.
    He was caught in the middle of a desperate fight
    And she couldn't find how to push through...


    ...

    At precisely 10:08 am on the morning of June 30, 1973 the four twin-spool Olympus 593 engines under the Concorde’s sweeping white wings powered up to full afterburner and launched “prototype 001” down the runway of Gran Canaria's Las Palmas airport. Thousands of miles to the east, the shadow of the moon was already racing across the Atlantic at over 1,200 mph, tracing a path eastward from South America toward the African coast.

    Two minutes after take-off, the aircraft hit Mach 1, or about 707 mph at altitude, and headed southeast toward the moving shadow. Climbing up into the stratosphere at an altitude of 56,000 ft., test pilot André Turcat pushed the aircraft to Mach 2.05, more than twice the speed of sound. Even after a couple of test flights the atmosphere on board was tense—the timing and the equipment had to work perfectly. Helped by Concorde’s two onboard inertial guidance systems, the crew guided the aircraft along the carefully-mapped trajectory and met the eclipse within 1 second accuracy of the planned rendezvous.

    The most epic eclipse chasing in history was on.

    The trees that whisper in the evening
    Carried away by a moonlight shadow
    Sing a song of sorrow and grieving
    Carried away by a moonlight shadow
    All she saw was a silhouette of a gun
    Far away on the other side.
    He was shot six times by a man on the run
    And she couldn't find how to push through


    In 1973, a small group of astronomers from around the globe had a secret weapon for seeing a longer eclipse than ever before: a prototype Concorde, capable of chasing the eclipse across the Earth at twice the speed of sound. The plan seemed deceptively simple. Closing in at maximum velocity, Concorde would swoop down from the north and intercept the shadow of the moon over northwest Africa. Traveling together at almost the same speed, Concorde would essentially race the solar eclipse across the surface of the planet, giving astronomers an unprecedented opportunity to study the various phenomena made possible by an eclipse: the ethereal solar corona, the effect of sunlight on the darkened atmosphere, and the brief red flash of the chromosphere, a narrow region around the sun that’s usually washed out by the much brighter photosphere.

    Concorde chief test pilot André Turcat was impressed. He pitched the idea to his bosses at Aérospatiale, who gave a tentative green light, and agreed to assume the cost of the mission. Turcat and chief navigation engineer Henri Perrier got to work on all the details, factoring in weather patterns and even ground temperatures in the places where Concorde could take off from, which would affect the fuel load.

    After deciding on Gran Canaria as a good starting point, the team planned a route south and then east along the eclipse line. Turcat and Perrier looked into which runways in Africa would be able to handle the 200-foot long aircraft, which didn’t exactly stop on a dime. They pushed as far west as possible, to N’Djamena in Chad, with Kano in Nigeria as a back up. The actual rendezvous would take place over Mauritania, which agreed to close its airspace to commercial air traffic at midnight the night before.

    I stay, I pray
    See you in Heaven far away...
    I stay, I pray
    See you in Heaven one day.


    “Alone in the Mauritanian sky,” as a French film about the flight poetically put it, Concorde 001 hurtled east along the path of totality. With the eclipsed sun high over ahead, Turcat switched on the night-time navigation lights in the midday darkness. Paintings and stamps issued by various African countries would depict the epic, sci-fi sight, and Turcat would later deliberate about whether to file the flight as a day or night one.

    Four A.M. in the morning
    Carried away by a moonlight shadow
    I watched your vision forming
    Carried away by a moonlight shadow
    A star was glowing in the silvery night
    Far away on the other side
    Will you come to talk to me this night
    But she couldn't find how to push through...


    "I did have time to glance out of the side window at one point” Turcat said “and see the edge of the umbra, the penumbra and the daylight beyond. From the height we were at I could actually see the curvature of the earth, so it was pretty incredible. I was also able to gaze up at the corona and, as the limb of the moon slowly occulted the solar disk, I saw the chromosphere, which flashed out in bright red alpha light. As the limb of the moon slowly occulted the solar disk, I saw the chromosphere, which flashed out in bright red alpha light.”

    Alas the landing site in Chad was coming up fast. Each astronomer team wrapped up their observations and managed to steal a few moments gazing out over the sands of the Sahara at a sight few get to witness. In all, the experimenters observed the totality of the eclipse for a record 74 minutes.

    Turning south out of the darkness, Turcat began lining up for the approach. “I would have 10 tonnes of kerosene upon arrival,” he later wrote, giving him “forty minutes’ wait, and the right to a missed approach.” In any event, the aircraft landed smoothly.

    Caught in the middle of a hundred and five
    Far away on the other side.


    The night was heavy and the air was alive
    But she couldn't find how to push through


    The aircrew and the astronomers arrived to a surreal scene, having descended from the stratosphere at supersonic speed in one of the world’s most advanced aircraft only to emerge under the strange half-light of the African sun, still partially eclipsed. An attempted coup d’etat (possibly timed to coincide with the eclipse) meant that armored vehicles mingled with people on the street who were using smoky glass to gaze up at the sun.

    In one flight, Concorde had given astronomers more eclipse observing time than all the previous expeditions last century—generating three articles in Nature and a wealth of new data.

    I stay, I pray
    See you in Heaven far away...
    I stay, I pray
    See you in Heaven one day.


    Carried away by a moonlight shadow
    Carried away by a moonlight shadow
    Far away on the other side.



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    Yuri Andropov - Operation RYAN
  • Archibald

    Banned
    September 1981

    "In view of the increasing danger of war unleashed by the US and NATO," the chiefs of services would assign the highest priority to collecting information on:

    • Key US/NATO political and strategic decisions vis-a-vis the Warsaw Pact.

    • Early warning of US/NATO preparations for launching a surprise nuclear attack.

    • New US/NATO weapons systems intended for use in a surprise nuclear attack.
    KGB leaders Chebrikov and Kryuchkov had been stunned by these orders. The decision to order an intelligence alert was highly unusual. Moreover, in terms of its mission, scope, and consumption of operational resources the coming operation (not to mention cooperation between Soviet civilian and military services) was unprecedented.

    "We are losing the Cold War. That what the KGB foreign intelligence directorate assessment says." Yuri Andropov didn't minced his words.

    Ambassador Dobrynin was not surprised. In his view Andropov was the first Soviet top leader since Stalin who seemed to believe that the United States might launch a surprise attack on the USSR. Ministry of defence Ustinov was no better.

    "Last month an armada of eighty-three US, British, Canadian, and Norwegian ships led by the carrier Eisenhower managed to transit the Greenland-Iceland-United Kingdom (GIUK) Gap undetected, using a variety of carefully crafted and previously rehearsed concealment and deception measures. "A combination of passive measures (maintaining radio silence and operating under emissions control conditions) and active measures (radar-jamming and transmission of false radar signals) turned the allied force into something resembling a stealth fleet, which even managed to elude our low-orbit, active-radar satellite we launched to locate it. As the warships came within operating areas of our long-range reconnaissance planes, we were initially able to identify but not track them. Meanwhile, Navy fighters conducted an unprecedented simulated attack on our planes as they refueled in-flight, flying at low levels to avoid detection by shore-based radar sites. They attacked from a thousand mile from their carrier, twice the usual distance !" Ustinov was evidently furious.

    "And their aviation is no better. Since Reagan entered the White House they are constantly harassing our airspace, everywhere from the North Pole to East Germany and Japan. We saw their bombers flying over the North Pole; fighter-bombers probing our Asian or European periphery; several maneuvers in a week coming at irregular intervals to make the effect all the more unsettling. Then, as quickly as the unannounced flights begun, they stop, only to begin again a few weeks later. Last week they had a squadron flying straight at our airspace, then other radars lit up and units went on alert. Then at the last minute the squadron peeled off and returned home !"

    "And space is no better. Their KH-8, KH-9, and KH-11 unmanned spy satellites coordinates their missions with the KH-10B manned platform where astronauts catch targets of opportunity. Agena space tugs harass our own satellites and space stations in low Earth orbit and polar orbit, and they plan to move upward, to Molniya and GEO orbits."

    Then Andropov said "We have come to the conclusion the United States are preparing a war, a surprise nuclear barrage against us. As such, I have ordered the KGB and the GRU to join forces to mount a new intelligence collection effort codenamed Raketno-Yadernoe Napadenie (RYAN)." Andropov concluded.
     
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    Boeing 2707-300, America supersonic airliner
  • Archibald

    Banned
    April 12, 1981

    Mojave desert, California

    THE MANY LIVES OF BOEING SST

    The Boeing SST prototype stands on the dawn light. It is a sleek bird with a 300 ft long fuselage that graciously curves not unlike the fabled Lockheed Constellation – the longest fuselage in aviation history, and made of titanium with that. With the nose up the Boeing 2707-300 has a strong futuristic look. View from the cockpit is pretty limited – through tiny, triangular windows here and there.

    Unlike Concorde and the ill-fated Tupolev, Boeing SST is a tailed delta with podded engines, four enormously powerful General Electric GE-4. The massive jet exhausts are a dark steel grey, constrasting with the aircraft beautiful day-glo NASA livery. The rear fuselage curves upward, the shark-like vertical tail towering 53 ft in the air. Their is a long ventral strake for improved stability.

    The Boeing supersonic transport is a massively powerful machine, 750 000 pounds of high-technology hurtling across the sky at 1800 miles per hour, faster than 99 percent of military aircrafts. Even mighty F-15s can't catch up. A decade ago the immense supersonic airliner was the last in a serie of bigger and bigger Mach 3 flying machines. The SST is much longer than North American XB-70 Walkyrie, itself an order of magnitude bigger than Lockheed SR-71. All three aircrafts are cutting-edge marvels. Unlike the XB-70 and much like the SR-71, the Boeing SST is made of titanium rather than stainless steel.

    Over the last two decades Boeing great white bird has had many different lives.

    ---

    National Research Council

    Aeronautics and Space Engineering Board

    Committee on High Speed Research

    March 15, 1972

    STATEMENT OF TASK

    The High Speed Research Committee will conduct a 12-month study of the HSR program.

    The committee will prepare a report that accomplishes the following:

    1. Assesses NASA's HSR planning;

    2. Evaluates progress to date; and

    3. Recommends appropriate changes in the HSR program.
    To accomplish this task, the committee will meet approximately five times. Some meetings will take place at NASA centers and industry facilities where HSR research and development are underway.

    The committee will receive extensive programmatic and technical briefings from NASA and relevant industry participants. The committee will review existing studies of the likely demands for supersonic transports in light of the dependence of these demands on aircraft characteristics. The committee may also request information on the extent of foreign programs from the Department of Commerce, NASA, and others.

    The committee will take into consideration and build on relevant National Research Council reports issued by the ASEB, the Board on Atmospheric Sciences and Climate, and the National Materials Advisory Board.

    SPONSOR(S): NASA Code R

    -------

    The ASEB reviewed the following programs and aircrafts.

    PART I PRESENT HIGH SPEED RESEARCH PROGRAMS IN THE UNITED STATES

    A – The Lifting body

    HL-10, M2F3, X-24A. The first two have been retired by 1970. The X-24A is currently being modified into the X-24B. A X-24C could replace the X-15 as an hypersonic testbed.

    B - The X-15

    There is only one X-15, left, the first X-15A. We considered rebuilding it to the X-15A2 standard.

    C- Lockheed NF-104A

    That program has been terminated last year. It was very much a "poor's man X-15" at a fraction of the cost. Consideration should be given to new vehicles. Of the three NF-104A, one was destroyed early on. The last two stopped flying in 1971 – June and December, respectively.

    D- The Lockheed A-12 family and D-21B drone

    NASA is currently flying all three YF-12s.

    E- North American XB-70 Walkyrie.

    Only the first XB-70 is left. North American however told the committe spares exists in storage to build a third aircraft.

    F- Boeing 2707-300 SST.

    A full scale mockup was completed and construction of the first prototype started before cancellation.

    G – The Space Shuttle

    While no hardware was build, a large volume of studies were done. A subscale model would be an attractive option.

    H – Advanced propulsion

    We performed an extensive review of ongoing research on airbreathing and rocket engines.

    PART II RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS.

    We felt that a fleet of versatile subscale shuttle prototypes could consolidate past and present high speed research programs – namely, DynaSoar, the X-15, the Space Shuttle, lifting bodies, and X-24C.

    Hence we recommend against more flights of the X-15 or a conversion into a X-15A2, and against the X-24C.

    The subscale shuttle models will provide aerodynamic data on future orbiters. Meanwhile a much upgraded, twin seat NF-104A will be used to train future shuttle crews for the final phase of flight – from 150 000 ft to a glided runway landing. The NTF-104X could fly in formation with a subscale shuttle model.

    Because NASA is already flying YF-12s, there is no point in flying D-21 drones or A-12 aircrafts.

    Next we reviewed high speed passanger transportation, notably the crucial issue of materials. It essentially boils down to four options
    • aluminium (Concorde, Rockwell AMSA)

    • stainless steel (XB-70)

    • titanium (Lockheed A-12 and D-21)

    • nickel alloys (X-15 and DynaSoar).
    Aluminium can't go past Mach 2.2, which is too slow for transpacific and transatlantic commercial service.

    Nickel alloys are extremely expensive and can only be used for small vehicles.

    Stainless steel is too heavy for commercial transports, albeit further progress could be achieved by building a third XB-70.

    This leave titanium. Reports from the Soviet Union show this country embracing titanium for submarine hulls and eventually, aeronautics. Lockheed build both A-12 and D-21 and they also had a SST proposal that was rejected in favor of Boeing's.

    Building a very large titanium or stainless steel aircraft will serve both SST, SSTO and TSTO future vehicles. For example, all-rocket SSTOs will necessarily be very large vehicles because of the enormous mass of liquid hydrogen and liquid oxygen they carry. TSTO airbreathing first stages will be equally large. The Space Shuttle program was cancelled before a decision could be made about its internal structure. A mix of nickel and titanium alloys was the prefered option, but consideration was also given to a cheaper – but heavier and more fragile - aluminium structure protected by ceramic tiles.

    Advanced propulsion.

    We recommend a major funding effort concentrating on five advanced airbreathing and rocket engines. First is Tony DuPont scramjet, the HRE once tested on the X-15A2. Then there is Marquardt SERJ promoted by William J.D Escher.

    A third, promising technology is Mass Injection Pre-Compressor Cooling (MIPCC) as currently studied for the F-4X. Interestingly enough, both F-4X and NF-104 share the same engine, the General Electric J-79. Hence consideration should be given to a NF-104 with MIPCC.

    On the field of rocket engine, we strongly recommend funding both F-1A and XLR-129. These two engines perfectly complement each other.

    CONCLUSION

    We recommend

    A – A mix of NF-104 and varied subscale shuttle models.

    A NTF-104X – a two-seater, F-104G based, MIPCC- and rocket- powered space trainer.

    B – Funding of advanced airbreathing and rocket engines.

    C – Flight testing of large titanium and stainless steel aircrafts (YF-12, XB-70, or SST)

    ...


    The ASEB High Speed Research Committee considered supersonic transportation. We first heard North American Rockwell (NAR) representatives.

    "The second XB-70 airframe would be modified to a limited passenger configuration by removing the military electronics and fuel from the upper fuselage (“neck”) and replacing it with a small passenger compartment. The fuel would either be moved into the area previously occupied by the weapons bay in the lower fuselage, or just simply be deleted and the range penalty accepted for the demonstration vehicle. Without changing the mold line of the upper fuselage, a total of 36 passenger could be accommodated in 4-abreast seating. The internal diameter of the fuselage was only 100 inches – four feet narrower than the contemporary Boeing 707. A single restroom would be located at the extreme rear of the passenger compartment. Interestingly, a galley was not included, partially because of a lack of room, and partially because all flights were expected to be so short as to eliminate the need for one.

    Two versions of this design were proposed. The first simply eliminated the fuel normally carried in the upper fuselage. This version had a gross takeoff weight of 337,000 pounds and a range of 2,900 miles. The second version moved 47,400 pounds of fuel into the weapons bay (for a total of 185,000 pounds) and resulted in an aircraft weighing 384,500 pounds with a range of just over 4,000 miles. Passenger ingress and egress, as well as emergency evacuation, would be complicated by the height of the XB-70 fuselage. Two other configurations were also proposed that slightly changed the outer mold line, but provided more realistic passenger counts. Both included the weapons bay fuel. The first extended the internal passenger compartment by 240 inches, resulting in seating for 48 passengers. This version had a gross takeoff weight of 427,000 pounds and could fly 3,850 miles while cruising at Mach 3.

    The other version increased the passenger compartment another 264 inches (for a total stretch of 504 inches) to seat 76 passengers. The gross takeoff weight increased to 461,000 pounds, but range was reduced to only 3,600 miles at Mach 3.

    North American's rationale for using an XB-70 as an early SST demonstrator had several valid points. The primary contribution was identified as the early definition of problems associated with the operation of an SST, made possible by limited passenger flights as early as 1965.

    Since the FAA would not have certificated the aircraft, they would probably have been limited to military or government (NASA, etc.) operations. The expected problems included air traffic control, airport operations, maintenance, scheduling, etc Sufficient lead-time was available to resolve these problems in an efficient and orderly manner before large numbers of SSTs were produced. Regulations and systems could be developed to monitor and control the operations of supersonic aircraft by the time production aircraft were introduced into airline service. The FAA could use the early service experience to write new Federal Air Regulations covering the certification process and design criteria for supersonic transports. It would be possible to accumulate 4,000 – 5,000 flight hours of flight.

    We then reviwed Boeing SST program. We first heard John Magruder. We were surprised to learn that the Seattle company was ready to team with the Lockheed Corporation. Magruder introduced the following summary.

    Saturday, May 22, 1971 - SST Fund Offered By Japanese Firm

    A Japanese trading company made a new offer to finance completion - of two prototypes of the 1,800 - mile - an - hour commercial airliner. Magruder said a representative of the Ataka Co. called him on May 21, 1971 and offered to try to raise the $500 million or more necessary to revive the program which Congress refused to finance any longer.

    The company would act as a broker, raising money from such Japanese giants as the Mitsubishi Companies. Work on the prototypes would continue at the Boeing Co., the prime contractor, and General Electric, which was developing the engine for the aborted plane. When the program moved into the production stage, some of the parts would be manufactured in Japan, Magruder 'said.

    Shortly after Congress first rejected the American SST program late March 1971, Ataka offered to send a trade mission to Washington to discuss financing. But Magruder said, the Japanese Ministry of Trade told Ataka to withdraw that offer.

    "Apparently the Japanese government had second thoughts," he said in view of the new Ataka offer. Magruder said he urged the company to contact the State Department and outline its proposal to . Boeing and General Electric. "I told them that without a strong indication of production financing, I didn't think the industry here would be interested in starting up the program again, - " Magruder said.

    He described Ataka as one of the 10 largest companies in Japan, with assets of $1.5 billion. Magruder confirmed reports that a German group made a tentative offer last month to finance the protoypes but had not followed through on it. Magruder said a Boston - based company with heavy investments in Middle East Oil had offered to put $75U million into the program to keep it going but withdrew it.

    After this brief summary John Magruder told us about new developments happened since June 1971. It seems things accelerated after the Space Shuttle cancellation in mid-December. This coincided with renewed interest for the SST from the White House, related to an incident happened on December 13. This day President Nixon met French President George Pompidou in the Azores. Pompidou flew there onboard a Concorde. President Nixon was offered the opportunity to visit the aircraft and has been favorably impressed. Meanwhile Boeing reported to Magruder a surprising request. Lockheed CEO Carl Kotchian had met Boeing T. Wilson and proposed an agreement over the SST. Lockheed would make Boeing benefit from their extensive knowledge of building titanium aircrafts such as the SR-71 and D-21 drone. To Boeing and Magruder surprise, Lockheed had actually gone a step further. Hearing about the Ataka proposal through the press, Kotchian had met Japanese officials in the wake of the Nixon – Sato summit held in San Clemente, California, on January 7, 1972. Some days later Kotchian went to Japan. First he met Ataka representatives.

    Together they worked on behalf that Ataka would act as a broker, raising money from such Japanese giants as the Mitsubishi Companies. Lockheed knows Mitsubishi pretty well since the two companies worked on F-104J fighter bombers. Kotchian then met with high-ranking Japanese officials, and was presented both NASDA and ISAS space agencies. Then again, Kotchian was on familiar grounds: NASDA is discussing utilisation and production of Lockheed Agena space tugs. Late January 1972 Kotchian reported to Boeing and Magruder very positive signals from Japan. He added his own, ambitious proposal. Before May 1971 and cancellation of the program, Boeing first SST prototype was to fly in November 1972. Six months or more have been lost, pushing the first flight well into 1973. Kotchian proposed that Lockheed Skunk Works got a SST crash program and build a pair of prototypes. These aircrafts would be flown on an experimental Supersonic Transpacific Service (STS). Kotchian acknowledged that the 2707-300, as build, would be far too noisy to operate over land, restricting the SST to flight over water. Yet both trans-Atlantic and trans-Pacific trips would be realistic. Because of its limited range, when flying out of Tokyo to Los Angeles the 2707-300 would need to stop either in Anchorage or Honolulu. Even with these stops the SST cruise speed of Mach 2.7 would drastically cut trans-Pacific flight times.

    Kotchian argued that Mach 2.7, not Mach 2.2, is the correct speed for a supersonic transport. The reason is related to the number of daily rotations between Europe and America. The more a passenger aircraft flies, the more the company earn money. Flying at mach 2.7 cuts trans-atlantic flight time to two hours instead of Concorde's three, with a major, positive result. It becomes feasible to fly from Paris to New York and back, on morning; and then to repeat such flights in the afternoon. The entire sequence can be achieved between six in the morning and eleven in the evening – including one-hour stopovers, it respects airport night curfews related to noise.

    The SST role could extend far beyond passenger transportation. Building such an enormous aircraft out of titanium would help gathering precious experience on future airbreathing TSTO first stages, and also Single Stage To Orbit vehicles which need excellent mass fraction.

    Kotchian proposed an intermediate step: the SST could air drop rockets to improve their payload to orbit. That's the reason why he visited ISAS and NASDA. Among Lockheed proposals to our comittee was air dropping Agenas from A-12 Oxcarts. The SST however is far larger and could launch heavier rocket boosters. Kotchian and Skunk Works sketched a fascinating concept: responsive access to space where Agena space tugs would be air-launched to the future NASA Space Station that is currently discussed.

    We heard about Kotchian proposal and he made a testimony to our committe in February. We compared it with NAR proposal of a third XB-70 build as a passenger aircraft. On paper the two proposals are equally interesting – regarding stainless steel and titanium airframes.

    A couple of XB-70 have actually flew and long-lead structural items for a third Valkyrie have been stored since 1964. As shown in the NAR document, it would be possible to graft a passenger cabin behind the cockpit, moving whatever fuel lost to the now unuseful bomb bay. That way 75 passengers could be flown at Mach 3 over 4000 miles.

    There are some major issues with NAR proposal, however. First, the Air Force is reluctant because a third B-70 could threaten the AMSA program, either because of better performance (AMSA top speed is Mach 2.3, far below the XB-70) or simply by draining workforce out of AMSA.

    The major issue however is that the XB-70 is not representative of Boeing or Lockheed SST designs. The XB-70 is too small, it is too fast (Mach 3.2 against the SST Mach 2.7). The six engines and overall ardynamic shape are unpractical for any passenger aircraft. What's more, NAR experience with the first two XB-70s is partially balanced by Lockheed SR-71 and D-21 programs. Finally, a stainless steel airframe would be far heavier than a titanium aircraft.

    That's why we cautiously endorse Kotchian plan. Of a Skunk Works crash program to build two prototypes, involving Japan and America, NASA, NASDA, ISAS, Boeing, Lockheed, Ataka and Mitsubishi. These two prototypes would be outfitted as 225 seat passenger aircrafts strictly restricted to the Tokyo – Los Angeles airway, and eventually, transatlantic flights from New York or Washington to Paris and London.


    -----

    Part 1 - 1970

    “The Boeing 2707-300 will carry people to any other place on Earth in 12 hours or less, out-racing the sun across the Pacific ocean at 1800 mile an hour, slicing through the night in about three hours when flying toward the rising sun.

    One can ask why in 1963 the FAA ruled that the SST top speed should be Mach 2.7 – not Concorde Mach 2.2. They had excellent reasons.

    Let's suppose a Boeing SST lift-off from Paris at 6 o'clock in the morning. Mach 2.7 cut flight time to New York to a mere 2 hours, when Concorde needs 3 hours and a 747, 6 hours.

    The SST thus land at New York at 8 o'clock, followed by an hours of overhaul and passenger transit. Then it depart from N.Y at 9 o'clock, landing in Paris at 11 o'clock. Thus an entire Paris – New York – Paris rotation is done in a mere five hours, and can be repeated two more times in a single day (12 h – 17h, 18 h – 23h)

    The aircraft will climb to 60 000 ft in 30 minutes, then spent two hours in supersonic flight near Mach 3, peaking at 64 000 ft as it burns 475 000 pounds of fuel. Landing will take another 30 minutes. It is already aknowledged that supersonic flight will be restricted to over water and uninhabited land masses to avoid sonic boom annoyance. The performance capabilities of the airplane permit subsonic flight at no appreciable loss in range.

    The basic interior arrangement of the 2707-300 provides accomodations for 298 tourist passengers if six abreast seating is utilized. Cabin length of 194 ft includes seven lavoratories, seven galleys and seating for eight flight attendants. These service ratios are comparable, if not better, accomodations over the intermediate range aircraft of the 727 class which have comparable trip time duration.

    Other body sizes are under consideration. While the prototype will be 287 ft long, production aircraft could be stretched to 298 ft and seven abreast seating for a total of 321 passengers. Even in this very dense capacity the 2707-300 could fly between Paris and New York (3600 miles). Maximum range is 4500 miles with 253 passengers and five abreast seating.

    The SST prototype program will cost an estimated $1.283 billion by the time the two prototypes have completed 100 hours of flying. A breakdown of that $1.283 billion show that the government will contribute $1.051 billion, the airlines $59 million and the manufacturers $173 million.

    The total costs of the SST development program are expected to be about $1.7 billion. For the sake of comparison, the Apollo program that landed a man on the Moon cost $22 billion and the cancelled space shuttle was well above $7 billion. Also, SST development costs are comparable to those of Concorde.

    First prototype parts fabrication started in July 1970. Over the next two years major structural and final assembly will happen. Planned roll-out in August 1972, followed by first flight later in the year. “

    ----------

    Part 2 – bringing back the dead SST

    Initial step in recovering the SST was taken at the White House on May 4, 1971 at a Republican Congressional leadership meeting at the White House. Gerald Ford listened to treasury Secretary John Connally talk about the need to rescue the Lockheed Corp. with a federal financial guarantee and then spoke up. How could Lockheed be rescued, Ford asked, and the Boeing Corp. of Seatttle, prime contractor for the SST, be left in the lurch?

    The administration was interested and listened to Ford's plan. A week later, May 12, the pro-SST forces struck with such miraculous fury that the House voted , 201-197, to revive the project it had killed two months before. Alas, a week later on May 20, 1971 the SST died again in the Senate, this time for good (or so it seemed). Meanwhile Time Magazine dated May 26, has a glimpse of the state of Boeing SST shop. And it was not exactly encouraging.

    “The American supersonic transport is being packed away this time perhaps for keeps. In the Boeing company's massive Seattle Developmental Center, only a handful of employees is left to oversee the storage of the airplane's mockup and the numerous mastermolds, from which parts for the flying prototypes would have been made. Dozens of expoxy foam patterns are piled near the 298-foot-long mockup.

    Boeing has already transferred many of its key SST employees to other projects and fired more than 5000 others. Hundreds of the laid-off workers had already left town. Boeing President William Allen cautiously predicted that, after having stopped the project in March, restarting it in May would probably add at least $500 million, or perhaps as much as $1 billion, to the federal cost of building two flying prototypes – a cost originally estimated at $1.3 billion. “In this business you don't turn on and off like a spigot” Boeing CEO Willian Allen complained. “

    As of early June 1971 and despite the official gloom among the program's proponents, there was nontheless an undercut: rent of expectation — perhaps more intuition than anything else — that the United States SST was not dead. A big weakness in this scenario was that there was no knowing how much of the SST engineering team could be kept together. Another difficulty was that an interruption of work appeared certain to drive up the cost. On the other hand, costs could go down if an outsider—either the Japanese or a consortium of American companies —took over the project from the Federal government.

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    Part 3 - SPACE SHUTTLE OR SST ?

    Recently declassified documents show that in 1972 there was a discrete investigation of Lockheed Agena space tug bid. There were rumours of corruption of NASA low-key officials - in a period of hectic turmoil for the civilian space agency. The investigation (that ultimately went nowhere) could have led to an earlier disclosure of Lockheed's briberies, a scandal that finally exploded in 1975 through the Church committee.

    One has to figure that, had Lockheed bribery scandals exploded in 1972 rather than 1975, they could have crashed the 1971 government bailout of the company. Surely enough, people like William Proxmire would have happily pointed the bitting irony of handling taxpayer money to a private company that would then spent the money corrupting governments all over the world.

    Most people think Lockheed was handled a $250 million check by the government in 1971, period. But the bailout was in fact spread over five years, with many loans every year. Lockheed finally shut down the deal with the government in October 1977... while the bribery scandal exploded 18 month earlier. So the two events actually overlapped. Lockheed and its banks actually borrowed money to get ride of the government loan sooner rather than later.

    It apears that Nixon administration John Magruder arm-twisted Lockheed because Boeing needed SR-71 titanium knowledge to build the SST prototypes. At the time Lockheed SR-71 and A-12 were classified so NASA was used as a surrogate to discretely exfiltrate titanium data.

    Like Lockheed before them,Boeing technicians found that unexpected difficulties arose from the metal fabrication stage. Titanium was equal to stainless steel in strength, but its virtues as an aircraft metal; light weight, strength, corrosion resistance and high temperatures tolerance were accompanied by new manufacturing 200,000 psi with an aging process of 70 hours to bring it to full strength. With careful aging and quality control, the time could be reduced to 40 hours but a serious glitch appeared with either process. The titanium being manufactured in the United States in those days that lacked the required purity. In technical terms, U.S. titanium was hydrogen embrittled. In simple terms, if a piece dropped, it would shatter. The purity problem became a major stumbling block in A-12 production. Initially, all of the manufacturing material secured from Titanium Metal Corporation had to be rejected on pure quality basis. The entire first batch of raw material ended up being tossed out, along with the exiting "pickling process". A source of purer titanium had to be found and it would be outside the United States. The outside source was located in the Soviet Union. Not only was Soviet titanium of the higher quality, but also the USSR had the only 25,000 lbs forging press needed to form the basic material. In a remarkable stroke of irony, the CIA was able to price titanium from the Soviet Union under covert conditions. The Soviet Union remained unaware that it was aiding in the development of an aircraft that someday might over fly them.

    There were other problems with titanium. It reacted to just about everything that touched it. Cadmium, mercury, mercury amalgam, cadmium-plated tools, halogens (chlorine, fluorine, bromine, iodine. even ink form some pens and lead from pencils. Ink from felt tip pens could actually eat a hole in a sheet of titanium in just under 12 hours. Skunk Works fabrications, after much detective work found that the spot welds done in the summer were more prone to deteriorate than those done during the winter. They discovered that the deterioration was related to problem with algae in Burbank's water supply. To prevent it, municipal water wads heavily chlorinated during the summer. This water was used to wash the titanium plates; it would eat away the welds. The airframes could be assembled by conventional construction techniques, but it would take hand-jigging or one by one assembly to keep the airframe Construction process moving. Despite the costs and fabrication problems there was a distinct advantage in using the titanium in the A-12: the hotter it gets, the more it "recurs" itself. That means that as heat builds up when the aircraft flies at Mach speed, the metal makes itself stronger, much the way it does in the annealing process.

    There were separate test units treated to study the thermal effects on the large wing panels. When heated to the temperatures the aircraft could encounter in flight, the panels would warp badly. Notes from the first thermal test state that the wing section "crumpled up like an old dish rag" when exposed to the high temperatures of Mach 3 flight. The problem was solved by putting corrugations in the test wing section to control the shape and direction of the crumpling. When the titanium was heated, the corrugations merely deepened and retuned to their original shape when it cooled. This controlled the warping and resulted in the redesign of the A-12's wing to incorporate chord wise (longitudinal) corrugations.

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    Part 4: John Magruder SST crusade.

    Although dead in the Senate on May 20, 1971, the Boeing SST refused to die definitively. As the year 1971 ran its course, two more quagmires brewed up in the aerospace microscosm. They were Lockheed's bailout, closely followed by NASA space shuttle fiasco.

    The key man in this effort, William Magruder, had been Nixon's head of the SST program. Ehrlichman recalls that Nixon gave an instruction: "Let's keep in science and technology, and let's find something good for Magruder to do."

    William Magruder was a household name in the aerospace industry. His boasted an impressive biography, not the least feat piloting a DC-8 airliner into a supersonic dive. Then Magruder went to Lockheed and actually piloted SR-71s. He publicly aknowldeged his connection to the SR-71 during Congressional hearings.

    On 27 July 1971, Magruder briefed President Nixon on a plan to keep SST research going temporarily. Part of NTOP added $20 million to the National Aeronautics and Space Administration ’s FY 1973 budget for research aimed at resolving the SST’s environmental problems. The president apparently agreed to the plan. Soon thereafter Magruder arranged with Roy P. Jackson, head of NASA’s Office of Aeronautics and Space Technology, that the agency begin planning a research program aimed at “technological readiness” for an advanced SST. Responsibility for designing the program was assigned to William S. Aiken, Jr. of NASA Office of Advanced Research and Technology. Aiken formed an “Advanced Supersonic Transport program (AST)” steering group to begin planning the new effort.

    Meanwhile on 13 September, 1971 Magruder was appointed to become program manager in the White House of a government-wide study into ways the United States can maintain its technological lead over other nations. In his new job, Magruder was "special consultant" to the President and a member of the White House inner circle-even to the extent of sharing one of the President's secretaries and using one of his offices. Magruder's new job was to manage a broad-based study on means to exploit technology for solving basic national needs ranging from health care to the balance of trade. The New Technological Opportunities Program, as Magruder liked to call the study, might eventually embrace up to 400 individual projects. The program publicly surfaced on January 5, 1972, in the form of a presidential announcement. NTOP was important, for it represented a serious White House attempt to redirect the resources of aerospace toward new domestic priorities. When the attempt faltered, it soon became clear that Nixon would not try to help the beleaguered aerospace industry by having its people work on mass transit or pollution control. Instead, he would give them an election-year gift by keeping that industry's resources within the realm of aerospace.

    That would be a daunting task: the only success had been Lockheed bailout, that had passed Congress by the slimmest of margin – 192 to 189.

    Late December the space shuttle was cancelled and NASA administrator James Fletcher resigned in anger. Fletcher had had little point in expending political capital on the SST when his own interest lay in advancing the Shuttle program. Magruder saw an opportunity to bring the SST from the grave. Because NASA was reluctant, Magruder turned to the National Academies aerospace committees.

    The Aeronautics and Space Engineering Board (ASEB) had been established in 1967 “to focus talents and energies of the engineering community on significant aerospace policies and programs.” In undertaking its responsibilities, the ASEB oversees ad hoc committees that recommend priorities and procedures for achieving aerospace engineering objectives and offers a way to bring engineering and other related expertise to bear on aerospace issues of national importance. ASEB was tasked with a broad report over high speed research. An extensive, complete review of high speed aircrafts was completed.

    Magruder pushed the ASEB review hard. Although the ASEB study is largely forgotten nowadays, the X-27 series of subscale shuttles originated there. Together with a revamped SST and Lockheed bailout, the whole package was directed at disgruntled California aerospace workers that would soon vote in the Presidential election.

    Among the many options explored, Magruder's attention was caught by a brief newspaper headline ASEB staffers had dug out.

    Part 5 – ENTER JAPAN

    TOKYO, March 26 1971 — Ataka & Co. is “interested” in the supersonic transport program voted down by the United States Senate two days ago, but not in terms of buying up the billion‐dollar project, a company official said here today.

    The official, who asked not to be identified but who said he was speaking for the company, gave the following information as background for the cable the company sent the State Department two days ago, in which it said it was “extremely interested in the SST program.”

    About 10 days ago (March 16), the company was approached by an American source, a source not in the airplane field but one with whom the company has had many business dealings and in whose word it has confidence.

    The source asked whether, in the event that Congress voted down the SST project, Ataka would be interested in recommending some Japanese manufacturers who might participate in a cooperative project to build the SST. It was Ataka's understanding that in the event that the SST was voted down as a Federal project, a group of American manufacturers might form a syndicate to build the plane privately. Ataka took its source's inquiry as an expression of interest in whether some Japanese manufacturer might be induced to participate in some way in this project.

    “Not to buy or manufacture the SST here, you understand,” the official said. “Just to participate in some way in the project—making some parts for it, for instance. We were not sure whether any Japanese company had the interest to participate, or whether it had the requisite technology, but we were interested in exploring the idea. That was the reason for our cable to the State Department two days ago."



    Magruder was taken aback by the proposal and asked himself, who on Earth was Ataka ?

    "Ataka & Co. is a major Japanese general trading company headquartered in Osaka. Ataka opened its first US office in 1918 and had 39 overseas offices around the end of World War II in 1945. Like other Japanese trading companies, it embarked on a major overseas business expansion in the 1950s with new offices in the United States, Southeast Asia and South America. In the late 1950s it developed an iron mining operation in Malaya and a copper mining operation in Chile to meet Japanese consumption needs. Its main lender is the Sumitomo Bank, one of the largest Japanese keiretsu.

    Within the last decade Ataka tried to diversify its assets, notably in aerospace. Japan is well-known being a locked fortress, a captive market that can't be penetrated without a national company acting as a broker. This is the role Ataka intends to play. They started in 1967 with British light aircraft manufacturers – no less than Shorts, Beagle, and Miles. Then in 1971 they stroke a deal with Pan Am (hence, Dassault) to sell Falcon business jets in Japan. So one can see that the SST proposal, as daring as it seemed, didn't happened in a vacuum. Surely enough, Ataka intented to expand in aerospace. But they have zero aerospace expertise by themselves, and the SST is neither a Beagle nor a Falcon 20.

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    PART 6 - TURNING POINT

    On December 13, 1971 President Nixon, who liked aerospace technology and had been saddened by the SST cancellation, met with French President Georges Pompidou in the Açores. It happened that Pompidou landed in a Concorde prototype, making Nixon's Boeing 707 obsolete - Spirit of 76' had been JFK aircraft a decade before, and it showed its age. Nixon toured the Anglo-French aircraft - he was secretely incensed and complained again about the SST cancellation.

    He reportedly said in a private discussion at the White House, December 17, 1971 «That SST would have made one hell of an Air Force One.» Coincidentally, it was the anniversary of the Wright Brother historical flight, and there Magruder saw an opportunity to bring back the SST. Magruder first went to Gerald Ford, one of the staunch supporter of the SST in the House of Representatives. Ford had managed more or less single-handedly to revive the SST in The House only to have it dies again a weel later in the Senate.

    On December 20, 1971 Magruder requested Ford help to lobby Nixon to discuss the matter with Japan Prime Minister Sato in their planned meeting set for January 7, 1972.

    January 7, 1972

    JOINT STATEMENT FOLLOWING MEETINGS WITH PRIME MINISTER SATO OF JAPAN.

    PRIME Minister Sato and President Nixon, meeting in San Clemente on January 6 and 7, 1972 had wide-ranging and productive discussions that reflected the close, friendly relations between Japan and the United States. They covered the general international situation with particular emphasis on Asia including China, as well as bilateral relations between Japan and the United States.

    The Prime Minister and the President recognized that in the changing world situation today, there are hopeful trends pointing toward a relaxation of tension, and they emphasized the need for further efforts to encourage such trends so as to promote lasting peace and stability. These efforts would involve close cooperation between the two governments and with other governments. They also recognized that the maintenance of cooperative relations between Japan and the United States is an indispensable factor for peace and stability in Asia, and accordingly they confirmed that the two Governments would continue to consult closely on their respective Asian policies.

    The Prime Minister and the President discussed the problems relating to the return of Okinawa as contemplated in the Joint Communiquй of November 21, 1969. They were gratified that the Reversion Agreement signed on June 17, 1971 had received the support of the respective legislatures, and decided to effect the return of Okinawa to Japan on May 15, 1972. The President indicated the intention of the United States Government to confirm upon reversion that the assurances of the United States Government concerning nuclear weapons on Okinawa have been fully carried out. To this the Prime Minister expressed his deep appreciation.

    Tied with the return of Okinawa was Japan rocketry. ISAS solid-fuel orbital rockets are not far from an ICBM, which could destabilize Asia. As such, the Japanese government agreed to transfer satellite launches to a licence-build Thor-Agena-D (Thorad) operated by a civilian space agnecy, the NASDA.

    Recognizing that the further strengthening of the already close economic ties between Japan and the United States was of vital importance to the overall relations between the two countries as well as to the expansion of the world economy as a whole, the Prime Minister and the President shared the expectation that the international currency realignment of last December would provide a firm basis on which to chart future development of the world economy, and stated their determination to exert renewed efforts, in combination with other countries, towards improved monetary arrangements, expanded world trade and assisting developing countries. In this connection they affirmed the importance of conditions that facilitate the flow of both public assistance and private capital.

    The Prime Minister and the President reaffirmed the basic view that Japan and the United States, jointly ascribing to the principles of freedom and democracy, would cooperate closely with each other in all areas such as the political, cultural, economic, scientific and technological fields to achieve the common goals of maintaining and promoting peace and prosperity of the world and the well-being of their countrymen.

    They agreed that the two Governments would expand cooperation in the fields of environment, of the peaceful uses of atomic energy and the peaceful exploration and use of outer space. They further agreed that experts of the two countries would examine concrete steps in this regard. Mention was made of Japanese funding of Boeing SuperSonic Transport (SST) project and the creation of a Supersonic Transpacific Service (STS). “Supersonic Transportation will get Japan and the United States closer from each other, strengthening links between the two nations.” President Nixon said.

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    1. New Prime Minister of Japan Kakuei Tanaka and President Nixon met in Hawaii August 31-September 1, 1972 for wide ranging discussions on a number of topics of mutual interest. The talks were held in an atmosphere of warmth and mutual trust reflecting the long history of friendship between Japan and the United States. Both leaders expressed the hope that their meeting would mark the beginning of a new chapter in the course of developing ever closer bonds between the two countries.

    The Prime Minister and the President discussed cooperation in space exploration including Japan's goal of launching geo-stationary communications and other applications satellites. The President welcomed Japan's active interest in and study on the launching of a meteorological satellite in support of the global atmospheric research program. Discussion were held over an ambitious aerospace proposal.

    The Prime Minister and the President expressed satisfaction with their talks and agreed to continue to maintain close personal contact.

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    Between January and August, 1972 President Nixon NTOP staffers led by Magruder drafted an ambitious proposal Nixon would discuss with the new Japanese prime minister.

    A pre-serie of three Boeing 2707-300 (plus two prototypes) would be build and an experimental high-speed airline would be set up between Tokyo and Los Angeles. This took into account most severe critics against the SST – that it was too noisy to fly over land. Hence consideration was then given to transpacific flights only.

    Early in the discussions Ataka made clear to Magruder that they would only act as a broker to various organizations and corporations in Japan.

    Ataka went to discuss with varied aerospace organizations in Japan – the government and MITI; the military; the aircraft manufacturing industry (either the old NAMC or the brand new Civil Transport Development Corporation); and the varied aerospace agencies such as NASDA, ISAS and the NAL.

    The military was rapidly excluded, although the 2707-300 performance would made for a very high performance bomber, Japanese constitution forbadde offensive weapons.

    It happened that Ataka main lender Sumitomo - one of the largest Japanese keiretsu – was involved in the Nihon Aircraft Manufacturing Corporation (NAMC) - the manufacturer of Japan's only successful civilian airliner, the YS-11. By the fall of 1972 the American and Japanese governments created a detailed roadmap.

    First, both Japanese and U.S governments would get ride of NAMC chronic deficit by selling YS-11 airliners in the U.S.A. Piedmont Airlines was to spearhead that effort, since the company had already bought ten YS-11s and was willing to buy ten more.

    Secondly, once NAMCO deficit resorbed, the company would be used as a subcontractor to Boeing SST manufacturing.

    Third, a pair of SST prototypes would be build with NASA and NASDA / ISAS/ NAL funding. Indeed Japan more or less had three space agencies instead of one.

    The SST prototypes would be flown experimentally over the Pacific on the Tokyo – Honolulu – Los Angeles route.

    Fourth, if that experimental service proved its worth, then some more SSTs could be build, perhaps with airlines funding. Boeing and the United States government noted that when the SST had been cancelled in March 1971 there were 115 unfilled orders by 25 airlines. The concept was to try and bait some airlines through the Supersonic Transpacific Service (STS).

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    The National Aerospace Laboratory of Japan (NAL) had been established in July 1955. Originally known as the National Aeronautical Laboratory, it assumed its present name with the addition of the Aerospace Division in 1963. Since its establishment, it has pursued research on aircraft, rockets, and other aeronautical transportation systems, as well as peripheral technology. NAL has also endeavored to develop and enhance large-scale test facilities and make them available for use by related organizations, with the aim of improving test technology in these facilities.

    The Institute of Space and Astronautical Science (ISAS) originated as part of the Institute of Industrial Science of the University of Tokyo, where Hideo Itokawa experimented with miniature solid-fuel rockets in the 1950s. This experimentation eventually led to the development of the Κ (Kappa) sounding rocket, which was used for observations to determine the International Geophysical Year. By 1960, the Κ-8 rocket had reached an altitude of 200 km. In 1964, the rocket group and the Institute of Aeronautics, along with scientific ballooning team, were merged to form Institute of Space and Aeronautical Science within the University of Tokyo. The rocket evolved into the L (Lambda) series, and, in 1970, L-4S-5 was launched as Japan's first artificial satellite Ōsumi.

    But the United States grew worried about ISAS solid-fueled rockets, seeing them as the logical step in the direction of ballistic missiles. ISAS intention had been for Japan to develop a powerful indigenous rocket. First would come the Q-rocket (100 kg to low Earth orbit) and then the N-rocket (100 kg to GEO). The majority view was that Japan should develop its own capacities and follow a path of indigenization. Here, broader political factors intervened and American pressure took an unexpected direction – they put Okinawa in the balance. An island occupied by U.S troops after a bloody battle in summer 1945, Okinawa might be returned to Japan by 1972 ... only if the country limited ISAS ambitions by creating a different space agency that would launch licence-build, civilian Delta rockets. Hence was born NASDA in 1969 under the Law only for peaceful purposes. Based on the Space Development Program enacted by the Minister of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT), NASDA was responsible for developing satellites and launch vehicles as well as launching and tracking them. Hideo Shima, chief engineer of the original Shinkansen "bullet train" project, served as Chief of NASDA from 1969 to 1977.

    That's how Japan ended with three major space organizations, ISAS and NAL being supervised by the Ministry of Education, while NASDA was subject to the directions of the Science and Technology Agency. Acting as a broker to the U.S government Ataka discussed the SST project with all three space agencies, and managed to gain support from all three of them.


    As far as the NAL was concerned, Boeing's 2707-300 used a 300 ft long titanium structure and as such, was a forerunner to future reusable spaceplane technology such as the lost space shuttle. Because they used low density hydrogen spaceplanes had to be extremely long, and the 2707 could pioneer such structures.


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    PART 7 - Underground titanium - How Boeing gathered titanium knowledge from the Soviet Union and Lockheed classified SR-71 program.

    Late in 1969, Air Force officials stated that they wanted to build the space shuttle orbiter using a conventional aluminum airframe, along with whatever form of thermal protection would be appropriate. In contrast to strong reliance on titanium in hot structures, this preference for aluminum stemmed from an Air Force finding that the aerospace industry faced a shortage of the specialized machine tools needed to fabricate large structural parts from titanium alloy.

    Within NASA and its contractors, design studies weighed the relative merits of aluminum and titanium as primary structural materials. The aluminum airframe promised to be lighter in weight, reflecting the fact that aluminum is lighter than titanium. It also would be less costly to build, reflecting the industry's long experience with aluminum. By contrast, titanium structures promised to cost up to three times as much as their aluminum counterparts, and would carry greater risk in development.

    Titanium, however, could overcome these disadvantages with its ability to withstand temperatures of 650 °F, compared with 300 degrees for aluminum. This brought a considerable reduction in the weight of the thermal protection, for two reasons. The temperature resistance of titanium would make it possible to build the top areas of the wing and fuselage of this metal alone, without additional thermal protection, for they would be shielded against the extreme temperatures of re-entry by the bottom of the vehicle. In addition to this, a titanium structure could function as a heat sink, absorbing some heat and thereby reducing the thickness and the effectiveness of thermal protection where it would be needed.

    Overall, the advantages of titanium promised a complete orbiter, including thermal protection, that would weigh some fifteen percent less than a counterpart built of aluminum. With the titanium orbiter requiring less thermal protection, it also would cost less to refurbish between missions. Though the higher cost and risk of titanium would militate in favor of aluminum once NASA faced the OMB's cost ceiling, the merits of titanium encouraged its use during NASA's design work of 1970 and 1971.

    When the shuttle was cancelled in December 1971 the SST become an alternative testbed for large titanium structures for future spaceplanes.

    Quite unsurprisingly Boeing and the Japanese struggled with the design an airframe that would have to withstand the heat generated by high-speed flight through the atmosphere. The issue was titanium, a strong and light metal used in jet engines, missiles, aircraft, and spacecraft. Because titanium has a high resistance to heat, the Boeing 2707 SST was going to have a titanium fuselage. This ambitious airplane was to cruise at Mach 2.7 or more at extremely high altitudes far above the regular jet lanes. Despite the coldness of the very thin air at those altitudes, the 2707 would have to contend with supersonic “skin friction” that would heat its hull to many hundreds of degrees Fahrenheit. Titanium was thus an essential ingredient in America’s SST program.

    The problem was that this metal is notoriously difficult to work with. While we used it in key places in Boeing jetliners, the company didn’t knew nearly enough about titanium to feel we could manufacture an entire fuselage out of it at an acceptable cost.

    The same was true of the British and French, who steered entirely clear of titanium for the Concorde. Instead they gave it a conventional structure, which limited Europe’s SST to a cruise speed of Mach 2.2 or so. Beyond that, skin friction would soften its aluminum hull too much.

    In contrast, the Russians knew a great deal about titanium, which is found in abundance there. The Soviet aerospace industry was far ahead of the West in this regard. In fact they actually helped building Lockheed's A-12 family of aircrafts !

    It happened that back in 1959 Lockheed American supplier, Titanium Metals Corporation, had only limited reserves of the precious alloy. So the CIA conducted a worldwide search and using third parties and dummy companies, managed to unobtrusively purchase the base metal from one of the world's leading exporters – the Soviet Union ! The CIA titanium ops must have been a mix of John Le Carré and James Ellroy Underworld USA trilogy.

    Lockheed needed an ore called rutile. It's a very sandy soil and it's only found in very few parts of the world. The Russians never had an inkling of how they were actually contributing to the creation of the airplane being rushed into construction to spy on their homeland.

    At the time the Soviet Union was building 3000 tons nuclear attack submarines out of titanium. Those submarines were the Alfa class so popular in Tom Clancy techno-thrillers. The truth was that Alfas were not only horrendously expensives, they were also one-shot weapons, their liquid-metal reactors having a very short lifespan and catastrophic reliability. One CIA analyst was struggling hard with the notion of a submarine titanium hull; no-one believed it was feasible.

    Meanwhile in 1967 an odd request arrived at Boeing from the U.S. Department of State. Would a delegation from Boeing be willing to meet with one from the Soviet Union for an open exchange of technical information?

    Boeing President Thornton “T” Wilson didn’t know what to make of this request from high levels. It was a ticklish proposition for T Wilson. He might well have politely declined except that here, unexpectedly, was a chance to get some badly needed help with a critical issue challenging our SST program. Accordingly, T Wilson accepted the State Department’s request for a meeting in “neutral territory.”

    T Wilson soon learned that this meeting was to be held at a restaurant in Paris. In the early 90's he remembered “For us american from the West coast, meeting Soviet engineers in Paris was quite a culture shock. In fact it was not unlike that Norman Spinrad recent novel, Russian spring, when the hero, Jerry Reed lands in Paris for the first time.”

    In the novel America has turned into an authoritarian, populist and jingoistic state, with NASA civilian space program dead and the Strategic Defense Initiative (rebranded Battlestar America) being brought into service to scare the world. Born in Los Angeles and working for Rockwell, young Jerry Reed goes to a three weeks vacations in Paris, paid by the European Space Agency that in fact wants to hire him. ESA wants Reed's breakthrough civilian space plane which is derived from Battlestar America technology. Reed comply to ESA, passing them the technology. Then a pissed-off US government forbade Reed from returning home forever, or he will be jailed for life.

    An heartbroken Reed decides to follow his dream and stay in Paris, were he founds love and a family and a job in aerospace... except that, being an American that “betrayed” his country, he ends loathed, not only by his home country, but also by Europeans and Russians that see him suspiciously, damaging his professional career many times. Spinrad own exile to Paris in 1988 (and his love for this town) is glaring.

    Accompanied by State Department officials acting as our hosts, the Boeing team climbed into a fleet of Parisian taxicabs and were soon shooting across broad boulevards. They caught glimpses of Montmartre and the Eiffel Tower bathed in late-evening sunlight as the taxis plunged through narrow, curving streets. The taxis deposited them at the entrance to a restaurant that looked well established and altogether too normal for a face-to-face with the Soviets.

    “Entering to savory aromas, we ascended to a private dining room on the second floor and took seats around a large table.”

    T. Wilson had decided that he would ask our questions first. Afterward, if and only if we felt the Russians had been fully forthcoming, were he to return the favor and share Boeing’s hard-won knowledge with equal candor. This plan was approved up front by the State Department, which hoped that a mutually beneficial exchange of information might help thaw relations between the two superpowers.

    Boeing's Bob Withington peppered the Soviet engineers with questions about titanium, initiating an animated and very enthusiastic exchange of knowledge about titanium and its fabrication. Finally, after at least an hour, he informed T Wilson that all his questions had been fully answered and that he considered the exchange valuable. By now we had finished the main course at our superb restaurant—although I have no memory of what we ate—and out came the vodka and other potables. These flowed pretty freely, which no doubt contributed to a collegial discussion that went on for another hour until finally the Russians were satisfied. The Boeing team stood, more than ready to return to our hotels and get some sleep. They noticed that the Russians carefully rolled up the napkins and tablecloth and took them away with them. A lot of valuable American technological know-how went to Russia courtesy of that French linen.

    Meanwhile help was also flowing from Lockheed, through classified channels. Bob Sudderth, who had worked at Lockheed on stability and control for the SR-71, went to work for Boeing on the SST program. He transferred that information in his head.

    Up to this point aircraft designers lacked a solution to a complex problem affecting transport aircraft. They could not predict adequately the structural and control problems resulting from landing gear and airframe interactions. Runway irregularities routinely affected tire loads. Surface

    roughness, ground contour elevations and slopes, and airplane-to-ground axis orientation all contributed inputs through tire deflections and unsprung mass excitations.

    The increased structural flexibility and higher takeoff and landing speeds of proposed Supersonic Transport (SST) designs magnified these problems. Since the YF-12 shared many structural characteristics with SST designs, the Blackbirds assumed a leading role in the landing dynamics research program. The YF-12 team had “developed one of the most complete finite element [NASA] structural analysis (NASTRAN) programs ever assembled for an aircraft, along with a complete static aeroelastic analysis program (FLEXSTAB).”

    The FLEXSTAB program, developed by Boeing for the SST, allowed researchers to assess the effect of airframe flexibility on stability and control characteristics of a supersonic aircraft. Perry Polentz of NASA Ames also sought out Curtis to model the YF-12 using FLEXSTAB. Although Curtis encountered some problems adapting the program to the YF-12 wing configuration, the extensive analytical database set the stage for the proposed flight research effort. Jim McKay thought the resulting data would have “direct application to low-aspect-ratio vehicles with close dynamic coupling between major components such as fuselage and wing.”

    In 1969 NASA, the military, Lockheed and Boeing developed a partnership to fly the three YF-12 as SST structural testbeds. The partners announced the joint program on 18 July 1969. A NASA team spent the first several months of the project installing instrumentation in the YF-12A. By December, engineers had placed strain gauges and thermocouples in the wing and fuselage to measure dynamic loads and temperatures. Using the YF-12, NASA researchers hoped to establish a technology base for the design of an efficient propulsion system for supersonic cruise aircraft, such as a Supersonic Transport (SST). All three YF-12s performed 298 flights between 11 December 1969 and 7 November 1979.

    After the SST spectacular return in 1972 and its first flight in 1975, both YF-12A were used as chase planes. Boeing 2707-300 could cruise at Mach 2.7 for two hours, quite longer than the far smaller YF-12s that could spent barely 20 minutes at Mach 3. But no other aircraft bar the lost XB-70 Valkyrie prototypes could have chased the SST across the sky. The NASA YF-12 research program was ambitious; the aircraft flew an average of once a week unless down for extended maintenance or modification. Program expenses averaged $3.1 million per year just to run the flight tests.

    Flight test program oft the three SST prototypes was quite similar to YF-12 decadal service with NASA. Unless grounded for maintenance or modification, the YF-12s flew nearly every week for most of the program's lifespan. The YF-12's ability to sustain a cruise speed of greater than Mach 3 allowed NASA to expand its research capabilities. A large amount of flight research was performed in aerodynamics, propulsion, controls, structures, subsystems and other areas such as the physics of the upper atmosphere, noise tests and measurements, and handling qualities. The YF-12 flight research data was augmented by a series of wind tunnel tests, laboratory experiments, and analyses. As a result, the combined ground/flight research generated vast amounts of information that was later incorporated into the design of other supersonic aircraft. The program yielded over 125 technical reports.

    YF-12 flight tests included propulsion studies, investigations of a flight path oscillation known as phugoid, studies of the plane's loads and handling capabilities, and performance tests that involved flights with the ventral fin removed. Other research included the use of attached vanes to investigate airflow and wind gusts, studies of jet wake dispersion, engine stalls, elevation-hold at high Mach speeds, boundary layer noise, and the effect of a boattail design on drag.

    In another facet of YF-12 research, NASA and Lockheed engineers investigated Space Shuttle landing dynamics using the YF-12C. Several flights, conducted in April and June 1973, demonstrated Shuttle-type flight characteristics during low lift-to-drag (L/D) approaches. Specifically, the researchers needed data for L/D ratios of two to three, the range predicted for the Space Shuttle orbiter. This necessitated operating the YF-12C in a high-drag configuration, achieved by reducing power to idle, moving the inlet spikes forward, and opening the bypass doors to the restart position. In addition, the pilots needed to transfer fuel to maintain a forward center-of-gravity and to burn off fuel to allow descent at as light a weight as possible (to avoid flying the aircraft at maximum L/D). The descent profile maximized engine negative thrust-inlet drag and also allowed for the lowest possible lift coefficient. Three flights, including 26 approaches, resulted in satisfactory pilot ratings for all handling qualities. The flight crews noticed no tendency toward pilot-induced oscillation and suggested that the YF-12C would serve as an acceptable model for Space Shuttle landing characteristics. A 2707-300 did flew similat tests in 1978 to try and test very large spaceplanes and boosters glided landings. The SST's length of 300 ft matched both flyback boosters or hydrogen-fueled space planes.

    PART 8 – In service

    After the October 73 oil shock the Japanese government very nearly gave up STS and the project remained on hold... until August 1974 when Ford become president and rescued it. Ford really wanted the first prototypes to fly in time for the bicentenary or at least before the 1976 presidential election (where he was defeated by Jimmy Carter). A die hard core supporter of Boeing's SST, Ford asked if a couple of birds could be outfitted as Air Force One, although the project went nowhere. Boeing and NAMC barely made it in time but on July 4, 1976 the three Boeing 2707 prototypes were at Edwards AFB. One was painted in Air Force One colors, the other had a lavish bicentenial red, blue and white livery, the third had a Pan-Am livery.

    Carter and his Vice President Mondale loathed Boeing SST but couldn't get STS cancelled. The second oil shock, however, proved fatal and the program died.

    Judgements of the STS project were very severe – a Japanese official once called it the most expensive gift from Japan to the United States ever. Bill Magruder noted that it was as if the US had hired a Japanese development contractor to build the aircraft, only that the contractor used its own money. Indeed the terms of the U.S – Japanese Agreement and the subsequent evolution of the project clearly reflected the very uneven balance of power between the partners with the odds stacked heavily in favour of the USA. Before his untimely death in 1977 Magruder went as far as hinting that the STS had been Nixon's poisoned chalice to the Japanese aircraft industry, a revenge of the textile war America was losing badly.

    At the time the Japanese hoped to develop the Y-X, an aircraft not unlike the Airbus A300, that is, a 250 passenger twin jet that would fill the gap between the wide-bodies and narrow bodies. Neither Douglas nor Boeing had in-between DC-9 and DC-10, 727 -737 and 747. There was a gap Airbus rushed in, and maybe the Japanese could have achieved similar success.

    As of 1972 when the STS agreement come into being, NAMCO had been burdened by the unbalanced YS-11 propeller-driven airliner program.

    So the Japanese government planned the establishment of a so-called Civil Transport Development Corporation with responsibility for the YX project - as successor to NAMC. NAMC was to disapear sooner rather than later, but the STS requested their experience and the company was rescued. Hence the Japanese civilian aerospace industry become split in two factions.

    A case could be made that Nixon tactics were a carbon copy of what had been done to the Japanese rocket program. Back in 1966 ISAS solid-fuel rockets could have become ICBMs, a very undesirable political development threatening Southern-Asia stability. Putting Okinawa into the balance, Nixon had Japan cutting ISAS and creating NASDA, the new space agency building Delta rocket under a licence. That's how the U.S.A got control over Japan rocket program.

    There also unfounded rumours that military may have flown 2707s out of Kadena, Okinawa as “super dupper SR-71s” for ELINT and SIGINT missions near the Chinese and Soviet borders. Flying at Mach 2.7 they were slower than SR-71s but still fast enough to escape interception by Mig-25s.

    The first 2707-300 flew in 1975, at a time when Concorde was finding a niche on trans-atlantic flights, where noise was less an issue. The 2707 found a similar niche over the Pacific, drastically cutting flight time between Japan and America.

    Late 1976 operation PACIFIC SKY had all three 2707-300s carrying 250 passengers each flying the Los Angeles – Tokyo transpacific routes with stops in either Anchorage or Honolulu. PACIFIC SKY led to a limited Supersonic Transpacific Service established in 1977, with the hope of extending flight operations to the Atlantic, where the 2707-300 very high cruise speed allowed three rotations every day, against Concorde two.

    After the 1979 oil shock the Supersonic Transpacific Service (STS) was disbanded and the question arose of what to do with the three aircrafts build. NASA inherited of the two prototypes (the third aircraft bing kept for spares) and found many uses for them in the 80's and beyond.

    One flight test program had the droop-nose fixed in the upward position to test a remote vision system. Indeed the droop nose (common to SST, Concorde and Tu-144) was a complex and heavy system and as such the next generation SST would have to do without it, saving 10 000 pounds or more. Then visibility from the cockpit would be so poor, cameras would have to be used.

    Another role for the SST was testbed of many different jet and rocket engines. Such was the size of the SST, a large payload could be stuck below the fuselage, either a rocket or a test engine pod.

    While Boeing SST was slower than either XB-70 or SR-71, it established record flight duration in high supersonic flight, beating Concorde and the Valkyrie. It could spent two hours and a half at Mach 2.7, covering 4500 miles in a single flight.
     
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    Europe in space (14)
  • Archibald

    Banned
    "Symposium - theme: Space transportation systems for the 1990's - organized by P. J. Conchie - offers and papers are invited for presentation at a one day meeting to be held in the British Interplanetary Society conference room, 27/29 South Lambert Road, London, on 15 april 1982, 9:30 a.m

    (...)

    Papers presented at the Symposium included

    J.C. Bouillot, Ariane ... Today and Tomorrow.

    D.E. Koelle, European Launch Vehicle Alternatives Beyond Ariane 4.

    CM. Hempsell, A Low Cost Approach to Interplanetary Exploration.

    D. Ashford. Towards Mature Space Transportation.

    R. Parkinson, A Manned Mars Mission for 1995

    "Alan [Bond] meanwhile had gone away in a different direction but was also thinking about the same problem. He started by thinking about rather exotic propellants that might be used, but he also started to think about engine cycles that you might use as well, that being more his line of territory. And in the late spring of ‘82 he, erm … gave me a ring at Waltham Abbey, mainly because he’d been thinking about exotic propellants and he wanted to know my opinion about exotic propellants. And … I knew that what we he was proposing wasn’t a very good idea, let’s put it that way [laughs]. It … while it looked attractive it – anybody who’d done work on it had – had probably got cuts and bruises as a minimum from the results of it. But we talked on the phone and we talked about the other thing, about just how little you need to do a – or whether you could do – and we clearly were thinking along parallel lines.

    And … the next meeting was going – I forget where the next meeting was, Australia I think and … was going to happen probably in September of – of 1982 in Australia... So … I think the dates – so Alan and I had a phone conversation, realised we were on similar lines and we organised a meeting in his office down at Culham down days before I went to Stevenage to discuss things and John Scott-Scott came to the meeting as well, and I think David Andrews. The later two knew each others quite well since the Black Arrow days.

    That April 15, 1982 meeting at the BIS had us discussing of single stage to orbit, except that our little group of engineers ended divided on the subject. You had Alan Bond clearly emerging as a leader with fresh ideas - you guess, that's when HOTOL saw the light of the day. We all followed him except for the Davids. Ashford went his own way, leaving the other David [Andrews] apart.

    For years and years Ashford had been pushing for his own vision of what an economical space transportation system was to be. He intended to build that from off-the-shelf-part such as the Agena space tug, Diagonal launch vehicle. It was too much for Alan Bond, who by constrast sought a major breakthrough. In the end David Andrews told all of us he was convinced by neither approach. That's how we ended with a third proposal. Our British brains and imaginations proved to be fertile that day..."

    (excerpt from: An oral history of the HOTOL / Skylon saga, testimony of Robert "Bob" Parkinson)
     
    Europe in space (15)
  • Archibald

    Banned
    June 29, 1982

    Jean Loup Chrétien was the first Frenchman into space. Late June 1982 he flew to the OPSEK-Mir space station for a week-long stay. Decades later he remebered that peculiar flight

    “When the deal was done in 1979 we thought we would fly a good old Soyuz. But the following year the Soviets disclosed to the world a brand new manned spaceship, the TKS. It looked like the bastard child of Apollo and Helios. The VA manned capsule was Apollo-shaped and stuck to a large cargo section somewhat similar to Helios. Unlike Apollo there was no docking hatch on top of the VA. Instead, and much like Helios, was a hatch trough the heatshield. The TKS docked backward, just like Big Gemini.

    So I went to OPSEK – Mir - aboard a TKS. The Soviet were proud of their ship, which made the Soyuz look utterly obsolete. I got plenty of training time aboard the VA capsule. The fact that it was Apollo-shaped was all the more interesting since, at the time, ESA has been offered CSM-119, the very last Apollo to be used in the lifeboat role. President Carter had refused to fund that, so a desperate Rockwell broke a deal with Europe.

    My trip aboard the VA had an unexpected consequence: after comparing the VA and Apollo, the CNES decided the Apollo cone was the best capsule shape in the world (although Soyuz was equally good), and in 1983 this influenced Hubert Curien to start developing Solaris. Curien imagined a Solaris capsule with an Agena service module. It would carry an Italian MPLM on its “nose”.

    Once in orbit Solaris would retrieve the MPLM stuck at the top of Ariane 5 EPC, through a 180 degree turn followed by a “transposition manoeuver” similar to Apollo picking the Lunar Module. Because the MPLM would block the view from Solaris, the docking would be automated, similar in fact to an Agena space tug.

    Such piloted vehicle would be ESA own TKS or Helios.

    acrv693.jpg

    ...

    THE GAMMA ENIGMA

    French-Soviet cooperation in space dates back to 1966, with the visit of Charles de Gaulle to Moscow and the signing on June 30 of an open-ended Inter-governmental Accord on Scientific/ Technical and Economic Cooperation. The inclusion in this agreement of a large segment on French-Soviet cooperation in “the exploration and peaceful uses of outer space” provided the framework for formal cooperation in space activities generally. An umbrella agreement with no specific time frame of its own, the accord provided an institutional framework within which further agreements could be negotiated.

    France and USSR cooperate on four key areas: scientific studies of space; spatial and aeronomic meteorology; space medicine and biology; and space telecommunications.

    Forms of cooperation between France and the U.S.S.R. have ranged from exchange of data and information to a joint manned flight in 1982. The lion’s share of cooperation has fallen in data exchange and Soviet hosting of French experiments. But the first manned space flight is also viewed as a valuable landmark in French-Soviet cooperation.

    Among the varied science projects is Gamma 1, by itself an intriguing spacecraft shrouded in mystery even for the French that have been working on it over the last six years.

    A striking aspect of Gamma is its very long gestation; the program reach as far back as the early 70's. Work on the instrument payload for Gamma began in 1972, and French participation began in 1974.

    Another intriguing aspect of this satellite is, unlike most of science satellites, it is based on a manned spacecraft – the Soyuz. According to the French the Soyuz propulsion system is used, but the descent and orbital modules are replaced by a large pressurised cylinder containing the scientific instruments. The French said that Gamma includes a passive docking port so that the spacecraft could be serviced; a crew could replace film cassettes and repair or replace instruments. To make a long story short, Gamma will be a "free flier" spacecraft that can rendezvous with a manned space station for on-orbit upgrade and refurbishment – somewhat like the Agena.

    The question is – what space station ?

    In April 1979 the Soviets offered the French a Soyuz seat within the frame of the Intercosmos program. Three years later Jean Loup Chétien flew to the OPSEK space station. It seems that the French sincerely believed that Gamma was to rendezvous with OPSEK and they actually proposed that Chrétien backup Patrick Baudry flew such a mission in 1985. Baudry would be launched to the OPSEK aboard a Soyuz, then he would wait for Gamma to rendezvous with the space station, after what Baudry would perform an EVA to upgrade and refurbish Gamma.

    The Soviet answer to their proposal however stunned the French.

    They were told OPSEK couldn't do the job, and that its lifespan was too short – old Salyuts last a mere five years into space.

    In turns this meant that Gamma would rendezvous with a different, second-generation space station – but the Soviets stubbornely refused to talk about it with the French. Work on Gamma is continuing despite the French frustration. They are being told that, whatever manned spacecraft rendezvous with Gamma doesn't really matter since the Igla docking system is universal. The Soviets strongly insist the French should focuse on Gamma science payload and nothing else. Clearly, there is an enigma there – an enigma that can't last infinitely. Time will tell what space station will support Gamma in the future.



    ***

    ESA, CNES AND THE MOONSHIPS

    In the early 80's a desperate Rockwell requested Europe help to secure their Apollo space station lifeboat after President Carter denied funding for that program. Rockwell and ESA secured an agreement and the very last Apollo build – CSM-119 – was transferred to ESA. The European Space Agency had thus a unique opportunity to study a manned lunar ship. Meanwhile the French were working on a Soyuz flight, but also on the Gamma telescope that was to be derived from Soyuz.

    Soyuz had been initially build as the Soviet Apollo, but the French didn't knew it. What the Western world didn't knew until Cold War was over was that Gamma was based on a leftover Soyuz 7K-LOK – a lunar ship.

    During the Moon race no less than sixteen ships had been originally ordered. Of these, by February 1970, seven had been manufactured, although only three were being ground-tested for future flight operations. Two were launched on N-1 7L (which failed in November 1972) and 8L.

    The N-1 booster 8L launched on August 7, 1974. The complete success of an automated flight, and the coincidence with the Watergate fiasco climax - Nixon resignation - had the Soviets revealing the existence of a lunar program, but no detail was given (since the system was not only largely inferior to Apollo, it was 5 years late !)

    In 1973 OKB-1 chief Mishin knew he was going to be sacked with the lunar program cancelled. With the writting on the wall, Mishin fought to salvage as much as possible of the lunar hardware. With sixteen LOK (lunar Soyuz) on the production line, plus an unknown number of LK lunar landers, Mishin decided something had to be done. With the help of Baikonur chief architect Barmin, Mishin arranged to have the lunar ships put into storage in a corner of the MIK-112 assembly building, covered with tarps, and labelled "radioactive material" to keep Soviet officials away.

    Mishin and his succesor Chertok fought to have the lunar Soyuz not scrapped but reused for different missions. Chertok first proposed Progress, an automated lunar Soyuz turned into a cargo ship for the MKBS-1. But that proposal failed because the lunar Soyuz lacked an internal transfer tunnel. Cargo would have had to be retrieved through an EVA, and that was not acceptable.

    Chertok then proposed to turn lunar Soyuzes into free fliers for the MKBS-1, and there Gamma was born. The lunar Soyuz needed more propellant than the standard ship because it had to rocket out of the Moon gravity well to return Earth. So the propellant section was much fatter than the usual Soyuz. That difference was noted by the French astronauts that were to fly on Soyuz, and the French scientists that worked on Gamma in parallel.

    So by a strange irony the French CNES didn't knew it, but through Gamma they worked on lunar Soyuz technology; while at the same time, CNES parent agency, ESA, was given an American moonship, Apollo CSM-119. Hence Europe was gathering data on both manned lunar ships of the Cold War !
     
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    Europe in space (16)
  • Archibald

    Banned
    "From 1982 onwards ESA manned spaceflight program faced an unexpected challenge. To their amazement, the Europeans discovered they may be on their own soon; their NASA tutor was no longer there with them.

    The previous decade had seen Europe taking a prominent role in the post-Apollo program through the so-called second package deal - Ariane, Marots, and the Agena tug. After the false step of the aborted space shuttle Europe build the Agena tugs used by NASA for space station Liberty assembly.

    Much like Europe as a whole, ESA was teared apart by two mutually exclusive tendencies; independance, as spearheaded by the French faced Germany deep-rooted will of cooperating with America.

    Yet as of 1983 the German faction was in difficulty, and not only because of the French. It happened that NASA long range plans were murky and above all, offered little opportunities for cooperation. The American space agency planned a Shuttle II as a crew and cargo vehicle to a second generation space station called Destiny.

    ESA might have been interested in the Shuttle II, but decade-old memories of the first shuttle program showed NASA had little to share there. Back in 1972 partnerships on the vehicle structure or propulsion were found to be extremely difficult, if not impossible to negociate. NASA policy had been to share external elements that should not prevent the shuttle to fly in any way; essentially the accessories to go into the payload bay.

    The Space Tug had been such an element early on; the long forgotten Sortie Lab had been another.

    The Sortie Lab was to be a pressurised module housed within the original shuttle huge payload bay. In the days when the space station could not be funded in parallel with the shuttle, the Sortie Lab would be a surrogate space laboratory, although with limited capabilities dictated by the shuttle carrier from which it totally depended; indeed, to reduce costs, the lab could not be released in orbit nor fly alone !

    ""Today the Agena created a new breed of space missions; it was a departure from the usual, well-known satellites, from their qualities and their flaws.


    Satellites have fixed orbits, payloads and lifetimes. The Agena introduced some flexibility into the satellite world. It was that flexibility that brought a conceptual revolution into the space program, a revolution that is only beginning. No-one can say where it will stop, but a key goal has already been reached. The Agena is well on the way to make space missions cheap and affordable.


    It all boils down to what could be called the satellite payload. Be it communication gear, or remote sensing, military or astronomy, any orbital payload first and foremost need a) stabilization and b) electrical power. This is paramount; how many satellites have been lost through a stuck solar array or a broken control gyro ! On a satellite is the so-called bus that is tasked with stabilization and power. The Agena essentially amount to a separated, removable bus.


    Lockheed is already talking about the next step - where an Agena would catch a dumb "payload canister" and plug into it to provide the necessary stabilization and power. In turn the dumb canister would feature minimal interface with its launcher, making it cheap.""


    It happened that in 1972 NASA hoped to create a similar conceptual revolution through the Sortie Lab.

    Once again it boiled down to stabilization and electrical power. In the case of the Sortie Lab, instead of a satellite bus or an Agena it would have fell to the manned shuttle it self - via its fuel cells and reaction control system - to provide space payloads with stabilization and electrical power !

    Athough the concept may seem doubtful today, it should be noted that a key aspect of the lab was that it could have been refurbished and reflown many times thanks to the shuttle projected very high flight rates.

    Whatever the viability of the Sortie Lab, before the shuttle cancellation it was considered a possible alternative to the tug for Europe... from the American point of view, at least. At the time Europe was already fond of the space tug, but it was a much different beast than today's familiar Agena.

    Per lack of a space station, the shuttle job had switched to a commercial launcher of satellites. Because NASA space plane had a limited ceiling, it needed a rocket stage for geosynchronous missions, and the space tug was to be that stage. It was to burn high-performance liquid hydrogen propellants; like the shuttle, it was to be reusable; last but not least, classified military satellites were among the payloads. All three reasons conspired to make an European tug impossible; by comparison, the Sortie Lab looked like a more realistic endeavour.

    Then the shuttle cancellation led to a drastic redesign of the tug and its missions, changes which coincidently levelled all three barriers against Europe involvement in the project. With the gesoynchronous satellites gone, reusable cryogenic propulsion was no longer necessary; as for the classified military payloads, they returned to the Titan III. The transformated tug that resulted (the Agena) was much more affordable to Europe.

    A decade later memories of the original shuttle thus played against any engagement with its successor. The British HOTOL was the final nail in the coffin of any possible European involvment with NASA Shuttle II.

    That left space station Destiny as the only possible axis of cooperation between the space agencies. Destiny, however, had a number of flaws. The backup Liberty core, it was to be much uprated and launched by a mothballed Saturn V... or a new heavy lifter sometimes aound 1995. The American Congress, however, had little enthusiasm for yet another space station. Neither had the Reagan administration, which science advisor George Keyworth wanted something more ambitious like a return to the Moon. As for NASA, in the wake of Marshall closure an euphoric Johnson space center suffered from bouts of megalomania. Their vision of Destiny was just grandiose, with the sky the only limit.

    Their reasonning was that Destiny was to be what space station Liberty never was: a huge orbital infrastructure only made possible by a cheap Reusable Launch Vehicle - once the Shuttle II. They called that the Space Operation Center, and the name by itself said a lot about the ambitions Johnson engineers pinned into it. Unlike the Soviet MKBS-1 Liberty had no artificial gravity, but Destiny would have it. Artificial gravity was all a matter of diameter versus number of rotations per minute. The smaller the diameter the faster the rotation - an issue being that going past 4 or 6 rotations per minute would make the crew sick, shooting their inner ears into pieces. At 33 feet in diameter however Destiny was big enough the spin rate remained at a reasonable level. JSC engineers had two numbers in their mind: lunar gravity of 0.16 g and Martian gravity of 0.38 g. In order to simulate the Moon and Mars respective gravities Destiny would have to spin at 4 rpm and 6 rpm. JSC engineers understood that if they managed to achieve artificial gravity then they could sold Destiny as a true space laboratory where trips to the Moon or Mars would be rehearsed.

    So Europe was on its own. It had the Agena; it had SPAS and Eureca automated platforms, and Italy was quietly learning about pressurised structures trough the Pressurised Logistic Module. As for the launchers, Ariane and Diagonal worked rather well, and Great Britain had the attractive HOTOL space plane for the future.

    In February 1984 a space council at ministerial level was held in Rome to decide the future of Europe space program. Two months before the ESA council Hubert Curien had the CNES top brass together in Paris for an an important meeting.

    Curien drafted a long range plan that started with the fly-alone Agena on a recoverable Diagonal booster. It continued with SPAS-Agena, still on Diagonal, then jumped to Ariane Eureca-Agena, both flying to the American space station for retrieval. The next step was the addition of a recovery capsule, Solaris, which allowed the system to fly outside Liberty orbit.

    With a little smile on his face, Curien noted that put together, the Agena and the recovery capsule pretty much formed a manned spaceship reminiscent of Apollo. Because Agena - Eureca - Solaris was a bit of a mouthful (even for the French and their Marcel Proust heritage), Curien proposed to renamed the ship Hermès, a name Frederic D'Allest had in mind for a long time, 1977 perhaps. Curien planned to ask ESA for the recovery capsule at the Rome meeting.

    When in the European science ministers met in Rome to discuss the future, they found that beside Ariane 5 there was no major project for the next decade. France multipurpose capsule was adopted on behalf of valid roles beside manned spaceflight. Hubert Curien stroke of genius was to pitch Solaris to ESA first and foremost as a microgravity experiments carrier doubled with a NASA space station rescue vehicle. Not a single word was spoken about a manned vehicle.

    At the time many ESA member states projected to add a capsule to the prolific Agena so as to return experiments on Earth. Germany had Topas; Italy, Carina; France, Minos and Cariane; and Great Britain, the Multi-Role Capsule. Needless to say, Solaris come on a fertile ground, and most of the aforementioned projects were ultimately blended together. The lifeboat role cemented the capsule project further: it was an offer NASA could hardly refuse.

    Yet Solaris - as the French called it - remained a modest capsule even an Ariane 3 or Ariane 4 could launch; in the absolute Solaris did not needed Ariane 5, not even for manned spaceflight. This made the French position precarious, as was their defense of a capsule in the days of the Shuttle II and HOTOL.

    To the European delegates amazement, the British come to the rescue of the French. They revealed that BAe already worked on his own capsule design. Their studies by M. Hampstead noted that Ariane 1 through 4 may be reliable enough to be man-rated; they had traced most failures to the HM-7 third stage, which would not be used for crewed flights.

    According to Mark Hampstead of British Aerospace, “the French should not consider HOTOL as a threat for Solaris or Ariane 5. There is in fact a niche for HOTOL. The British space plane can carry the Solaris capsule instead of Ariane 4. With only 7 tons to Earth orbit it is not a true menace for Ariane 5. Instead it could complement it, replacing the older Ariane 1 – 4 boosters.

    Unlike Arianes HOTOL can't reach beyond low Earth orbit, unless its payload has a rendezvous with an Agena space tug of course. The combination of HOTOL, Solaris and the Agena could be extremely interesting. Much like Curien Hampstead defends a phased approach to manned spaceflight. He see no inconvenient in flying Solaris, first on an Ariane 4 and later as a HOTOL payload.

    Only limited modifications to Ariane 4 will be required. Improved telemetry will be needed, the destruct system might need changes to be more compatible with the capsule's escape system, the hardware need tighter quality control and perhaps minor redesign of some items, and there would be some revision of payload mounting hardware and hence of electronics mounting (much of Ariane 4's electronics lives in the lower part of the payload fairing).

    "The biggest change, actually, would be a need to strengthen the upper stages -- an Ariane 44L has the propulsion performance to lift over 9t into LEO, but the upper-stage structures are only rated for 6t."

    "It is difficult to conceive that there is a fundamental problem in the Ariane [4] system that could not be adddressed by alternative components or increased inspection and monitoring." Hampstead declared.

    "Using Ariane 4 has the huge advantage of decoupling spacecraft development from launcher development, reducing technical risk to both programs and permitting much earlier flight operations. Give us four years - just four years, and in 1989 Europe may fly astronauts into orbit by itself." he concluded.

    It was learned later that British support to the French project had been negociated in advance; France supported the British HOTOL revolutionnary project of reusable launch vehicle, with an eye at a possible Concorde successor to be eventually build by Airbus. Of course in exchange for their support the French obtained a closer look at HOTOL engine technology. Part of the deal was that Great Britain unlocked the classified vault to the French only if in exchange they obtained ESA backing and funding for a feasibility study. CNES officials come to understand the British had classified the RB-545 Swallow because they were unable to fund it by themselves yet they didn't wanted that someone to the job without their agreement.

    The French seemed more intrigued than irritated by HOTOL. Hubert Curien famously joked about Britain's right-angled perversity in designing a vertical take-off plane (the Harrier) and then a horizontal take-off rocket (HOTOL). If HOTOL was to work, France did not wanted to give Britain any reason to develop the idea with the United States. For many years France had seen the ultimate aim of the European space effort as complete independence from American technology.

    The Anglo - French agreement had the effect of sidetracking and killing in infancy Germany own space plane, the Sanger II. Building on its Agena experience that country instead turned to unmanned and manned platforms - SPAS, Eureca, and Columbus.

    The roots of the idea of Columbus can be traced to a collaborative project between the German Ministry of Research and Technology and the Italian Ministry of Research and Technology. They funded joint studies between MBB/ERNO and Aeritalia to marry Agena, Eureca and SPAS experience with the Pressurised Logistic Module.

    Early on they drew up the idea of a pressurized manned module that could be attached to an American space station and completed with pallets unmanned free-flying platforms and resource modules.

    More importantly, at some point MBB and Aeritalia started looking at a version that could be flown as a free-flyer for brief periods and then redocked. Next step was the idea of Columbus floating free from an American space station to become a self-standing European space station - the Man-Tended-Free-Flier. The official story was that a free-flyer would not be disturbed by the space station crew; its microgravity environment would be much better. The unconvenient truth was the MTFF advantageous compatibility with either Liberty or Destiny or the Shuttle II. Thanks to its Agena legacy the Free Flyer could rendezvous and dock with a space station; or it could be serviced by varied crew transportation systems.

    Bluntly, the Free Flyer was Europe insurance against NASA uncertain projects.

    The Rome council resulted in the advent of a three-legged package consisting of Ariane 5, Solaris plus HOTOL feasibility studies, and the Free-Flyer. The decision to fund the latter was postponed to the next meeting (late 1987) with the hope that NASA long range plans should be clearer. As a lifeboat Solaris could be useful to both Liberty and Destiny. As for Columbus, it could be developed as a module or as a free flyer.

    Excerpt from: A history of the European Space Agency, 1958 - 1987
     
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    Europe in space (17)
  • Archibald

    Banned
    Extract from a speech by French rocket scientist Hubert Curien, 1992

    "Early in the life of Ariane 5 we considered three variants, the -P, the -C, and the -R, respectively standing for Poudre, Cryogenic, and Reference.

    To make a long story short, the -C and -R clearly were of perfect Ariane 1 lineage, retaining the modular, flexible approach of their elder sisters.

    The -P was a very different beast, rather similar to the Titan III, a tiny core with two large solid rocket motors on the sides. It was a very unflexible design and a total break from the earlier models, so one can ask why we even bothered considering that concept in the first place.

    There's an historic explanation for that.

    When they lost their beloved shuttle, NASA claimed they would continue studies of recoverable boosters through a simple, unexpensive method. Some Titan III would parachute their solids down in the ocean, and a recovery ship would tow the big things back to the Cape for a thorough study, and eventual reuse. We briefly considered doing the same thing, hence our study of the -P.

    In the end the process proved extremely cumbersome, with the solids sinking to the bottom of the ocean, or crashing down because their parachutes did not worked correctly. Needless to say, the Ariane 5P was a short lived study, leaving the -C facing the -R.

    Ariane 5 Reference was of direct Ariane 4 legacy, trying to retain the plain old Viking- powered first stage we knew so well. In the end that legacy brought more issues than cost savings, the concept turning into an unworkable, bloated monster. That made the -C a possible winner, and then the first all cryogenic launcher in the world.

    It was not to be, however.

    Because that all-cryo Ariane 5C was too expensive and lacked power, it was ultimately rejected and a compromise was found by blending together the 5P and the 5R.

    Ariane 5P single Vulcain core returned, and it was flanked with the so-called “Propulseurs d'Appoints, Poudre or Liquide” - PAPs and PALs; little solid or Viking powered boosters as found on Ariane 44L and Ariane 5R.

    Because the single 90 ton-thrust Vulcain could not by itself lift the 160 ton core, a minimum of two PAPs or PALs were necessary, each with 75 tons of thrust. Then up to eight could be added, resulting in an extremely flexible launcher– an extended family of launch vehicles that ranged from Ariane 52P to Ariane 58L.

    Thanks to the high performance Vulcain the core itself reached low Earth orbit. The HM-7 would be used for geosynchronous orbit; the Agena, for polar missions and manned space flights that encompassed the space station and Solaris.

    After the Ariane 5 design was frozen in 1983 and interesting debate happened on the subject of PAPs and PALs. The PAPs used low-performance, cheap solid propellant motors derived from France ballistic missile programs. Italy also had some vested interest in solids.

    By contrast the PALs used the old Viking engine with liquid, hypergolic propulsion. With the sheer cost of the new, advanced Vulcain soon consideration was given to discontinuing Viking production, as liquid propulsion was more expensive. If that happened then Ariane 5 would be available in -P variants only – Ariane 52P, -54P, -56P and -58P. The Viking superior specific impulse was considered not worth the expense of running two liquid-propulsion engine production lines in parallel, so the Viking was eventually discontinued with the older Arianes.

    Yet the Viking didn't died: the fledging Indian space agency secured a licence. The old, reliable Viking would power their PSLV and GSLV boosters. Things reached a point where Europe considered buying licence-build Vikings from India on the cheap, but that idea went nowhere and Ariane 5 only had solid strapons.

    Excerpt from: A history of the European Space Agency, 1987 - 2007
     
    A return of the space shuttle ?
  • Archibald

    Banned
    A RETURN OF THE SPACE SHUTTLE ?

    Previous Langley studies have mostly focused on rocket-powered single-stage-to-orbit VTHL and HTHL systems that would have mostly the same capabilities as the 1971 Shuttle, i.e. a 29.5t payload capability and 18.3m x 4.5m cargo bay size. Increasing space capabilities and the inevitable industrialization of space will place an even greater traffic demand on the Shuttle II than first projected. The Shuttle baseline concept will be upgraded by evolutionary steps.

    System-level studies vehicles have been conducted by NASA under the name Future Space Transportation System (FSTS). FSTS began in April 1981 with the objective to define a launch-vehicle concept which improves space transportation capabilities and economics. A second aim was related to the projection of technology requirements beyond previous studies, especially in the areas of structures, propellant tankage, thermal protection, aerothermodynamics and operation.

    The configuration chosen for the study is a two-stage, fully reusable, vertical liftoff, and horizontal landing system with a 150,000 lb. payload capability. The two stages are burned in parallel with the booster providing all the propellant until staging, which results in a large lateral c.g. movement. Nominally, the booster stages at Mach 3 and glides back to the launch site. Because of the large lateral c.g. travel, a scheme to trim the vehicle until staging occurred was developed that used both gimballing and throttling of the engines. Preliminary booster aerodynamics were determined, and the booster glideback trajectory was analyzed with and without winds. Finally, a preliminary abort analysis was conducted for each stage.

    The FSTS however assumed the new vehicle would be larger; 68t (150 000 pounds) to LEO in a 27m x 6m diameter envelope. Missions included future space station (486km, 31 degr. orbit) & space tug support in 2005-2020; about 57% of the total payload mass was expected to be propellant. The projected flight rate was 15-38 missions per year using 2-4 vehicles, and the transportation cost goal was <$150/lb. The projected total life-cycle cost would then be $8.4 billion [1980 $] and the cost per flight = $22.6M.

    That proved a little too ambitious so late 1981 the FSTS was downscaled for more flexibility.

    In early 1982, the Langley Research Center was asked by NASA Headquarters to initiate preliminary conceptual studies of a next-generation launch system for 2005 and beyond. Unlike the original one-size-fits-all 1971 Space Shuttle or the earlier Future Space Transportation System, the new system probably would consist of different vehicles -- manned and unmanned, large and small, expendable and reusable.

    One such subcomponent was the "Shuttle II" which was envisioned as a fully reusable low-cost piloted vehicle capable of transporting 9,072kg to Space Station Liberty or Destiny in a 4.5 x 9m payload bay or 4,553kg to a 277km sunsynchronous orbit. NASA also wanted a more robust system capable of safely flying quick-sortie missions (<3 days duration) every two weeks with a minimum of maintenance and checkout between flights. The important missions were personnel transport, in-orbit servicing & repair, and return of high-valued commercial products from orbiting space platforms. In other words, missions where a "low dollars per flight" approach was regarded as more important than "low dollars per kilogram"; the latter requirement (low cost transportation of unmanned military & civilian heavy-lift payloads) was to be served by the Advanced Expendable Launch System.

    Different "Shuttle II" concepts were investigated but the initially most promising concept appeared to be a VTHL TSTO with parallel staging at Mach 3. This was a very similar concept as the earlier FSTS baseline vehicle, albeit much smaller. CH4, LOX & LH2 propellants would have been used. VTHL SSTO also appeared feasible with modest advances in performance technologies. The Shuttle II's operational life would be 15 years, or 400 flights per vehicle
     
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    Europe in space (18) - enters HOTOL
  • Archibald

    Banned
    INTEGRATION OF HOTOL INTO ESA PRESENT SPACE ARCHITECTURE.

    By: Alan Bond and Bob Parkinson

    1 - HOTOL, the Agena space tug, and beyond.

    HOTOL can't reach past low Earth orbit, so there is no question of the usefulness of a space tug. It happens that HOTOL payload into orbit – 7 metric tons – exactly match Agena fuelled mass. Thus a HOTOL could carry a fully-fueled tug into low Earth orbit.
    An alternative would be on-orbit refueling; HOTOL could easily lift 12 000 pounds tanks of storable propellants.
    Another interesting possibility is satellite launch to higher orbit; HOTOL would rendezvous with an Agena and transfer a satellite from its payload bay to the space tug via a robotic arm.

    Beyond the Agena, HOTOL could bring LOX and LH2 to a high-energy transfer stage. By launching HOTOL without a payload, 7 metric of propellant would remain in the tanks once in orbit;that residual propellant could be pumped into a space tug.

    2 – HOTOL and SOLARIS

    It should be noted that HOTOL 7 metric ton payload to low Earth orbit matches that of Ariane 4. As such both launch vehicles can ferry a Solaris capsule to low Earth orbit for use as a space station lifeboat or microgravity carrier. Beyond these two missions there is no question that HOTOL would make Ariane – Solaris obsolete as far as crewed transportation is concerned; which doesn't mean both systems are mutually exclusive. Missions beyond Earth orbit will need all three Ariane 5 (heavy lift) HOTOL (cheap crew acess to space) and Solaris capsule (reentry from interplanetary speeds).

    3 – HOTOL and pressurized modules (MPLM)

    There HOTOL payload is too small and Ariane 5 is needed; although inflatable modules might change things in the future.


    HOTOL.jpg
     
    Mars (2)
  • Archibald

    Banned
    August 9 1982


    Vienna


    Since the beginning of the space age, triggered by the launch of Sputnik I in 1957, the United Nations has accorded significant importance to the promotion of greater international collaboration in outer space. The potentials of space technology for socioeconomic development were immense and that the best way to reap these benefits were through international cooperation in the peaceful uses of outer space, facilitated by the United Nations. Recognising this immense potential of space technology for socioeconomic development, the United Nations organized three unique global Conferences on the Exploration and Peaceful Uses of Outer Space - UNISPACE Conferences - to engage States and international organizations to further their cooperation in the peaceful uses of outer space.UNISPACE Conferences provided a platform for a global dialogue on key issues related to space exploration and exploitation that have yielded tremendous scientific as well as economic and societal benefits for humankind.

    UNISPACE I, held from 14 to 27 August 1968, was the first in a series of three global UN conferences on outer space, which focused on raising awareness of the vast potential of space benefits for all humankind. The Conference reviewed the progress in space science, technology and applications and called for increased international cooperation, with particular regard to the benefit of developing nations. The Conference also recommended the creation of the post of Expert on Space Applications within UNOOSA, which in turn led to the creation, in 1971, of the UNOOSA Programme on Space Applications.

    ...

    "The first-ever United Nations space mission will launch in 1986 allowing United Nations Member States to participate in a 14-day flight to low-Earth orbit on Lockheed’s Agena spacecraft, the United Nations Office of Outer Space Affairs (UNOOSA) announced at the International Astronautical Congress today.

    The dedicated DIAGONAL mission, the first-ever space mission for the United Nations, will be targeted at providing developing countries the opportunity to develop and fly microgravity payloads for an extended duration in orbit; however, all United Nations Member States will be able to propose payloads for the mission.

    The announcement builds on the Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) signed in June 1981 between UNOOSA and Lockheed to collaborate on this historic United Nations space mission. “One of UNOOSA’s core responsibilities is to promote international cooperation in the peaceful use of outer space, I am proud to say that one of the ways UNOOSA will achieve this, in cooperation with our partner Lockheed, is by dedicating an entire microgravity mission to United Nations Member States, many of which do not have the infrastructure or financial backing to have a standalone space program.”

    Lockheed’s owner and president stressed that the company goal is “to pay it forward. That means leveraging the creation and success of our Agena space tug to benefit future generations of innovators like us all around the world.”

    Funding of the mission will come from multiple sources. “We will continue to work closely with Lockheed to define the parameters of this mission which, in turn, will provide United Nations Member States with the ability to access space in a cost-effective and collaborative manner within a few short years. The possibilities are endless.”

    Countries selected to provide mission payloads will be asked to pay a pro-rated portion of the mission cost, based on the resources required to host the payload and their ability to pay. In addition, major sponsors are being sought to finance a large portion of the mission costs.

    Over the next year, mission partners will conduct briefings to United Nations Member States and potential payload providers about the goals and framework of the mission and to solicit proposals for payloads. To make the program more accessible to nations without a highly developed space industry, UNOOSA will offer technical support to countries that lack expertise or experience in developing microgravity payloads. Payloads will be selected to allow time for development and integration into the Agena spacecraft for launch expected in 1986.

    ...

    UNISPACE II was held from 9 to 21 August 1982, attended by 94 Member States and 45 intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations.

    ...

    Without doubt, the "US Night" at Vienna Opera House was already memorable and quite unparalleled, featuring the writer James Michener (Space) and and three astronauts. The evening culminated with an address to the conference by President Reagan on a very large screen.

    In an alternate reality, the second UNISPACE conference held that day of August, 1982, might have seen men walking on Mars. Maybe NASA communications with the crew would have been relayed from Mars to Houston, then to Vienna; or, more likely, the conference would have been overshadowed by the greatest event in History.

    A day of August, fourteen years before : as Soviet tanks crushed a revolt in Prague, not that far way in Vienna the first UNISPACE meeting was held in presence of James Webb and George Mueller. Down in Houston, Texas, George Low was forming the idea of sending Apollo 8 around the Moon.

    Another day of August, a year later.

    August 4, 1969

    The day Werner von Braun gave a 30-minute Mars presentation to the Space Task Group.

    “The plan you see is incremental; it spreads over twelve years and ultimately lead to Mars in the year 1982. It consists of five pieces of hardware, none of which – except the Mars Lander of course– is for Mars only.

    These five elements are a) the Space Shuttle, b) a multi-role space habitat called the Mission Module c) the NERVA engine, d) a nuclear Earth-Moon shuttle and e) the Mars Excursion Module.

    Here’s a tentative time line leading to Mars.

    NERVA is funded first, in 1970. Then in the 1972-1977 era a robust low-earth orbit infrastructure is build, consisting of the space shuttle to a Mission Module space station. An Earth-Moon nuclear Shuttle is funded (1973) and tested (1977) pioneering manned nuclear space missions and expanding Apollo.

    Note that, to this point, no commitment to Mars has been made - we have a space shuttle flying to a space station from which nuclear shuttles commute crews and cargo to the Moon.

    Starting in 1974 development of the Mars Excursion Module would be the first and only commitment to Mars !

    Flight tests of the shuttle and Mission Module start in 1975. In 1978, a reinforced Mars Excursion Module lands at Edwards after re-entering the Earth atmosphere. Mars sample probes based on MEM design are funded and tested in parallel, in 1979.

    Then, on November 12, 1981, the voyage to Mars begins, departing Earth orbit during the minimum-energy Earth-Mars transfer opportunity. Each Mars mission employs two identical six-man spacecraft comprising at Earth departure three Nuclear Shuttles and a Mission Module. An unpressurised forward compartment houses the two-stage conical MEM, an airlock for spacewalks, six Mars Sample Return Probes, and two Venus probes. The compartment measures 33 feet in diameter while the MEM measures 30 feet across its bowl-shaped heat shield.

    The four-deck Mission Module - derived from the space station - contains quarters for six people, but might support the entire 12-man expedition crew complement in an emergency. Measuring 22 feet in diameter and 110 feet long, it includes labs, the spacecraft control center, and a radiation shelter. A sterilized, isolated bio-lab for handling Mars surface samples is mounted below the Mission Module's lowermost deck.

    A docking mechanism links the Mission Module to the front of the center Nuclear Shuttle. Two other Nuclear Shuttles are attached to the center Nuclear Shuttle's sides. Each measures 33 feet in diameter by 160 feet long. At Earth-orbit departure, the complete spacecraft measures 100 feet across the three Nuclear Shuttles and 270 feet long.

    For economies the port and starboard Nuclear Shuttles for each spacecraft might be drawn from the fleet of Lunar Nuclear Shuttles. The Mission Module, center Nuclear Shuttle, and MEM, for their part, would be built new for each Mars spacecraft. All new hardware would reach assembly orbit on upgraded Saturn V rockets. Space Shuttles would launch water, food, some propellant, and astronauts to the Mars ships, themselves stacked at the space station.

    At launch from Earth orbit, each Mars ship has a mass of 1.6 million pounds, of which 75% is liquid hydrogen propellant. The port and starboard Nuclear Shuttles fire first. Once Trans-Mars Injection achieved, they shut down, separate from the center Nuclear Shuttle and Mission Module, turn around, and fire their engines again to slow down and enter an elliptical Earth orbit. A few days later, they reach perigee at the original assembly orbit altitude, fire their engines to circularize their orbit, and rendezvous with the Space Station for refurbishment and reuse. The Mars ships would each mass 675,000 pounds after port and starboard Nuclear Shuttle separation.

    The nine-month coast to Mars won’t be "by no means an idle phase" for the astronauts. The ships each serve as "a manned laboratory in space, free of the disturbing influences of the Earth. The fact that there will be two observation points, Earth and spacecraft, permits several possible experiments."

    On August 9, 1982, the twin ships fire their NERVA engines to slow themselves so that Mars' gravity could capture them into an elliptical orbit about the planet. An elliptical orbit requires less propellant to enter and depart than a circular one. Spacecraft mass at Mars orbit insertion would be 650,000 pounds.

    For two days the crews observe Mars to select landing sites for the expedition's 12 automated Mars Sample Return Probes. These would land, retrieve samples uncontaminated by human contact, and lift off to deliver the samples automatically to the sterilized bio-labs on the Mars ships for study. If the samples are find to contain no hazards, one of the expedition's twin 95,000-pound MEMs would descend to the surface carrying three astronauts.




    Men land on Mars, August 12 1982 !




    The astronauts would then spend from 30 to 60 days exploring Mars – seeking life, water and raw materials for future expeditions, and studying Martian geology before departing toward Earth late October.

    On February 28, 1983, the expedition spacecraft will use fly past Venus to use its gravity to slow their approach to Earth. This detour trims the amount of propellant the ships need to slow down and capture into Earth orbit. During the Venus swingby, the astronauts use radar to map the planet's cloud-covered surface and deploy a total of four automated probes into its atmosphere.

    Return to Earth would occur on August 14, 1983, with additional Mars expeditions in 1983-1984, 1986-1987, and 1988-1989. NASA might establish a 50-person Mars Base in 1989. Gentlemen, be sure that man's first step on Mars will be no less exciting than Neil Armstrong's first step on the moon."
     
    Soviets in space (23)
  • Archibald

    Banned
    (The following is an excerpt of an interview with Boris Chertok, 2001)

    "What happened in the end to the N-1F launch vehicle?

    "We feverishly hunted for payloads for it. And actually, very interesting prospective projects materialized, which could have led to new achievements in the field of fundamental astrophysics research, global communication systems, information systems development, and also monitoring in the interests of the national economy and national security.

    We aimed to create a global communication system using a heavy universal space platform (UKP) with a mass of 18 tons, which only the N-1F rocket could insert into geostationary orbit.

    The first spacecraft was inserted into GEO in the 1960s. Since that time, a total of 800 spacecraft have been inserted into GEO, and each year, on aver-age, 20 to 25 new ones are inserted. According to the latest data, more than 1,150 objects were in geostationary orbit. Among them were about 240 controlled spacecraft, while the remainder are spent upper stages and other items.

    On average, the mass of the payload carried into near-Earth orbit by the launch vehicle makes up 3 to 4 percent of the launch mass of the vehicle. For geostationary orbit, the mass of the spacecraft makes up only 0.3 to 0.5 percent of the launch mass of the vehicle and the upper stage. Launching a spacecraft into GEO, as a rule, is done using a three-stage vehicle with the subsequent use of upper stages. Geostationary orbit, as the most advantageous location for placing satellite communications systems, will exhaust its resources in the next 20 years. Strict international competition is unavoidable.

    One possible solution could be the creation in GEO of a heavy multipurpose platform. With coverage of nearly 1/3 of the surface of the planet, such a multipurpose platform will be able to replace dozens of modern communications satellites. The platform will require a high-capacity solar power plant. To support dozens of modern communica-tions satellites, the platform will require a capacity of 500 to 1,000 kilowatts. Large parabolic antennas or active phased arrays are capable of creating any given value of equivalent isotropically radiated power (EIIM) at Earth’s surface and receiving information from subscribers on Earth, using devices no larger than the best modern mobile phones.8 The capability of placing hundreds of relays for various ranges on a heavy geostationary platform makes it possible for the owners of such platforms to sell all types of communications trunks for any region on Earth. Heavy multipurpose platforms will be commercially advantageous and will facilitate the global information rapprochement of peoples.
    Humankind needs the development and creation of such geostationary systems not in the distant future, but in the next 25 to 30 years.The problem of creating and operating heavy geostationary platforms can be quickly solved if there is cooperation between Russian and European technology. However, space stations in GEO can be used for military purposes, too, to suppress an aggressor in local conflicts and in situations such as “Star Wars.”

    Hence in the early 1980s, Russia developed a real design for the world’s first heavy universal platform for GEO. . Insertion into orbit was slated for the N-1F launch vehicle, which had successfully passed its flight tests. Soon OKB-1, with the support of the Military-Industrial Commission of the USSR Council of Ministers, made proposals to Germany, France, and the European Space Agency regarding cooperation and joint work to create the universal heavy space platform in GEO.
    In those years, only Russia, possessing the unique N-1F vehicle, could perform this task. The detailed development of the platform design and the technology for insertion were of great inter-est to the leading German and French corporations. Joint work was begun. However, the liberal market reforms of the 1990s destroyed the organization and deprived the N-1F vehicle’s manufacturers of any state support. After the loss of the launch vehicle, the proposal for work on the heavy space platform became pointless.
    In 1984, as the new general designer of NPO Energiya, I, Boris Chertok attained consideration and approval of proposals for the UKP in the Defense Council. A draft decision of the USSR Council of Ministers appeared, which N. I. Ryzhkov was supposed to sign shortly. The ministry and Military-Industrial Commission declared that the work on the UKP ranked third in terms of importance after the N-1F and the MKBS-1 orbital station.

    Almost at the same time as the UKP, OKB-1 and the Academy of Sciences were jointly developing the design of a space radio interferometer. The spacecraft, equipped with a uniquely precise parabolic antenna with a diameter of 25 meters, was to be inserted into elliptical orbits with an apogee of up to 150,000 kilometers. Only the N-1F rocket was capable of doing this.
    Corresponding Member (now Academician) Nikolay Kardashev was responsible for the scientific part of the project. We flew to the Netherlands together. The European Space Research and Technology Center (ESTEC) is located there in the city of Noordwijk. In Noordwijk, and later in Paris, a special competitive commission declared that our radio interferometer would make it possible to study the finest structure of the universe right down to the “last boundaries of creation.” The universe was ready to reveal its secrets, but for this we needed to find approximately 1 billion dollars…. We didn’t find it. We even “teamed up” with the Europeans.
    Yes, we could have implemented many projects. By all appearances, they were pipe dreams…. But why not fantasize a little? If Defense Minister Ustinov had not allowed the invasion of Afghanistan and had given half of the funds spent on that war to cosmonautics, the nation would not only have saved 15,000 lives—we would have built a permanently operating base on the Moon.

    "Why did the TKS flew on the Proton and not on the new N-11 ?"

    "The history of the TKS is typical of the Soviet way of doing things – of the incessant infighting between design bureaus and top engineers.

    The TKS was created in 1968 by Vladimir Chelomei as a logistic, support ship for the military Almaz space station, the Soviet answer to the American MOL manned spysat. But in 1970 a streak of panick ran across the Soviet space program. The civilian Skylab was to launch in 1972, and neither Almaz nor the giant MKBS-1 would be ready before that date – meaning another space race lost by the Soviet Union in the wake of the Moon race. That was not acceptable, so in a crash program Almaz hulls were transferred to Mishin OKB-1 and outfitted with Soyuz subsystems to create Salyut.

    Neither Chelomei nor Mishin were happy with that decision, the latter being interested first, in the lunar program, and secondly, in the giant MKBS-1, the “true” civilian space station. But Ustinov and Glushko didn't cared.

    Undauted in April 1972 the two underdogs Mishin and Chelomei had an agreement to use the TKS as the support ship for the future MKBS-1.

    In 1974, as America confirmed it would launch Liberty soon, a major reorganization swept across the Soviet manned program. Mishin was sacked and replaced by myself. All of sudden the MKBS-1 had top priority against anything else. That was fortunate for the TKS, since the MKBS-1 needed a much bigger support ship than Soyuz. It was Chelomei revenge; all of sudden, the often neglected, ignored chief designer had a manned ship at the forefront. Unfortunately for Chelomei, the wrath of Ustinov still raged.

    In the end Chelomei design bureau was given to Glushko as a consolation prize (Glushko wanted to succeed Mishin, but he also wanted to scrap the N-1, and that was not acceptable since NASA kept some Saturn Vs in mothball).

    A major issue with the TKS was that its launcher, the dirty and unreliable Proton. Since the MKBS-1 was to be launched by leftover N-1s, I, Boris Chertok leaped on the opportunity to replace Proton with the N-11, essentially the upper stages of the N-1. It was a bold idea, but we had already lost more than a decade – we had made a similar proposal as early as 1962 !

    In history, one should not resort to the “what ifs,” but I am not a historian and I can allow myself to conjecture how everything would have unfolded if our 1962 proposal had been enacted. There is no doubt that we would have produced the N-11 considerably sooner than the first N-1 flight model. We could have conducted developmental testing on the second and third stages of the rocket on the firing rigs near Zagorsk at NII-229 (as later happened).23 The launch systems that were constructed for the N-1 would have been simplified to be used for the N-11 during the first phase. We missed a real opportunity to produce an environmentally clean launch vehicle for a 25-metric-ton payload. To this day, world cosmonautics has a very acute need for such a clean launch vehicle. But at that time, that idea could have interfered with Chelomei’s proposals for the UR-500 and Yangel’s proposals for the R-56. We lost that battle in 1962, but had our revenge in 1974, when decision was taken to keep the N-1 and not create some new heavy launcher such as Glushko RLA.

    Ideally, the TKS should have been transferred from Proton to the N-11. But Glushko disagreed. The frustrated engineer wanted to run his own parallel space program, and to achieve that he had to kept the Proton flying (for the record, he had created the RD-253 engines that powered the Proton).

    The end result was a costly duplicate of capacities. As the N-11 gradually replaced Proton in many roles during the 80's, the Proton kept launching TKS spaceships to the MKBS-1 at the rate of two per year ! Meanwhile again and again did Glushko proposed to launch more Salyuts and more Almaz, even if the MKBS-1 completely dawrfed them.


    ***


    In 1974 Glushko stubbornely insisted to cancel the N-1 rocket. That decision cost him a possible leadership of the entire Soviet manned space effort. He wouldn't be leader of OKB-1; Mishin deputy Boris Chertok bet him. Ustinov decision greatly frustrated Glushko. Because he couldn't take over Mishin OKB-1, Glushko instead decided to dismantle Chelomei own empire and makes it his own. Undaunted, Glushko then decided to run his own space program in parallel with Chertok MKBS-1.

    In 1976 Glushko went to see Ustinov with a long range space station plan. Due to the N-1 lack of reliability the MKBS-1 wouldn't be launched until the early 80's at best. So there was a five year gap between Salyut 4 and the future giant space station.

    Glushko plan intended to fill that gap by testing assembly of large space station modules.

    Step 1 consisted of back-to-back docking of the last two Salyuts, DOS-5 and DOS-6. That 40 tons complex would be serviced by Chertok Soyuz. Two Soyuz could dock, one at each end of the complex.

    Step 2 was a little more ambitious. The Almaz program had been canned after the OPS-2 launch in 1974, leaving two unused hulls grounded – OPS-3 and OPS-4. So the two could be docked together, back-to-back like the DOS. The cargo and crew ship however would be the massive TKS. Two TKS could be docked at each end of the Almaz. Altogether the four ships would weight 80 tons.

    Truth be told Glushko didn't knew what to do with the Almaz hulls. He was much more interested in the continuing development of the civilian Salyut. In order to get ride of Almaz once and for all, Glushko drafted ambitious plans around OPS-3 and OPS-4.

    The two hulls could be launched as radioastronomy ships outfitted with immense foldable antennas – KRT – with a diameter of 25 or 30 meters. If launched by the usual Proton, they would go to a 300 miles, 65 degree inclination orbit. But Glushko was even ready to allow launch by the big N-1 rocket he hated so much. After all he did not really cared about the Almaz, and two launches would exhaust the supply of remaining N-1 he loathed. Orbit would be 5.000 x 20.000 km inclined 63,45º - later 5.000 x 150.000 km. As an alternative a simpler gesoynchronous orbit could be selected. Because they were the son of Almaz, the spacecrafts would have been man-tended. Glushko found that its Proton could loft a truncated, lighter TKS to geosynchronous orbit.

    Step 3 was even more ambitious. Once again, DOS-7 and DOS-8 would be docked back-to-back. The two Salyuts would be modified with the MKBS-1 multiple docking aparatus. The module had four lateral docking ports and one radial. So step 3 was a true modular space station somewhat rivalling, if not duplicating, the much bigger MKBS-1. Needless to say that meant it had zero chance of ever launch. That did not prevented Glushko from actually building the modules as “insurance” if the N-1 carrying the MKBS-1 failed. That couple of modified Salyut hulls was informally known as Mir, the russian word for peace. The hulls were build in the mid-80's and then mothballed. They were finally launched in the late 90's as the next generation space station beyond Liberty and MKBS-1.

    (...)

    From 1976 onwards with help from Dmitryi Ustinov, Valentin Glushko took control of Chelomei empire. Glushko grabbed the TKS, Proton and Almaz. He was given back Salyut since Chertok OKB-1 was busy enough with the MKBS-1.

    After 1973 the main budgetary effort was going into the MKBS-1 large space station yet Glushko had only peripheral role in it. Building from the TKS, Almaz and Salyut Glushko pushed hard for a modular space station instead of the monolithic MKBS-1, but his efforts were in vain. Almaz died a quiet death, Salyut give place to the MKBS-1, and even the TKS ferry was to be replaced by a Super Soyuz. Glushko optimism and activism however went unabated. In the early 80's since the road to a large space station was blocked by the MKBS-1, with Ustinov support Glushko turned toward lunar bases. Their objective was aparently to start a manned lunar program for Lenin 120th anniversary on April 22th 1990 with the hope of a lunar landing in the year 2000.

    When he took over Chelomei empire Glushko found the LK-700 project of large, direct ascent lander. But the UR-700 huge booster was dead; only Glushko RD-270 engine survived.

    During the Moon Race, the N-1 and OKB-1 Chief Designer Sergei Korolev had a serious disagreement with the Glushko, who had, up to that point, supplied all the main engines for its first stages. Officially Korolev’s Chief Deputy, Vasily Mishin, had asked for way too advanced specifications on the engine requirements and insisted on kerosene or hydrogen and liquid oxygen as propellant. Glushko had offered a most advanced and powerful engine, but only with the highly toxic hypergolic propellent combination, in which he had a lot of experience, specially on the staged combustion cycle. The discussion escalated to a closed door shouting match between Korolev and Glushko. They never talked again.

    Korolev handed over the task of designing N-1 engines to the aircraft turbine manufacturer Kutznesov and Glushko sided with Korolev’s opponent Vladimir Chelomei, Chief Designer at OKB-52. They came up with the UR-700 project for the Moon race. The derivative UR-700M, a 35,000,000lb (16,000 tonnes) monster rocket would have dwarfed even the Saturn V and would have been the rocket to enable the Soviets to conquer Mars.

    To power such a project, Glushko decided to use the most advanced cycle for turbopump fed engines, the full flow or full staged combustion. It used the hypergolic combination of N2O4 and UDMH as propellant.

    Such an engine, with a single nozzle RD-270, had a sea level thrust of 1,400klbf (6.3MN) and an isp of 301s, while in a vacuum it provided a thrust of 1,500klbf (6.7MN) and an isp of 322s.

    Not only was this the most powerful “per nozzle” engine ever attempted in the USSR, but it had an amazing 127 T/W ratio at sea level and sported an unheard of 3,858psi (26.6MPa) pressure in the main combustion chamber. A record that not even NPO Energomash’s latest RD-191, at just 3,727psi (25.7MPa), could match.

    From October 23, 1967 to July 24, 1969 this engine hit the test stand and 22 prototypes performed a total of 27 firing. Only nine of those tests were nominal. While the most difficult problems were overcome, instability problems where not completely solved and the project was axed as part of the UR-700 project cancellation.

    To this day the Russian engine that was destined to enable Mars exploration still holds the biggest thrust per nozzle record for any staged or full staged combustion engine.

    Undaunted, from 1977 Glushko lobied for the so-called Polyblok. The Polyblok was essentially a much enlarged Proton first stage with RD-270s instead of RD-253s. It used Proton tooling and diameter. Six powerful RD-270 would be attached to six oxidizer tanks fed from a unique, central fuel tank. Glushko argued that his massive polyblok could go under Chertok N-11, creating a superheavy rocket much more reliable than the 30-engines N-1. The polyblok could also go under a Proton, creating another superheavy booster reminiscent of the mammoth UR-700 and accomplishing Glushko lifelong dream of a lunar base.
     
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    Cold war heating up (1)
  • Archibald

    Banned
    March 8, 1983

    "So, in your discussions of the nuclear freeze proposals, I urge you to beware the temptation of pride, the temptation of blithely declaring yourselves above it all and label both sides equally at fault, to ignore the facts of history and the aggressive impulses of an evil empire, to simply call the arms race a giant misunderstanding and thereby remove yourself from the struggle between right and wrong and good and evil. ... They preach the supremacy of the state, declare its omnipotence over individual man and predict its eventual domination of all peoples on the Earth. They are the focus of evil in the modern world."

    (Ronald Reagan)

    March 23, 1983

    "I call upon the scientific community who gave us nuclear weapons to turn their great talents to the cause of mankind and world peace: to give us the means of rendering these nuclear weapons impotent and obsolete... today physicists peering into the infinitely small realms of subatomic particles find reaffirmations of religious faith. Astronomers build a space telescope that can see to the edge of the universe and possibly back to the moment of creation. So, yes, this nation remains fully committed to America's space program. We're going forward with our space station. We are going forward with research on a new Orient Express that could, by the end of the next decade, take off from Dulles Airport and fly to Tokyo within 2 hours at 25 times the speed of sound. We are going forward with a rocket ship able to bring tourists in earth orbit. And the same technology transforming our lives can solve the greatest problem of the 20th century. A security shield can one day render nuclear weapons obsolete and free mankind from the prison of nuclear terror. America met one historic challenge and went to the Moon. Now America must meet another: to make our strategic defense real for all the citizens of planet Earth..."

    (Ronald Reagan)


    March 27, 1983

    "...In an unusual display of rhetorical anger, the Soviet Union’s General Secretary, Yuri Andropov, responded to the US’s announcement of its development of an anti-ballistic missile defense by accusing President Reagan of “inventing new plans on how to unleash a nuclear war in the best way, with the hope of winning it.” Andropov unusually heated rhetoric denounced the US program as a “bid to disarm the Soviet Union in the face of the US nuclear threat.” Such space-based defense, he says, “would open the floodgates of a runaway race of all types of strategic arms, both offensive and defensive. Such is the real significance, the seamy side, so to say, of Washington’s ‘defensive conception.‘… The Soviet Union will never be caught defenseless by any threat.… Engaging in this is not just irresponsible, it is insane.… Washington’s actions are putting the entire world in jeopardy.”


    ***

    "What might save us, me, and you,

    Is if the Russians love their children too"
    (STING & The Police)


    ...

    Adrian Veidt: Thank you, Dan, but I fear there's something much more real to worry about than Rorschach's mask killer.

    Dan Dreiberg: If the Russians do launch their nukes, can Jon really stop them?

    Adrian Veidt: The Soviets have 51,000 warheads stockpiled. Even if Jon stops 99 percent of them, the 1 percent that get through could still kill every living thing on Earth. Even Dr. Manhattan can't be everywhere at once.


    ...
     
    Soviets in space (24)
  • Archibald

    Banned
    March 3, 1983

    Kosmos 1443 lifted off from Kazakhstan aboard a Proton booster. Cosmos 1443 was a FGB, the cargo section of TKS without a crew capsule. With the advent of the MKBS both Soyuz and TKS should have transitioned to new boosters from the N-1 family (Groza and Uragan), in fact cut-down lunar rockets. While Soyuz transition to N-111 was well on track, the TKS remained stuck with Proton. Both Proton and TKS had been salvaged by Glushko from the ruins of Chelomei empire. Glushko was more or less blackmailing Chertok: your MKBS needs the TKS as a heavy cargo ship, but the TKS needs the Proton to fly. Glushko had dragged his feet long enough that moving TKS to the N-11 would disrupt MKBS logistics.

    Once in orbit, Kosmos 1443 docked to OPSEK-Mir with the intent of desorbiting the old space station. Firing its thrusters, it send the whole assembly into a deadly spin. OPSEK burned high above the Pacific, the debris sinking into 10 000 ft of water.
     
    Soviets in space (25)
  • Archibald

    Banned
    "Unlike the N-1, the Saturn V used a high-performance cryogenic upper stage fueled by liquid hydrogen and liquid oxygen. Throughout 1968, as the race slowly slipped through their hands, many Soviet designers clearly realized that although the N-1 had arrived as a real quantity on the launch pad at Tyura-Tam, it had much room for improvement, specifically its use of propellants. An increased payload would allow engineers to amend one of the weakest elements of the N-1-L3 plan and increase the crew size from two to three. The late Korolev had persistently tried to create a liquid hydrogen engine development program in the early 1960s, and the effort was finally producing results by 1967-68 with the establishment of a modest production base as well as the first static tests of actual engines.

    The model with the best prospects, which began static tests in 1967, was the 11D56 engine with a thrust of seven and a half tons, a creation of the Design Bureau of Chemical Machine Building under Chief Designer Isayev based in Kaliningrad. Two other engines, the 11D54 and 11D57, built by the Saturn Design Bureau under Chief Designer Lyulka, were also approaching the ground testing stage by 1968.

    The decision to select Isayev's 11D56 engine over Lyulka's 11D57 engine for Blok Sr had as much to do with technical considerations as it did with bureaucratic infighting. Lyulka's engine had run into serious technical trouble in 1970. By July, it was clear that its testing program was severely lagging, and by the end of the year, planners had all but given up on its use in the immediate future. The technical issues were compounded by interministerial jealousies. Lyulka's organization, the design bureau of the Saturn Plant, was part of the Ministry of Aviation industry, and thus outside the "mainstream" of the Soviet space industry, which was part of the Ministry of General Machine Building. The latter's head, Minister Afanasyev, was evidently unwilling to have another chief designer from the aviation industry "interfere" in the N-1-L3 program. While Lyulka doggedly continued his work on Blok R, his engine was temporarily sidelined from the N-1 program.

    Lyulka's 11D57 engine production stopped in 1975 after 105 were built. During the testing period, the engine had accumulated more than 53,000 seconds of full-engine run time."



    ***



    May 19, 1983

    They were all gathered, all the heavyweights of the soviet space program that hated each other so much. But they were forced to cooperate - Glushko and Chertok, Ustinov and Chelomei, Dementyev and Afanasyev, aviation and rocketry ministries, rival design bureaus.

    The emergence of a flexible American space plane, of the Trans Atmospheric Vehicle that could fly out of an airport and goes into orbit, forced a symetrical answer in the name of Cold War and the equation of balanced terror.

    All of sudden, every Soyuz and TKS capsules, every throwaway rocket like the venerable Soyuz and Proton, all were headed the way of the dinosaur. Even Soviet concepts of reusable launchers were obsolete. Except for MAKS, of course, but even this one needed a serious overhaul. External tanks were now seriously old-fashioned.

    "There's a name that come over and over, that of Robert Salkeld." Serguey Afanasyev opened the meeting. "He is aparently central to the American single stage to orbit new program. The issue: we are at odds over what concept that man favour. At times we heard about that crazy aerial refueling sheme; and then he switches back to tri-propellant, which looks like a hobby of him. We just don't really know - perhaps the American are trying to fool us ?"

    "I don't believe that aerial refueling will lead anywhere. By contrast Mig's Lozino Lozinskiy has rapidly progressed in tri-propellant technology as a sequel to the original Spiral project." Dementyev nodded at that man.

    "The Spiral project ran from 1965 to 1976." Lozinskiy started "It consisted of a very fast aircraft with advanced propulsion; flying at six thousand kilometer per hour it would release an expendable rocket booster with a manned lifting body. The lower aircraft was just not feasible, but the lifting body undergone a series of tests. A manned variant, the MiG-105 has been flown for many years; while subscale, unmanned BOR-4 models were boosted into suborbital flights."

    What Lozinskiy quietly forgot to say was that Spiral had undergone a severe hiatus between 1976 and 1983, when the threat of an American shuttle was at its lowest. The Soviet leadership felt there was no urge in forging an answer, and so Spiral was essentially left in life-support.

    All this had been blown away by Reagan SDI / Orient Express speech. Now the shuttle returned in force, as a massive NASA / military effort.

    So the Soviet leadership scrambled for an answer, reviewing Oleg Gurko M(G)-19 pretty unrealistic nuclear powered vehicle, before stumbling on what was left of the Spiral program. Fortunately for them Lozino-Lozinskiy had wasted no time. Despite the hiatus and severe underfunding he had refined Spiral again and again in many steps.

    "From 1977 we dropped the unrealistic mach 5 carrier aircraft - after a brief, tentative study of Gurko nuclear M(G)-19 as a potential successor. We went instead with the subsonic, massive Antonov 124 military transport.

    "Early on we had two separate expendable stages, one with a kerosene-fueled NK-43, the other a RD-57 with liquid hydrogen. Both used liquid oxygen as the oxidizer. That was called System 49, and was pretty cumbersome. The following Bizan design integrated the liquid hydrogen tank into the space plane, still with a kerosene rocket booster powered by a NK-43. That was not very practical, so the next step was to bring together hydrogen and kerosene into a single rocket engine. Thus, and very much like that American, Salkeld, we thought about a dual-fuel engine, the RD-701; kerosene at liftoff, then switch to high-energy hydrogen.

    Alas, nothing is more different from kerosene than hydrogen, and now we lack time to build a brand new engine. So we went back to the drawing board and reworked the RD-701 into the RD-704 Thrust Augmented Nozzle. It consists of an hydrogen engine with a kerosene afterburner."

    "So the core engine stuck with pure hydrogen, and kerosene is introduced only in the exhaust ?" Glushko asked.

    "Indeed. It is very much like an aircraft afterburner."

    "Wait a minute.” Glushko was scribing rapidly on his notepad. “Could we add that afterburner to an existing hydrogen rocket ?" Chelomei asked.

    "Surely. For example, we could add it to Lyulka big RD-57 or to Isayev smaller RD-56. In the end that thing has all the advantages of tri-propellant rockets without the inherent complications of dual-fuel and mixed-mode operations." Lozino concluded.

    "We need flexibility akin to the American vehicle." Glushko said, only to threw a wrench into his rival plan. So there's no way we mount the spaceplane atop the carrier aircraft, above the Antonov. Way too complicated too handle at ordinary airports."

    "Are you seriously considering dropping that thing from under the wing ? No room there, the jet engines are too big." Chelomei inquired. Glushko did not even looked him.

    "We should drop that thing from inside the Antonov belly. That way it could be loaded like an ordinary tank or freight pallet" Glushko continued.

    "Except wing span will have to be short." Chertok retorqued.

    "Nope." Chelomei interrupted him. "All of Spiral offsprings have foldable wings for reentry, plus BOR-4 also folds it wings under his launcher payload shroud."

    "Are you telling this assembly you intend to parachute the spaceplane, wing folded, out of the Antonov bay ?" Glushko snapped.

    "In the name of operational flexibility, yes, this might be the best bet." Chelomei barked.

    "And how much payload to orbit, anyway ?" Ustinov interrupted Chelomei with great pleasure.

    "Air-launch rockets can't hope to lift more than 10 tons to orbit - except that TAN burst those limits by a factor of 2.5." Chertok said.

    "So that space plane of yours could lift 25 tons to Earth orbit ?" Ustinov insisted

    "Yes. Enough to replace the Proton and its derivatives." Chelomei answered, throwing an arrow at Glushko pathetic atempt to go back into the rocket business.

    "And the N-11 / N-111 family, for that matter" Glushko retorqued, this time for Chertok. The latter just raised his shoulders.

    "We have to live with it - beside my N-1, most throwaway boosters are headed to the scrap yard. But isn't this what we all desired so much ? Easy access to space at a lower cost; flexibility through aircraft-like operations."

    For once, no accrimonious answers followed. Chertok had a point.

    It looked as if the meeting was to conclude on that unexpected truce between rocket designers. Unfortunately, at this very moment a different war broke out.

    "Comrade Dementyev, how is that Gurkolyot project going ?" Serguey Afanasyev (innocently) inquired, in fact throwing one of his nuclear missiles into Dementyev aviation backyard. And indeed, as the missile landed, for a split second Dementyev was baffled enough he didn't answered.

    "Very fine, and so is my son working on that project as Lozinskyi deputy" he finally retorqued, bombing Afanasyev back into the stone age. Through my son I can wreck that project and impose Gurko vehicle instead. Understood, Serguey ?

    Ustinov sighed. He was ministry of defense, and that included both aircrafts and missiles, so he little patience for the turf war between the two branches. He waved the two silent.

    "This is enough. Gurko project is not realistic, with all those different engines - turbofans and ramjets and scramjets and rockets and a nuclear reactor ! At least they are all running on liquid hydrogen, except we have zero experience with hydrogen turbofans..."

    "But we planed to modify an Il-76 transport to achieve that." Dementyev answered.

    "Then you will love what follow. Listen; it's an idea from Glushko. Valentin ?"

    "All those Spiral follow-on projects were to be air dropped, as we saw. We need a hefty transport for that, and fortunately the massive Antonov 124 Ruslan has just flown. Even this one, however, is not sufficient as if. So what I suggest is to fit the huge Antonov turbofans with an hydrogen afterburner. We could stuck some big hydrogen tank - a dewar - into the cargo bay, and feed the engines with that. Preliminary data show that hydrogen may providing up to 400 percent thrust augmentation. The Antonov would fly a zoom parabola, with vehicle separation or drop at 15,200–16,800 meters (50,000–55,000 feet) altitude."

    "What I suggested" and, from the look of Ustinov eyes, it was more an order than a suggestion "is to cancell the Gurkolyot studies except for work on hydrogen turbofans, that would redirected to modification of an Antonov 124 and its Lotarev engines. I shall remember all of you that the Americans have a serious headstart. We have to make quick progresses. As an early step, we should test Lozino-Lozinskyi kerosene afterburner on the RD-56 and RD-57 engines. That will be our uttermost priority."
     
    pop culture (5) techno-thriller : Space station Zvezda
  • Archibald

    Banned
    November 25, 1983

    "Today the soviet Union orbited a new space facility aimed at peaceful purposes. Called Zvezda, the module features eight docking ports, and it only is the first element of a very large orbital complex, itself to become the hub of a network of civilian multipurpose platforms derived from the current Salyuts and Soyuz spaceships..."



    The TASS press release evidently trumped noone. Launch of a large space station had been expected for years, yet the launch come amid extreme tensions. That autumn had been a gloomy one, packed with The Day After bleak movie, Able Archer, the INF crisis, KAL-007 shootdown, and that dreadful close call, on September 26, when the World had been as close from nuclear was as at the height of the Cuban crisis. That autumn it was as if doomsday would come from the air or space, one way or another.

    Reagan and America had been rightly infuriated by death of Congressmen Larry McDonald, Jesse Helms and Steven Symms. It was bitterly noted that they had been killed while on their way to South Korea to attend a celebration of the 30th anniversary of the United States–South Korea Mutual Defense Treaty - only for their plane to be shot down by Soviet interceptor after straying into Soviet airspace.

    That kind of very silly coincidence evidently did not helped cooling down Reagan usual anti-communist rethoric, which reached new heights in ferocity. Helms had been damn unlucky in fact, joinning McDonald aboard the doomed Jumbo in New York, after he already missed another plane and waited for two day airport that other flight that would ultimately kill them all !

    Amid that only The Right Stuff stood for a civilian, light tone space program... but John Glenn had just announced he wouldn't be candidate to the democratic nomination. Rumours said that Glenn had had hard times at the Vice Presidency, so it was everything but a suprise... and Walter Mondale had happily filled the void.



    ***



    Space station Zvezda is a techno-thriller written by Harry G. Stine under the nom de plume Lee Correy and published in 1985. The title is a reference to both novel and movie Ice Station Zebra of the 60's.

    ---

    Ilya Patchikov and Ivan Popov could have been the first Soviet citizens to the Moon in August 1974. They have trained very hard – for weeks they worked eighteen hours a day. But at the last moment and to their great dismay the Politburo decided the mission will be entirely automated; and by a fitting irony for the first time the Soviet Moon machines perfectly worked, including the very troublesome N-1 rocket. And then the Soviet lunar program is cancelled as too late and too backwards when compared to Apollo.

    From 1973 onwards the two frustrated cosmonauts get involved with the Apollo – Soyuz test program, visiting the United States and befriending American astronauts Pruett and Johnson. They learn about the Apollo – Soyuz radio link; they visit mockups of the future American space station. Within two years after the Apollo–Soyuz linking Popov and Patchikov hear of Sablin and Belenko defections, both due to the Brezhnev era stagnation and corruption, and are troubled by it. Growing more and more disillusioned by the late Brezhnev era ramping corruption Popov and Patchikov patiently elaborate a plot. At some point in the early 80's they learn that Pruett and Johnson are to man Liberty, so they decide to go into action.

    They are send to space station Zvezda, an advanced orbital facility with artificial gravity provided by spinning around Salyut-like modules. After some days they pretext a health emergency, and an hurried undocking followed by a direct reentry. They then told ground controlled that the hurried undocking has consumed most of the Soyuz propellant, leaving them stranded in orbit. For a period they also shut contact with the ground. Meanwhile they use their Soyuz meagre propellant supply to get close from the American space station. But they can't dock – the rings are not compatible. And of course the American crew may refuse to accept them onboard.

    The Soviet crew then elaborates an outrageous scheme to twist arm of the American crew.

    The Soyuz first gets as close as possible from the Liberty airlock. Then the crew don their space suits before opening the Soyuz docking ring, depressurizing their spaceship. Popov crawls through the docking tunnel into space, and extends his arms outside the Soyuz, with the aim of gripping the American space station external airlock hatch with his gloved hands. Patchikov has to carefully manoeuver the Soyuz in order not to crush his crewmate. The daring manoeuver ultimately succeeds. Standing halfway through the Soyuz docking ring Popov then secures his position with a rope, while Patchikov uses him like an human ladder until he grasp, too, the Liberty airlock external hatch. But the Soyuz is still very close from the two cosmonauts, and there is a real threat they might be crushed by a collision between their spaceship and Liberty. Popov and Patchikov then try a radical approach: they forcefully and repeatedly kick the Soyuz with their feet so that it moves away from them, an exhausting ordeal that ultimately works. The American crew watch the scene, startled, and report to the ground, expressedly asking to welcome the cosmonauts onboard.

    With the Soviet suit providing only six hours of life-support, the Americans have to take a difficult decision very fast. Under orders from the U.S government NASA order the Soviet cosmonauts to move back to their Soyuz and reenter Earth atmosphere. The space station crew will do his best to help the Soyuz desorbit, either with the robotic arm or using one of their Agena space tug.

    But the Soviet crew refuse to comply. Ultimately Pruett and Johnson desobey orders and get the Soviets onboard, creating a dangerous situation. Once aboard space station Liberty Popov and Patchikov ask for political asylum in the United States.

    The situation is made even more explosive considering the events happens late 1983, in an era of tension never seen since the Cuban crisis of 1962. Tension peaks as all of sudden Houston warns the Liberty crew that the Soviet have launched an I.S satellite killer near the American space station; they threaten to cripple the American space station. This prompt president Reagan to call Andropov on the red phone, with a heated exchange happening between the two men. Ultimately the Soviets desorbit the killer satellite as a gesture of goodwill.

    Another threat is the abandonned Soyuz that dangerously drift near Liberty; the American crew decides to to use the robotic arm to pick up the Soviet spaceship and keep it at a safe distance from Liberty. A major issue is that the Soyuz lacks a grapple fixture compatible with the arm end. Instead the Liberty crew tries to clamp the arm end on a Soyuz antenna but the manoeuver goes awfully wrong. The antenna bends and breaks, sending the Soyuz tumbling into a wild spin, hitting and breaking the robotic arm. The Soyuz then strike Liberty, causing a small fire and damaging a solar array. Ultimately the Liberty crew decide to fire an Agena space tug to move the space station away from the battered Soyuz, and the manoeuver successfully clear the american space station from any danger.

    Meanwhile Andropov is bargaining with Reagan. He will let the crew goes to the United States if Reagan roll back his Strategic Defense Initiative. Reagan, striken by Soviet panick vis a vis the Able Archer excercice and “The day after” gloomy movie decides to make concessions, perhaps through a meeting with Andropov.

    In the end Reagan asks Congress to enact a bill granting asylum to the Soviet crew. A trust fund will be set up for them, granting them a very comfortable living. The meeting between Reagan and a terminally ill Andropov never happens, but it paves the way to Gorbatchev perestroika and the end of Cold War – earlier than in our universe, in 1987.

    ---

    According to Stine himself “Well, Valery Sabline mutiny aboard a Soviet frigate in 1975 inspired Tom Clancy to write Hunt for Red October a decade later. Meanwhile the year after, in 1976 Viktor Belenko flew his MiG-25 to Japan and this inspired another techno-thriller – Craig Thomas Firefox, published in 1982.

    In 1980 John Barron wrote a book about the Belenko case. According to Belenko himself when asked how long did he planned his escape, and what did it involve ?

    “In terms of the evolution of my thoughts and making the conclusion to escape I do not have a precise time. I did make that decision based on my dissatisfaction with that country. I tried to do my best. I was one of their best fighter pilots. When I was young I was possessed by socialist and communist ideas which are very appealing because they promise full employment, free education, free medical care, good retirement, free child care, and so on. But later I discovered that those ideas were serving only a very small number of Communist nomenclatura, and the rest of the people were basically slaves. I made my conclusion that I could not change that system. The system is so big that there's no way I could change it or exist inside of it as a normal human being. For me, it was the best thing to divorce myself from that system. I was a fighter pilot, but that had nothing to do with my decision to escape. If I had not been a fighter pilot, I would still have found way to escape from that concentration camp. Even today, with all the slogans and all the freedoms, that country is still a closed society.

    It took me a while to build the critical mass in my mind to make that decision, but the final decision I made a month before my escape, and when I made that decision I felt so good about myself! I felt like I was walking on the top of clouds. I felt free. But for me to achieve my objective I must have good weather in Japan and 100% fuel, and it took one month to have those two components in place. During that month I performed my duties so well that my commanding officers were ready to promote me. But on September 6, 1976 all components were in place. By the way, I did not steal the airplane. I had clearances. I just changed my flight plans slightly in the air.” Belenko concluded.

    Stine later said “Barron's book about Belenko was fascinating. Then it occurred to me that, since 1978 NASA Liberty faced the OPSEK-Mir Soviet space station. The two were in very similar orbits, 51.6 degree inclined over the equator and 200 miles high. People were saying the situation was very similar to Berlin (before the wall), but in space. This stroke me – could a Soviet cosmonaut pull a Sablin or a Belenko, that is, flying his Soyuz to the American space station and asking for political asylum ? It was an exciting pitch for a novel or a movie script, and I decided to dug the concept further. It reminded me, somewhat, of Martin Caidin Marooned. When I started writing the novel late 1983 I could hardly imagine that the legendary Clint Eastwood would adapt it into a movie at the turn of the century, in 1999.

    After the end of Cold War we learned, startled, that Soyuz contingency landing zones included the American prairies. There were landing points in Manitoba, Saskatchewan, North Dakota, Texas and, Oklahoma. The Texas (contingency !) landing point for Soyuz-33 at 33N, 97.6 W was actually quite close to Fort Worth.
    Imagine the situation: at the height of Cold War, a Soyuz lands on goddam Texas, kingdom of anti-communism feelings in America. It would make for one hell of a culture clash !
     
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    Soviets in space (26)
  • Archibald

    Banned
    December 8, 1983

    Moscow

    Designer Lozino- Lozinskiy was still working on the carrier aircraft issue. There was no time nor money to design a brand new aircraft, so the orders were clear – you must start from the Antonov 124 heavy military cargo aircraft Ustinov had said.

    Even then there was no lack of possibilities.

    They could extend the wings and add two or four turbofans, perhaps with hydrogen afterburners. That would be straightforward, but the space plane in this case would have to go on top of the Antonov, and that was no longer acceptable. You needed a crane to haul the heavy thing that high, and operational flexibility now prohibited that option. It would be much easier if the space plane could go either under the cargo hold, or under the An-124 belly. Parachuting the space plane out of the Antonov was tempting but extremely risky. With all that kerosene and hydrogen and oxygen inside it made for a perfect thermobaric bomb it was better not shaking too much. So that left only the An-124 underside, except of course there was no room, the fuselage being very close from the ground.

    Unless they turned the Antonov into a catamaran, a twin fuselage aircraft akin to that old American fighter, the P-38 Lighting. The Antonovs would be joined like siameses; a new, central wing would bridge the two fuselages. Then the spaceplane could go under that central wing.

    "If we ever build that thing, it will be one hell of a transporter." Lozino-Lozinskiy thought. The payload could be housed into the two Antonov 124 cargo holds, or in a giant pod hanged below the central wing. The central wing would extend the span by 30 feet;the whole aircraft would probably span 400 feet or so. Not only the wings would link the fuselages; the tails might also be joined into a single unit, the whole aircraft theorically a biplane, or more exactly a tandem-wing machine.

    And there would be no need either for two cockpits, so either the right or left fuselage would lose his crew station. With the different tail the rear cargo doors would probably have to go, but not the forward ones. The An-124 hinged nose would remain in place.

    Lozino-Lozinskiy had the vision of a humongous, one-million-pound catamaran aircraft boosted to 45 000 feet by the brute force of six massive hydrogen afterburning turbofans.

    As for the engine, Isayev 11D56 already had a long story – it had been tested on the ground for a decade and a half.

    The late Korolev had persistently tried to create a liquid hydrogen engine development program in the early 1960s, and the effort was finally producing results by 1967-68 with the establishment of a modest production base as well as the first static tests of actual engines.

    The program to develop high-performance liquid hydrogen engines, so doggedly pursued by Korolev in the last years of his life, was also vigorously supported by his successor Mishin. It took a long time, but seven years after Korolev's first letters to the government requesting funds for liquid hydrogen engines, the Soviets tested such an engine.

    On April 8 1967, engineers directed the first ground test of the first Soviet liquid oxygen-liquid hydrogen engine, the 11D56, designed and built by the Chemical Machine Building Design Bureau (formerly OKB-2) headed by Chief Designer Isayev, which unfortunately had died in 1971. His successor Bogomolov was busy creating a kerosene afterburner for the 20 000 pounds thrust 11D56.
    Lyulka was working on a similar system for its 100 000 Ibs thrust 11D-57. Lyulka's 11D57 engine production had stopped in 1975 after no fewer than 105 were built, most of themhaving been stored. A trio of engines had been refurbished, to be used for the TAN test program.
    But Arkhip Mikhailovich Lyulka was overburdened with work on the Su-27 AL-31F turbofan. There were talks about consolidating the T.A.N RD-57 and RD-56 teams probably by moving Lyulka rocket scientists to Isayev OKB-2.
     
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    Lockheed (4) - Diagonal
  • Archibald

    Banned
    "For the European Space Agency Diagonal was merely a distraction from Ariane; they funded the project only as a testbed for the space tug, since Ariane wasn't ready and the French were reluctant.

    Lockheed, however, had a larger vision; they saw Diagonal as a possible entry on the space launch vehicle business they had been excluded so far. Their unique foray into rocketry had been the Polaris submarine-launched vehicle, and for a time Lockheed had considered the feasibility of a launch-cost booster made of a cluster of these missiles. But, unlike their ground-based Minuteman and Peacekeeper counterparts, Lockheed missiles were just too small for the job.

    Diagonal offered a different, much more efficient path of development. Soon the company jumped on another opportunity.

    The closure of Marshall Space Flight Center, Huntsville, Alabama, in 1975 freed a large pool of German rocket scientists, many of them that had knew the V-2 era three decades before. That, and Marshall had done a lot of work on the space tug concept. Unsurprisingly, a lot of germans chose to return to their native country to continue the work, since ESA had somewhat taken over the tug program. As for large rockets, Ariane in its 44L variant made for an honourable successor to the Saturns.

    Soon, however, the Germans grew desillusioned. After 1975 some of them had to face justice for past work with the Nazis. As for the tug and Ariane, the perspectives were not very rosy, since the two still couldn't be married, if only for political reasons. In this context, Lockheed, Agena and Diagonal represented an interesting fallback position.

    Soon most of the Germans went back to America. Among them was Kurt Debus, and he brought a young engineer with him, with the name of Lutz Kayser. It happened that Kayser knew Diamant technology quite well, having worked for M.AN, Munich, with the French L.R.B.A on the so-called Europa III-E proposal of a cluster of Diamants.

    The term cluster soon rung a bell on the older Marshall Germans: wasn't the old Saturn IB a cluster itself - a kludge of Jupiter missiles and tanks and engines cobbled together? Kayser and Debus found they spoke the same language, and they brought their idea to Lockheed.

    What Lockheed had bought as a short-lived tug testbed had evolved int Diagonal, a small, very cheap launcher with a payload of a mere 0.5 tons to the space station. It was a far cry from either a Titan or an Ariane, however, so Kayser and Debus pitched Lockheed a family of medium and heavy modular launchers made of a bundle of Diagonals. A single Diagonal competed with Vought Scout; four Diagonals tackled McDonnell Douglas Delta; eight of them made for General Dynamics Atlas, or Martin Marietta Titan II.

    Further modules added to the stack and heavy-lift would be in sight. An alternative to too much modules consisted of scaling-up the pressure-fed Valois engine for more thrust. Everything from the modules to the engine was scalable, Kayser said. It is an otrageous concept.

    Then Lockheed become split over DIAGONAL market and future. DIAGONAL had slained SCOUT only to discover than the market for small satellites was a niche, and the company grew discouraged. They decided to give up DIAGONAL but to apply pressure-fed technology at a much larger scale for the ELVIS competition.

    Lockheed's Germans saw a possible return of Saturn IB and strongly supported the ELVIS bid. By contrast Maxwelll Hunter was frustrated since he saw an enormous potential for DIAGONAL as it stood. Hunter finally retired from Lockheed in 1985 and created his own rocket company with Robert Truax.

    Hunter managed to sneak DIAGONAL out of Lockheed albeit the company expressedly forbadde him to grow bigger rockets to compete with their ELVIS bid. Hunter accepted because he didn't care about growing DIAGONAL bigger. Hunter had seen DIAGONAL biggest flaw – its dangerous storable propellants. He intented to replace them with keroxide – H2O2 and kerosene.
     
    The Orion space plane (1)
  • Archibald

    Banned
    June 6, 1984

    Richard Scobee felt a jolt, and his subscale shuttle dropped rapidly from under the NB-52 wing. Once far below the carrier aircraft he throttled up the XLR-11 rocket engine, and the subscale shuttle leaped forward, accelerating rapidly toward mach 1.

    Scobee had finally decided to stay at Dryden and in the world of flight testing.

    On the cockpit panel nearby was a new button, something added during the long immobilization of the subscale shuttle. He flicked the switch, and a refueling probe sprouted near his canopy. The NKC-135 was right in place for the rendezvous. Throttling the XLR-11 back, Scobee closed from the flying tanker. In flight refueling was already tricky while flying on turbojet power, but rocket engines were comparatively much worse. He would have no time for a second atempt, not with his fuel level dropping at alarming rates. Rocket engines were decidedly not made for atmospheric flight. But Scobee was an accomplished test pilot, and soon he had the refueling probe stuck to the tanker boom. Ethyl alcohol started to flow into his ship tank, and as the subscale shuttle took weight he had to gently throttle the old X-1 engine in his back. After 30 seconds like that, he disengaged from the tanker and prepared for landing. Since he had not received any oxidizer, there was no way he could continue flying. He instead dumped his unuseful rocket fuel before gliding down to a gentle landing at Roger Dry Lake.

    He went on for a debriefing with Air Force and DARPA officials. DARPA was a newcomer in the subscale shuttle program; only them could test something as crazy and scary as in flight refueling of a rocket plane - on a shoestring budget and discretely enough that, if the idea proved unworkable, no-one would complain. If it worked then the Air Force and eventually NASA could claim success.



    ***


    In 1980 Zucker-Abraham-Zucker Airplane ! was a major hit at the box office. Today the movie has garnered cult following, and his frequently ranked as one of the best spoof comedy ever, only matched by Monthy Pythons Life of Brian.

    An atempt at a non-official sequel was thwarted by the trio in 1981 (1) and triggered a nasty judiciary battle. Z – A – Z ultimately regained control (lame pun intented) of the sequel project in 1982, as their Police Squad ! TV-series was cancelled (2)

    In 1983 the Orion spaceplane was disclosed to the general public via Popular Mechanics and was “an instant hit” for the trio. Zucker, Abraham and Zucker explain why:

    “Nowadays there are two aerospace manoeuvers that are, in essence, very sexual: those are aerial refueling and orbital docking. Both works through a system called “probe-and-drogue”, and this by itself says a lot, the probe being the penis while the drogue makes for the vagina. It happens that the Orion space plane actually perform both sexual manoeuvers – aerial refueling and space docking. This made for a perfect sequel to Airplane !

    In a cross-over between Airplane ! and Police squad ! Leslie Nielsen's Frank Drebin found himself booked into a shuttle bound for the Moon which defective computer send toward the sun, with Otto the inflatable doll (and his girlfriend, with a little inflatable boy, too (3) ) returning as the autopilot, repeatedly mating with aerial refueling tankers and similar Orion spaceplanes as poor Ted Stryker tries to figure a way of bringing the space plane down to Earth solid ground. Stryker of course has “help” from flight attendant Elaine Dickinson (Hagerty) and from Drebin himself (Nielsen), who is revelead to be Doctor Rumack estranged twin brother (4) . Last but not least, Captain Over wife's lover makes a cameo – watch for the space horse ! (5)

    (1) IOTL Airplane the sequel was not ZAZ and they denounced it

    (2) I did not realized that Nielsen's Frank Drebbin had started in Police Squad !
    As kids my elder sister and I watched every single Naked Gun movies and laughed to tears to all the WTF moments (I remember Drebin climbing into a bus driven by Ray Charles. What's the problem ??!!)

    (3) Watch the end of Airplane ! : Otto inflates himself a girlfriend, and lift-off to Hawai aboard the damaged aircraft. We can guess they went on a honeymoon and beyond

    (4) Couldn't resist. Nielsen played both characters, which are equally nuts (kudos to the scene in the Naked Gun with the statue penis.)

    (5) Taken from OTL Airplane ! When the airport phone to Captain Clarence Over wife, she is actually in bed with her lover - a freakkin' horse stallion. She tells him to get out of the home discretely and, if he is hungry, there is oat juice in the fridge (WTF !)
     
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    Cold war heating up (2)
  • Archibald

    Banned
    (See https://www.alternatehistory.com/forum/threads/explorers-ad-astra.366697/page-20#post-12648549 for variants of X-27 unmanned space plane)



    The Agena space tug has been created by NASA from 1973 with the initial aim of ferrying space station modules from orbital injection to final docking with the base block. Since then however the tug has been used in a very wide range of missions.

    The space tug offers unique maneuvering, rendezvous and docking capabilities that might of interest for the coming Strategic Defense Initiative.

    Agena launchers are varied, small, flexible and unexpensives. Lockheed Diagonal is representative of that trend. Agenas can be stored for a very long time in orbit. The space tug can easily climb to geosyncronous orbit or execute large orbital plane changes. Two decades ago the SAINT project used an Agena for satellite inspection and eventual destruction. The Agena is also the bus of all Key Hole spy satellites from KH-4 Corona to KH-8 Gambit.

    An interesting addon to the Agena present capability would be rendezvous, grappling or docking with uncooperative targets. A robotic arm would be valuable here.

    An intriguing concept is a possible marriage between the Agena space tug and the X-27 subscale shuttle vehicle.

    Born out of the 1971 space shuttle fiasco the X-27F program is typical of Cold War brickmanship. The Soviets perfectly knew about the program. Coincidentally, during Apollo-Soyuz in 1974 a soviet engineer had been show Rockwell full-size mockup of the never build shuttle orbiter.

    A paranoid Soviet leadership couldn't belive the american had entirely given up the shuttle program. Matematician Keldysh strongly believed the (cancelled) shuttle had been an orbital nuclear bomber that could lift-off from Vanderberg AFB, California , nuke Moscow from orbit and then land back at Vandenberg after a single orbit. So the soviets had to keep track of the X-27 program in the case it would led to a reborn space shuttle – you never know.

    The Soviet answer to the X-27 was Mig 105.11 aircraft followed by the BOR-4. Mig 105.11 was a piloted subsonic lifting body dropped from a Tu-95 bomber. BOR-4 were subscale models lifted into suborbital flight by Tsyklon missiles. Seven were flown between 1978 and 1984. Because they usually landed near Australia, RAAF P-3 Orions used to monitor BOR-4 recoveries. At some point the CIA got worried about the BOR-4; they saw them as possible anti-satellite weapons. Here Reagan SDI brickmanship echoed Andropov paranoia, with obvious results.

    As an answer to BOR-4, Rockwell proposed the X-27F. The unpiloted, subscale shuttle vehicle would be boosted into orbit by an augmented Titan II missile (with Delta nine solid strapons) and remain in orbit for months at a time.

    The Ford and Carter administrations staunchly refused to fund the X-27F. The decade-long Air Force lobbying effort however paid in the end. Right from 1982 (thus even before the Star Wars speech of March 1983) the Reagan administration decided to fund the little space plane.

    On July 4, 1982 President Reagan announced the X-27F would be build.

    At some point in 1982-85 a "war of the spaceplanes" nearly happened. Mini-space planes would be launched by Tsyklon (R-36) or Titan II heavy ballistic missiles. BOR-4s would battle X-27Fs in space. Both space planes would be satellite killers.

    At the end of the day, it can be said that the shuttle made the Soviets so paranoid they restarted the Spiral program in the shape of the BOR-4. In turn, the BOR-4 made the CIA even more paranoid than the already paranoid soviets, hence the X-27F !

    A X-27F could rendezvous with an Agena space tug. The tug would then lift the X-27F into geosynchronous or Molniya orbit for satellite inspection. The space tug robotic arm would be used to grapple the satellite and pick up pieces that would be stored into the X-27F small payload bay for Earth return and examination. With the addition of the Agena booster the X-27F could also execute very large orbital plane change. It would be possible to fly a X-27F into polar orbit from the Eastern Test Range (Cape Canaveral).

    Beside anti-satellite missions the Agena might also be used as an Anti-Ballistic Missile weapon. The Agena could be a mothership for loads of kinetic interceptors stored in orbit. If launched in suborbital flight an Agena could home onto ballistic missiles and destroy them. Because it has been used as a satellite bus, the Agena could be used in the "Brilliant Eyes" role of launch detection of ICBMs.

    There are probably many other possible SDI applications for the Agena space tug that will be explored further in the future.

    One of them is particularly intriguing. It marries the Agena with a manned, suborbital space plane called Orion.

    Today Agenas are launched by expendable launch vehicles. More generally satellites today are launched via booster rocket from a limited number of ground facilities, which can involve a month or longer of preparation for a small payload and significant cost for each mission. Launch costs are driven in part today by fixed site infrastructure, integration, checkout and flight rules. Fixed launch sites can be rendered idle by something as innocuous as rain, and they also limit the direction and timing of orbits satellites can achieve.

    Orion-Agena is part of a wider program informally known as RASCAL (Responsive Access, Small Cargo, Affordable Launch) and aimed at placing 300-lb. payloads into orbit for less than $750,000.

    Under development by Boeing, Rascal is a specially designed Lockheed SR-71-size supersonic aircraft powered by an existing turbojet engine modified to high-Mach, high-altitude operation. After takeoff, the manned Rascal is intended to zoom-climb to 180,000 ft. and release an expendable upper stage, then return to a runway landing.

    The goal of RASCAL / Orion-Agena is to develop a significantly less expensive approach for routinely launching small satellites, with a goal of at least threefold reduction in costs compared to current military and US commercial launch costs. Currently, small satellite payloads cost more than $30,000 per pound to launch, and must share a launcher with other satellites. Orion-Agena seeks to launch satellites on the order of 100 pounds for less than $1M total, including range support costs, to orbits that are selected specifically for each 100 pound payload.

    Orion-Agena aims to develop and employ radical advances in launch systems, to include the development of a complete launch vehicle requiring no recurring maintenance or support, and no specific integration to prepare for launch.

    Orion-Agena is designed for launch from an aircraft to improve performance, reduce range costs and enable more frequent missions, all of which combine to reduce cost. The ability to relocate and launch quickly from virtually any major runway around the world substantially reduces the time needed to launch a mission. Launching from an aircraft provides launch point offset, which permits essentially any orbit direction to be achieved without concerns for launch direction limits imposed by geography at fixed-base launch facilities.

    The Orion-Agena demonstration system plans to draw on emerging technologies to provide increased specific impulse propellants, stable propellant formulations, hybrid propellant systems, potential “infrastructure free” cryogen production, new motor case materials, new flight controls and mission planning techniques, new nozzle designs, improved thrust vectoring methods and new throttling approaches.

    The U.S. Defense Advanced Research Project Agency’s (Darpa) goal with this new program is to demonstrate a reusable capability that can transition to industry for low-cost military and commercial satellite launches and hypersonic technology testing.

    The agency usually hands off successful programs to one of the U.S. military services, but “Darpa’s transition partner is you — industry,” Program Manager Jess Sponable told attendees at a proposers’ day briefing earlier this month.

    In addition to enabling lower-cost, more-responsive launches of U.S. government satellites, Darpa sees the reusable first-stage technology to be demonstrated under the Orion program as key to recapturing a commercial launch market lost to foreign competitors.

    The program’s goal is to fly an X-plane reusable first-stage to demonstrate technology for an operational system capable of launching 3,000-5,000-lb. payloads to low Earth orbit for less than $5 million per flight at a launch rate of 10 or more flights a year. This compares with around $55 million to launch that class of payload on the Delta expendable booster.

    The technical objectives are to fly the X-30 ten times in ten days; fly to Mach 10-plus at least once; and launch a demonstration payload into orbit.

    The 10 flights in 10 days are intended to demonstrate reusability and expand the flight envelope. There is no velocity requirement for the flights, but the vehicle must take off and land each time.

    Flying to Mach 10 or beyond will demonstrate that Orion can reach a staging speed that minimizes the Agena propellant load, for which a target cost of $1-2 million has been set. There are no dynamic-pressure or load-factor requirements, but designing for Mach 10-plus will require the demonstrator to have the aero-thermal capability needed for space access and hypersonic testing.

    The stated objective of the X-30 program is to “break the cycle of escalating space system costs,” the agency says, pointing out that GPS II will cost $500 million for the satellite and $300 million for the launch, compared with $43 million for the satellite and $55 million for the launch of the first GPS in 1978.

    Previous attempts to develop a reusable launch vehicle have failed, the agency acknowledges, arguing that the early-70's space shuttle never flew because the technology was not available and the designs never closed.

    Advances that should make the concept feasible this time around, Darpa believes, include lower-weight, lower-cost composite airframe and tank structures, durable thermal protection, available propulsion that is reusable and affordable, and health management systems that enable aircraft-like operations.
     
    Cold war heating up (3) in space
  • Archibald

    Banned
    The Briz (Breeze) rocket stage apparently originated in the 1980s within a Soviet anti-satellite weapons program designed to carry a "killer" vehicle toward its target in orbit. After the end of the Cold War, the propulsion section of the "killer" satellite was converted to a pair of upper stages, which were designated Briz-K and Briz-KM. Both were designed to fit on top of the Rockot launcher, which itself derived from the two-stage UR-100NU ballistic missile.

    During the mid-1980s, the Soviets began development of a second co-orbital ASAT weapons system known as Naryad. This system utilized a rocket based on the UR-100 (NATO designation SS-19 Stiletto) that was fitted with a powerful upper stage. The upper stage was significantly more powerful and lighter in weight than previous ones and could reportedly reignite up to 75 times. This would allow the upper stage to place one or more kill vehicles into orbits as high as 40,000 kilometers (24,850 miles), allowing them to independently target and home in on multiple target satellites before detonating.

    Naryad would ride into space onboard a silo-based missile derived from UR-100NU and upgraded with a highly maneuverable upper stage, which was later declassified for commercial use under name Briz-K. In its turn, Briz-K was apparently designed to release one or several rocket-powered "kill vehicles" developed at Nudelman's OKB-16 design bureau and capable of intercepting orbiting satellites at altitudes of up to 40,000 kilometers -- much higher than the reach of the previous IS system.

    OKB-16's interceptor would be released at its target under guidance from Naryad's launch platform. The interceptor could adjust its trajectory with short bursts of four liquid-propellant thrusters installed at the center of the vehicle perpendicularly to the flight path. Upon approaching its target, the interceptor would home in on it with the help of a self-guiding warhead developed at KB Geophysika. The interceptor would then switch to autonomous control with the help of its onboard computer.

    Along with destroying enemy satellites, the capability of the Naryad system to intercept ballistic warheads during various stages of flight or even hit targets on the ground was also rumored. The government authorized the construction of several experimental vehicles for the project with the first tests planned around 1987.

    To propel Naryad's Briz-K space booster, KB Salyut requested KB Khimmash design bureau to develop a new engine capable of multiple firings in space. KB Khimmash had an extensive experience in propulsion systems for prolonged operations in space, such as the 11D417 engine for Luna-15-24 lunar probes, 11D425 for Mars series and S5.92 for a new-generation Fobos platform. However KB Salyut's managers demanded from KB Khimmash even more thrust, endurance and an unprecedented capability for such a large engine to make as much as 75 firings in space, along with lower pressure in its propellant tanks. All these improvements had to be achieved with a simultaneous mass reduction in the overall engine, which received a designation S5.98. At the end of the 1980s, new propulsion systems went through a series of live-firing tests, before being shipped to Baikonur for actual launches. According to multiple Russian sources, the first sub-orbital mission of the Rockot booster with the Naryad-V payload lifted off from Baikonur on November 11, 1990. The second Naryad mission flew in December 1991, just days before the disintegration of USSR. Although both missions were on ballistic trajectories, without reaching the Earth orbit, Naryad's maneuverable platform apparently demonstrated capability to conduct multiple engine firings.



    ***


    (thanks to Nixonshead) https://www.alternatehistory.com/fo...rnate-space-race.314576/page-20#post-10210511

    MOVING IN THE DARK: THE X-27F INNOVATIVE MANOEUVERS.

    The X-27F owes a lot of innovatives schemes to its two forerunners that are DynaSoar and the space shuttle. Both winged spacecrafts were to perform daring orbital manoeuverings; experience gained during both studies and development will certainly be channeled into the X-27.

    DYNASOAR LEGACY: SYNERGISTIC PLANES CHANGES

    In 1972 Boeing pitched a reborn DynaSoar as NASA next manned vehicle. Boeing teamed with Martin Marietta to propose a Transtage space tug working along their DynaSoar space plane.

    Few people realize that the DynaSoar by itself far from maxed Titan IIIC payload capability. The space plane barely weighed 15 000 pounds when Titan IIIC could loft a minimum of 23 000 pounds, if not 30 000 with some upgrades.

    Whatever the difference in weight, it was filled by a partially fueled upper stage. DynaSoar was launched into orbit with a fat Transtage attached to its aft end.

    During DynaSoar development, the Air Force hoped to conduct so-called synergistic exercises. Using the Transtage a DynaSoar would dip into the upper atmosphere, employ its aerodynamic manoeuverability to change the plane of inclination and refire the Transtage to boost itself back into orbit. It was an alternative to the classic propulsive plane change, a brute-force approach that cost a huge amount of propellants.

    Today the Air Force wants to bring back the daring manoeuver – using an Agena space tug mated to an unpiloted X-27F space plane.

    The synergistic orbital plane change basic theory works as follow.

    For a propulsive plane change it is assumed it’s a simple vector calculation at apogee (500km), where the velocity magnitude doesn’t change, just the direction. That means:

    delta-v(Rocket) = 2*(orbit speed at apogee)*sin(inclination change/2)

    Now the synergistic change

    delta-v(Syn) = delta-v(lower orbit) + delta-v(raise orbit) + (recover speed lost to drag)
    The delta-v for the plane change itself is assumed to be ‘free’ from aerodynamic lift, hence doesn’t appear here.

    The delta-v to lower and raise the orbit is assumed to be the same (50m/s). For the speed lost to drag, it is related this to the equivalent delta-v of the plane change, which was calculated based on the vector change at perigee for the lowered 500km x 80km orbit - which, incidentally, would be somewhere over Antarctica on DynaSoar - which raises a few interesting operational issues!

    delta-v(Syn-Equiv) = 2*(orbit speed at perigee)*sin(inclination change/2)

    Assuming that this aerodynamic delta-v comes from lift, L/D got related to approximate the speed lost to drag. Supposed is a 7.6 degree plane change and a lift-to-drag ratio (L/D) of 1.2

    delta-v(Syn) = 2*50 + 1031*(1/1.2) = 960m/s

    delta-v(Rocket) = 1000m/s

    In this case, ricocheting on the atmosphere saves just 40m/s when compared to a propulsive orbital plane change. Now if we suppose an L/D of 1.9 the end result is a bigger saving - of 357 m/s.

    Lowering the angle changes the result. With an L/D of 1.9 the cross-over point is 1.66 degrees. By cross over point we mean the point where an atmospheric ricochet become more efficient than a propulsive plane change. Put otherwise, at anything below that 1.66 degree angle it’s better to use rockets than try a synergistic manoeuvre.

    Another way to put it- - if DynaSoar had achieved a lift/drag ratio as high as 2, and auxiliary drag due to the transit down from 500 to 80 km (and then back up again) slowed the craft as much as 100 m/sec, then still the maneuver saved 270 out of 1000 m/sec, 27 percent. And all turns of any angle would be cheaper in delta-V by that same amount-or really, more for harder angles, because the losses due to lowering the orbit and then enduring drag going down and coming up would be fixed, and the benefit gained on the turns would be greater in proportion.

    It seems the ratio was in fact something like 4/3 (or lower, considering that the outcome was spending more propellant than a turn on rocket thrust would have cost). Even getting it up to just 3/2 ought to have resulted in a small net benefit from the maneuver.

    A key factor in the synergistic manoeuver is DynaSoar lift-to-drag ratio. While subsonic aircrafts have very L/D high values, in the supersonic and hypersonic regimes that number tends to degrade very fast. DynaSoar L/D was between 1 and 2.

    It is all the fault of that ancestral dream of Sänger's skip-gliding concept, where an aerospace plane is launched to some speed somewhat lower than orbital speed, but as its suborbital arc brings it down, it aerodynamically reverses the downward motion to go back up on another arc, thus skipping across the upper atmosphere like a stone skipping on the surface of water.

    It's a perennially popular idea that keeps resurfacing with modern enthusiasts. Yet it's always seemed pretty dubious; the concept as Sänger conceived it and in the usual revivals does not assume that further thrusts are applied to maintain suborbital speed but instead that the "skips" diminish due to the drag from each skip – instead of probably supplementary thrust to maintain the energy of the arcs.

    Either way it seems unreasonable, unless again as with the DynaSoar concept of synergistic inclination changes, we can get considerably better L/D than 2 – and that low number, by itself, ruins the entire skip-glide concept. Indeed with low L/D like the DynaSoar, a skip-glider would have to increment its velocity cumulatively to match and exceed orbital velocity many times over to circumnavigate Earth; it seems much more sensible to just go the extra mile with the initial boost and put it into proper orbit already, then deorbit when approaching the destination.

    Sänger might have been assuming that if lift/drag ratios on the order of ten or twenty could be achieved for subsonic airplanes, it would just be a matter of getting the details right to do the same at Mach 20! He could be forgiven for such optimism in the middle of World War II. But the question now is, can such goals reasonably be reached in the light of what we know nowadays. If not the constant revivals of enthusiasm for the idea should get a proper quashing with hard numbers, once and for all. And even if practical, with much higher L/D than 2, we'd think it is generally of little strategic advantage to pursue these alleged advantages for hostile purposes.The ability to do synergistic vector changes might come in handy for particular civil purposes, though not generally.

    Each DynaSoar synergistic vector change involved hard turning on the atmosphere, which involved, at speeds in the Mach 20+ range, a lot of heat generation which should make the craft glow brightly on infrared detectors; the foe thus knows where the skips happen and can probably even observe the vector the craft leaves the maneuver on, thus pinning down the suborbital trajectory and predicting where to look for the next turn. In the process any possible strategic advantage get lost.

    SPACE SHUTTLE LEGACY

    Recently the Air Force leaked a document from the space shuttle days. Dated 1972, it deals with the baseline reference missions (BRM) that the shuttle was originally designed to. It seems that the Air Force wants the X-27F to perform such missions. The document shows how big and aambitious the shuttle was to be; former NASA official George Mueller famously joked that it may have lifted a railway boxcar into orbit.

    According to retired Air Force General Bleymaier, NASAs Mission Planning and Analysis Division (MPAD) began work in 1971 on defining Baseline Reference Mission 3 - in conjunction with the Air Force.

    In BRM-3 the Shuttle would be launched from Vandenberg, reach orbit and carry out its mission before de-orbiting next time round and returning to either Vandenberg, or alternate facilities at Edwards AFB. On such a mission, the Earth would still be rotating under the Shuttle, meaning that by the time it was ready to re-enter, its orbital track would be some 1100 miles to the west of the United States. Flying back to California would require considerable cross range. Added to this, any abort following launch from Vandenberg would necessitate either a landing at an emergency site at Easter Island or a return to California after one orbit. This brings us back to the Air Force’s preference for Delta wings. By insisting these went into the Shuttle’s final design, the Air Force ensured they could get their single orbit mission and a margin of safety for all other launches from the west coast.

    The declassified document says

    BR Mission 1 is a payload delivery mission to a 150 n.m. circular orbit. The mission will be launched due east and requires a payload capability of 65,000-lb. The purpose of this mission is either the placement in orbit of a 65,000-lb satellite or the placement in orbit of a 65,000-lb satellite and retrieval from orbit of a 32,000-lb satellite.

    Baseline Reference Mission 3A is a payload delivery mission to an orbit at 104 degree inclination and return to the launch site. The boost phase shall result in an insertion into an orbit with a minimum apogee of 100 n. mi., as measured above the earth's equatorial radius.

    Baseline Reference Mission 3B is a payload retrieval mission to an orbit at 104 degree inclination and return to the launch site. Mission 3B would have been especially challenging given that the maximum time estimated between the Shuttle reaching orbit and reaching a station keeping position within 100ft of the target was a mere 25 minutes. The boost phase shall result in an insertion into an orbit with a minimum apogee of 100 n. mi., as measured above the earth's equatorial radius.

    Mission 4 is a payload delivery and retrieval mission of a modular spacecraft weighing 32,000 lb at lift-off. The mission will deploy a spacecraft weighing 29,000 pounds in a 150 n. mi. circular orbit at 98 degrees inclination within two revolutions after lift-off. A passively cooperative, stabilized spacecraft, weighing 22,500 pounds, will be retrieved from a 150 n. mi. circular orbit and returned to VAFB. The mission length, including contingencies, will be 7 days. For mission performance and consumables analysis, a cradle weight of 2500 lb will be assumed to be included in the ascent payload weight, but must be added to the retrieved payload weight..

    The 1Y and 4Y missions are assumed to have the same payload requirements as 1 and 4, respectively, the missions are planned for one day with two crewmen.

    The missions were referred to as "Baseline Reference Mission" BRM, except number 4 which was called "Performance Reference Mission" PRM.

    BRM-1 set the structural capability of the orbiter with the 65klb payload. It did not size the propulsive system of the the shuttle. PRM-4, as it was called, did. Even though PRM-4 only was a 32klb payload, the orbital altitude and inclination demanded more performance. If the required performance of PRM-4 was translated to an east coast launch, the capability would be around 78klb.

    Also of note, BRM-3A and 3B are one orbit missions. This was to allow the missions to be done without overflight of the Soviet landmass.* Also the 1Y and 4Y missions were relatively short with small crews.

    At the end of the day albeit it is much smaller than the lost space shuttle the X-27F may make such missions a reality. The X-27F will be launched atop a Titan III-B from Vandenberg Western Test Range (WTR). Studies have been made of a folding-wing X-27F that could be launched by one of the 54 Titan II heavy ICBMs that stands in alert in underground silos at three different Air Force Bases. Standing in alert atop a repurposed ICBM, it would launch toward a target, reaching it in as little as 25 minutes. Once the target inspected the X-27F could perform a synergistic manoeuver and change the plane of inclination, homing into another target before reentering Earth atmosphere. It would be a formidable weapon.

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    SECRETARY OF THE AIR FORCE

    I often wondered whether the USAF's lifting body program had two elements. One was the obvious, collecting data for manned space shuttles derived from the lifting body shape or Dynasoar. The other was a bit darker. Were the PRIME and ASSET research vehicles prototypes for new methods of returning film in a much more controlled fashion?

    GENERAL BERNARD SHRIEVER

    Truth is, USAF hoped that they could develop winged reentry for a film-return vehicle. They initially wanted to go to land recovery, bringing it down in Nevada (or possibly New Mexico) and then eventually going for a winged recovery vehicle. Again it goes to the utility of the wings on orbit. Or actually, the reduced film or propellant load vs a more precise landing. USAF wanted to develop winged reentry anyways, and if it paid off, they would possibly migrate that technology to the reconnaissance satellites.

    SECRETARY OF THE AIR FORCE

    But the reconnaissance program did not drive the development of PRIME and ASSET. They were not cover stories for a reconnaissance technology development effort. Gambit used the same recovery vehicle as Corona. That was a clear decision to use a safe system that was already proven. The Gambit designers chose to go the safe route and use the Corona SRV (built by General Electric) and this proved to be a smart move.

    Then how about the KH-9 ?

    GENERAL BERNARD SHRIEVER

    The decision on the recovery vehicle for Hexagon would have been made around 1966-1967 or so. By this time there was already experience with ASSET and PRIME (launched in Dec 1966-April 1967). Then again the spooks decided upon the safer option, that is the Big Discoverer reentry vehicle. A Corona-like SRV was a simple design. But imagine trying to put more than one winged reentry vehicle into a spacecraft nosecone. You end up using a lot of mass for things like wings, control surfaces, landing gear, guidance. And you don't need ANY of that for a simple dumb SRV like on Corona. So at most you would get one of these winged reentry vehicles into a reconnaissance satellite, and you would waste a lot of mass doing it. What would make more sense, but would have been beyond a big stretch for the times, would have been to make the entire upper stage and payload recoverable/reusable. At the high Corona flight rates, a reusable upper stage and payload might have paid off. It would have been a big money sink to develop, though, and Thor probably wouldn't have been able to lift it. And it all would have been obsolete within a few years. Kind of unmanned DynaSoar when you think about it.

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    100 miles above Earth

    The enormous KH-9 had been in orbit for a month, and it had snapped ten of thousand of pictures of the Soviet Union – and beyond. Within the satellite was a very complex, cutting-edge machinery. Miles and miles of film piled up in a reentry capsule attached to the forward rack of the big spacecraft. Now the capsule had been filled to the brim and it was time to send it back to Earth. Within the KH-9, a guillotine severed film and the capsule automatically sealed itself hermetically. An impulse from the ground had the capsule detaching and starting reentry over the Pacific ocean.

    It was only the beginning of a long, harrowing trip. The film bucket glowed red as it plundged deep into Earth atmosphere, its ablative heatshield taking the heat away. Minutes later the capsule floated over the Pacific, under a larche parachute. Coming from Hawai, a C-130 Hercules transport aircraft dived toward the capsule and snapped the film bucket in midair, cutting it from the parachute and jerking with the weight.

    The Hercules carried the precious capsule to Hawai, where it was loaded within a military jetliner. Its destination was far, far away: near the Great Lakes, at the border between Canada and the United States. There was Rochester, the home of the famous Kodak company. Press the button, we do the rest – including highly classified work for the Government. No jetliner had the range to fly 5000 miles, so the military jet had to stop for refuel on the West Coast, losing some time. Finally the film bucket was handled to Kodak for development. But Kodak didn't do any analysis of the pictures – that was the job of the NRO analysts. Which Headquarters was in downtown Washington DC... 500 miles from Rochester. So the film went on the road again, to its final place.

    Needless to say, the whole process was rather cumbersome – it took two complete days.

    Tonight would be different, however.

    Ignoring the beautiful Earth that rolled below it, the X-27F closed from the KH-9. The Air Force had taken the guidance system of an Agena space tug and plucked it into his space plane. They also had borrowed the canadarm from NASA. The space plane opened its payload bay door and under control from the ground the canadarm deployed in the direction of the KH-9 forward rack, where the film buckets hanged in a row of four. One bucket had been – experimentally – fitted with a grapple fixture on which the canadarm latched. The film bucket got detached from the KH-9 and then the X-27F backed away from the monster spy satellite that dwarfed it. The Canadarm gently placed the 2000 pounds film bucket into a specially build craddle set into the payload bay. The doors were closed before the tiny space plane prepared for reentry. It wouldn't land in the Pacific, nor even in Hawai. After all it was a winged vehicle, so it could do all kind of things during reentry a Corona couldn't. The X-27F was caught in a bubble of plasma and its heatshield endured the brunt of reentry as it sped out over the Western United States like a bat outta hell. It was small enough to restrain the sonic boom so that wasn't a real issue.

    It's destination was the Wright Patterson Air Base, Dayton, Ohio. It was much, much closer from both Rochester and Washington DC than Hawaii, and as such, precious time would be saved moving the film from one place to another.

    The X-27F passable aerodynamic shape made it sunk like a rock as it hurled toward the runway. It extented its undercarriage, flared out to lose some speed, and touched right in the middle of the runway, speeding at 200 miles per hour before coming to a halt. Technicians in astronaut-like protective suits secured the leftover propellants after what a pickup towed the X-27F to the processing facility were the film bucket was retrieved. Later the X-27F would be loaded into a Conroy Supper Guppy and flown back to Vandenberg for another launch. The system breathed new life into the old KH-9 system, the last American spy satellite to send film in capsules. The KH-11 actually beamed electronic pictures to the ground but only on a narrow strip. The KH-9 had a much wider angle of view, so the two systems complemented each other. As for the X-27F it was light enough to be launched by either a Titan II GLV, an Atlas Centaur, or a Thorad 7920.

    Not only the X-27F did rendezvous with KH-9s. Blue Helios did the same. The pressurized module would be cut in favor of a flatbed-truck like platform for servicing. Not only did the KH-9 required refueling in orbit, it also required new film and new SRVs. The contractors proposed a servicing method whereby the HEXAGON would be secured horizontally above the Blue Helios servicing platform. From that position, the entire forebody of the spacecraft with the film supply canisters and the structure that held the SRVs would be rotated out of the way and down, and replaced with a new forebody containing loaded film supply canisters and new SRVs. At the same time, the rear end of the spacecraft, which contained the fuel supply and power system, would be serviced with a rotating tool kit that could provide replacement units. It was a highly complex procedure. What is unclear is how the new film would be re-threaded through the camera and to the new SRVs. Because of the complexity of this resupply and refurbishment, the contractors recommended that the best course of action would be to use the shuttle to recover spent HEXAGON satellites in orbit and bring them back to Earth for refurbishment on the ground. But the shuttle was dead and it would be a long time before any RLV with such an enormous return capbility would ever exists.
     
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