A True October Surprise: The Added Surprises
- Thread starter lord caedus
- Start date
Well, look who's back.
Um, hi?
What is this? A True October Surprise GT?
Wow, low blow. No, it's just a special of extra infoboxes from the ATOS universe, not a continuation of it past the TL's end of Inauguration Day 2017.
So a series of infoboxes for the Humphrey family?
No, shut up.
Okay, then what should we expect?
Different things: some lists, some elections, some personal infoboxes and even some pop culture-related goings-on.
How is this a "2016 election special"?
Well, some people involved in the 2016 elections make appearances. Plus, it felt kind of appropriate to have a surprise revisit to a universe that diverged from OTL because of an October Surprise.
OK. Does that mean I can ask what this random politician is up to, or what happened to this thing, ITTL?
You can, but if they aren't covered in this series or ATOS proper, they're probably unimportant ITTL and I might not feel like looking to see what they'd be up to in this universe.
That's kind of dickish, these people want to know what happened to [random OTL politician]!
I'm planning on posting at least one infobox a day for the entire month of October between work and classes, so forgive me if taking time to figure out an answer to every request is low on my list of priorities.
One per day? Aren't you unfairly upping expectations for other infobox TL makers?
Yes and yes.
What should the authors of No Southern Strategy, The Populist Problem of Preston Manning, Think of the Djurgården Boys and other fine infobox TLs think about your idiotic pace?
That they're doing a fine job and that I planned this out ahead of time specifically for a month-long spurt of posts.
Sounds like both a cop-out and that you're a bit insane.
Yes, and quite possibly.
Does that mean we need to read A True October Surprise again?
It would at least help, since most of the write-ups are going to mention things that occurred in the TL proper.
Fine. Let's see you drive this into the ground.
Full speed ahead!
Um, hi?
What is this? A True October Surprise GT?
Wow, low blow. No, it's just a special of extra infoboxes from the ATOS universe, not a continuation of it past the TL's end of Inauguration Day 2017.
So a series of infoboxes for the Humphrey family?
No, shut up.
Okay, then what should we expect?
Different things: some lists, some elections, some personal infoboxes and even some pop culture-related goings-on.
How is this a "2016 election special"?
Well, some people involved in the 2016 elections make appearances. Plus, it felt kind of appropriate to have a surprise revisit to a universe that diverged from OTL because of an October Surprise.
OK. Does that mean I can ask what this random politician is up to, or what happened to this thing, ITTL?
You can, but if they aren't covered in this series or ATOS proper, they're probably unimportant ITTL and I might not feel like looking to see what they'd be up to in this universe.
That's kind of dickish, these people want to know what happened to [random OTL politician]!
I'm planning on posting at least one infobox a day for the entire month of October between work and classes, so forgive me if taking time to figure out an answer to every request is low on my list of priorities.
One per day? Aren't you unfairly upping expectations for other infobox TL makers?
Yes and yes.
What should the authors of No Southern Strategy, The Populist Problem of Preston Manning, Think of the Djurgården Boys and other fine infobox TLs think about your idiotic pace?
That they're doing a fine job and that I planned this out ahead of time specifically for a month-long spurt of posts.
Sounds like both a cop-out and that you're a bit insane.
Yes, and quite possibly.
Does that mean we need to read A True October Surprise again?
It would at least help, since most of the write-ups are going to mention things that occurred in the TL proper.
Fine. Let's see you drive this into the ground.
Full speed ahead!
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The French presidential election of 1995 was the most surprising election result of the Fifth French Republic, and perhaps French history. By 1995, the left in the form of the Socialist Party was battered, beset by scandal, with an elderly, sickly president who had been forced to cohabit with a conservative majority in the National Assembly after the 1993 electoral wipeout of the Socialists. Prime Minister Jacques Chirac had laid the groundwork for a presidential run almost as soon as he was appointed prime minister. Crucially, his strongest rival, Foreign Minister Édouard Balladur told Chirac he would not run. However, Chirac’s poll numbers against former PM Lionel Jospin, the Socialist candidate, were not as strong as those of a potential Balladur-Jospin matchup, dragged down by Chirac’s association in the mind of voters with the struggling economy. This, along with a concentrated effort by right-wing politicians who preferred Balladur to Chirac, caused Balladur to renege on his promise and declare his candidacy.
Suddenly, the election to succeed Mitterand moved from a predictable fight between the candidates of the two wings of French politics to an exciting race to see which two would face off in the second round. Jospin used the opportunity of the two strongest opponents the right could offer tearing each other apart to shore up his numbers, and all three attempted to gain as much credit as they could from the ongoing talks in Bern between American and Soviet ambassadors that many believed (correctly) could lead to an end to the half-century of tension between East and West Europe.
To no one’s surprise, Jospin came in first in the first round, with the two conservatives sapping each others’ support. Balladur edged out Chirac to take second and advance to the final round. The two remaining candidates were, for almost the entire two-week period between rounds, were in a dead heat and unable to effectively break the stalemate- Jospin because of the wariness of some voters of giving the Socialists a third consecutive term and Balladur because his aristocratic speech patterns and whispers of his involvement in several scandals had made the most effective of his attacks against Jospin and Mitterand ineffective. French voters went to sleep on May 7, 1995 with no idea who they had elected as president.
In the end, an extremely thin majority went for Jospin. Out of the nearly 30 million votes cast in the second round, a difference of only 78,000 separated the two candidates. The French right, having gleefully prepared for a return to the Élysée Palace as Socialist popularity dragged during the last years of Mitterand’s second term, were left speechless as Lionel Jospin was inaugurated while both Balladur and Chirac looked on.
Suddenly, the election to succeed Mitterand moved from a predictable fight between the candidates of the two wings of French politics to an exciting race to see which two would face off in the second round. Jospin used the opportunity of the two strongest opponents the right could offer tearing each other apart to shore up his numbers, and all three attempted to gain as much credit as they could from the ongoing talks in Bern between American and Soviet ambassadors that many believed (correctly) could lead to an end to the half-century of tension between East and West Europe.
To no one’s surprise, Jospin came in first in the first round, with the two conservatives sapping each others’ support. Balladur edged out Chirac to take second and advance to the final round. The two remaining candidates were, for almost the entire two-week period between rounds, were in a dead heat and unable to effectively break the stalemate- Jospin because of the wariness of some voters of giving the Socialists a third consecutive term and Balladur because his aristocratic speech patterns and whispers of his involvement in several scandals had made the most effective of his attacks against Jospin and Mitterand ineffective. French voters went to sleep on May 7, 1995 with no idea who they had elected as president.
In the end, an extremely thin majority went for Jospin. Out of the nearly 30 million votes cast in the second round, a difference of only 78,000 separated the two candidates. The French right, having gleefully prepared for a return to the Élysée Palace as Socialist popularity dragged during the last years of Mitterand’s second term, were left speechless as Lionel Jospin was inaugurated while both Balladur and Chirac looked on.
Twenty-one men have served as the Prime Minister of Canada since the country was granted self-governing status in 1867. Although the office is never referred to in either the Dominion Act of 1867 and only in passing in the Constitution Act of 1986 that formally severed the legal ties between Canada and the United Kingdom, the prime minister is the most powerful person in Canada’s government. He (and so far only men have become prime minister) is appointed by the monarch via the governor-general to head Her Majesty's Canadian Government and is responsible for advising the governor-general on the appointment of cabinet ministers, half of any Senate vacancies and members of the Supreme Court. The prime minister also advises the monarch on whether to continue the current governor-general's service (traditionally five years' time) or to appoint someone else as the viceregal representative.
The prime minister has, by custom, always been the leader of the party with the most seats in the House of Commons and every prime minister since Sir Charles Tupper (1896) have held seats in that house. As such, all prime ministers have been members of either the Liberal Party (including the current prime minister, Thomas Mulcair) or the Progressive Conservative Party and its historical predecessors. Canada's tradition of strong party discipline has resulted in prime ministers whose party has a majority of seats in the House of Commons being able to easily pass most proposed legislation into law. However, the prime minister is also constrained by both public opinion and that of his party in pushing forward legislation, as well as the political makeup of the House of Commons when his party has a plurality (but not a majority) of seats. Additionally, the Supreme Court has the power to strike down unconstitutional legislation and the governor-general has reserve powers to dismiss the prime minister, although these have not been invoked since 1926 when they led to a constitutional crisis.
The prime minister has, by custom, always been the leader of the party with the most seats in the House of Commons and every prime minister since Sir Charles Tupper (1896) have held seats in that house. As such, all prime ministers have been members of either the Liberal Party (including the current prime minister, Thomas Mulcair) or the Progressive Conservative Party and its historical predecessors. Canada's tradition of strong party discipline has resulted in prime ministers whose party has a majority of seats in the House of Commons being able to easily pass most proposed legislation into law. However, the prime minister is also constrained by both public opinion and that of his party in pushing forward legislation, as well as the political makeup of the House of Commons when his party has a plurality (but not a majority) of seats. Additionally, the Supreme Court has the power to strike down unconstitutional legislation and the governor-general has reserve powers to dismiss the prime minister, although these have not been invoked since 1926 when they led to a constitutional crisis.
Live Aid was a dual-avenue music concert that sought to bring global awareness and raise funds to combat the then-ongoing famine in Ethiopia. Held simultaneously in both Wembley Stadium in London and John F. Kennedy Stadium in Philadelphia, Live Aid was also broadcast simultaneously by satellite around the world, making history as one of the largest such events, with a total viewership estimated at 1.9 billion people. Sister concerts in the Soviet Union, Australia, West Germany and Japan were similarly well-attended and added to the funds raised for famine relief.
Organized by musicians and activists Bob Geldof and Midge Ure, the event featured a star-studded lineup on both sides of the Atlantic, including Smile, Elvis Costello, U2, Bob Dylan, Led Zeppelin, the Rolling Stones, Black Sabbath, Phil Collins, Elton John and David Bowie. The main event, however, was the surprise of the Beatles’ unannounced reunited performance of their best-selling single “I Want to Hold Your Hand”. Phil Collins, who performed at both venues, convinced the two ex-Beatles at Wembley, Paul McCartney and Ringo Starr, to fly with him to JFK Stadium. Despite tense negotiations with the other two ex-Beatles who were scheduled to perform solo at JFK, the four men agreed to a one-song reunion in lieu of John Lennon’s solo performance, the latter of the two ex-Beatles scheduled to perform. It would be the final time all four Beatles would perform together, and despite all four men subsequently denying that there was the possibility of more reunions, it kindled hope for more reunions before Lennon’s death in 1993 during a traffic accident.
Despite Live Aid’s impressive fund-raising and awareness campaign, the ability of concert organizers to effectively translate the raised funds towards famine relief was stymied the Derg regime that ruled Ethiopia. Investigative reporters found that the regime ended up pilfered most of the Live Aid funds either for its members’ own bank accounts or to help funding Ethiopia’s fight against Eritrean rebels.
Organized by musicians and activists Bob Geldof and Midge Ure, the event featured a star-studded lineup on both sides of the Atlantic, including Smile, Elvis Costello, U2, Bob Dylan, Led Zeppelin, the Rolling Stones, Black Sabbath, Phil Collins, Elton John and David Bowie. The main event, however, was the surprise of the Beatles’ unannounced reunited performance of their best-selling single “I Want to Hold Your Hand”. Phil Collins, who performed at both venues, convinced the two ex-Beatles at Wembley, Paul McCartney and Ringo Starr, to fly with him to JFK Stadium. Despite tense negotiations with the other two ex-Beatles who were scheduled to perform solo at JFK, the four men agreed to a one-song reunion in lieu of John Lennon’s solo performance, the latter of the two ex-Beatles scheduled to perform. It would be the final time all four Beatles would perform together, and despite all four men subsequently denying that there was the possibility of more reunions, it kindled hope for more reunions before Lennon’s death in 1993 during a traffic accident.
Despite Live Aid’s impressive fund-raising and awareness campaign, the ability of concert organizers to effectively translate the raised funds towards famine relief was stymied the Derg regime that ruled Ethiopia. Investigative reporters found that the regime ended up pilfered most of the Live Aid funds either for its members’ own bank accounts or to help funding Ethiopia’s fight against Eritrean rebels.
Hillary Rodham Clinton is a judge on the United States Court of Appeals for the Eighth District, former potential Supreme Court nominee and one of the most influential legal writers with regards to the rights of women and children since the 1970s. Rodham Clinton, the wife of former Congressman Bill Clinton, quickly made a name for herself in the Arkansas legal community while her husband served in Congress and was appointed to the head of the Legal Services Corporation, the organization designed to help provide legal assistance to those unable to afford it, by President Huddleston. After a strong performance there, Huddleston appointed her to a vacancy in the US District Court for Eastern Arkansas in 1992.
Judge Rodham Clinton performed admirably in the role and when her husband declined to seek re-election in 1996 after several women came forth with allegations of adultery and sexual harassment from the congressman. Despite publicly supporting her husband, Rodham Clinton later admitted to marital difficulties after the affairs came to light and in the end, although she and her husband eventually reconciled. The next vacancy that opened on the Eight Court of Appeals, the superior court to the Eastern District of Arkansas occurred in 2002 and, fortunately for Rodham Clinton, the Democrats controlled the White House. President Gephardt quickly appointed her to the seat and the White House quietly added her to the list of potential Supreme Court candidates if the president were to appoint another justice.
The retirement of Griffin Bell in 2007 resulted in just this opportunity and Gephardt aides later revealed that Rodham Clinton was Gephardt’s first choice to replace Bell. However, her strong opinions in favor of preserving abortion access for women and questionable business decisions her husband had been involved in following his retirement from Congress led the White House to pass over her in favor of Sonia Sotomayor for the spot. Despite a new Democratic president in Deval Patrick, Rodham Clinton (who will turn 70 in October) is considered way too old for an appointment to the Supreme Court and reports indicate she will likely step down sometime within the next presidential term in order to allow Patrick to appoint her successor.
Judge Rodham Clinton performed admirably in the role and when her husband declined to seek re-election in 1996 after several women came forth with allegations of adultery and sexual harassment from the congressman. Despite publicly supporting her husband, Rodham Clinton later admitted to marital difficulties after the affairs came to light and in the end, although she and her husband eventually reconciled. The next vacancy that opened on the Eight Court of Appeals, the superior court to the Eastern District of Arkansas occurred in 2002 and, fortunately for Rodham Clinton, the Democrats controlled the White House. President Gephardt quickly appointed her to the seat and the White House quietly added her to the list of potential Supreme Court candidates if the president were to appoint another justice.
The retirement of Griffin Bell in 2007 resulted in just this opportunity and Gephardt aides later revealed that Rodham Clinton was Gephardt’s first choice to replace Bell. However, her strong opinions in favor of preserving abortion access for women and questionable business decisions her husband had been involved in following his retirement from Congress led the White House to pass over her in favor of Sonia Sotomayor for the spot. Despite a new Democratic president in Deval Patrick, Rodham Clinton (who will turn 70 in October) is considered way too old for an appointment to the Supreme Court and reports indicate she will likely step down sometime within the next presidential term in order to allow Patrick to appoint her successor.
The Thirty-third Government of Israel or the Second Ya'alon Cabinet has been led by Prime Minister Moshe Ya'alon and his Likud ("Consolidation") party since its victory in the 2013 elections. Ya'alon's government currently has 65 out of 120 seats in the Knesset, with his Likud party having nearly half of the total, with 27. The remaining 28 seats are scattered among other right-wing parties in the government: the religious Zionist Mafdal (10), secular hard-right Our Home (10) and the ultra-orthodox The Jewish Union (8).
The government has overseen a continued crackdown on the Palestinians in the West Bank following Operation Righteous, despite international opposition, including from the Riley administration. Prime Minister Ya'alon has similarly continued Israeli settlement policies in the Palestinian territories acquired in the Six-Day War of 1967 despite unanimous international opposition. As such, there has been little progress made in negotiations with the Palestinians, although the post-Yarafat fracturing of the Palestinian leadership has not given him a single negotiating partner who can command legitimacy to most, if not all, Palestinians.
With Knesset elections due later in the year, polls seem to be leaning towards Ya'alon's right-wing coalition returning for a third term with the center-left opposition in disarray. The task for opposing Ya'alon has fallen to former Likudnik Tzipi Livni as leader of the Zionist Union, a large electoral alliance staunchly opposed to the former Israeli Defense Force general-turned-prime minister and his right-wing government's hawkish stance towards the Palestinian conflict- perhaps a telling sign of the formerly solidly left-wing nation's shift to the right since the midpoint of the 20th century.
The government has overseen a continued crackdown on the Palestinians in the West Bank following Operation Righteous, despite international opposition, including from the Riley administration. Prime Minister Ya'alon has similarly continued Israeli settlement policies in the Palestinian territories acquired in the Six-Day War of 1967 despite unanimous international opposition. As such, there has been little progress made in negotiations with the Palestinians, although the post-Yarafat fracturing of the Palestinian leadership has not given him a single negotiating partner who can command legitimacy to most, if not all, Palestinians.
With Knesset elections due later in the year, polls seem to be leaning towards Ya'alon's right-wing coalition returning for a third term with the center-left opposition in disarray. The task for opposing Ya'alon has fallen to former Likudnik Tzipi Livni as leader of the Zionist Union, a large electoral alliance staunchly opposed to the former Israeli Defense Force general-turned-prime minister and his right-wing government's hawkish stance towards the Palestinian conflict- perhaps a telling sign of the formerly solidly left-wing nation's shift to the right since the midpoint of the 20th century.
The New York gubernatorial election in 1994 was perhaps one of the most-watched races throughout 1994, a function of the candidates involved. Incumbent Governor Ron Brown, the first African-American governor elected in the United States since Reconstruction, was a relatively weak incumbent owing to sluggish growth in the Empire State and the national anti-Democratic mood. Brown's historic status and closeness with the party establishment made him one of the top targets for the Republican Party going into 1994. Congressman Joseph J. DioGuardi, rather than seek a sixth term, became the presumptive front-runner for the campaign. However, another high-profile New Yorker that the Republican Party had been seeking to recruit for high office in the future brashly announced his candidacy: real estate mogul Donald Trump. Trump had veered from a Republican to a "Huddleston Democrat" over the president's Secure Borders Act and then back to the GOP over the administration's negotiations with the weakened Soviet Union. Several prominent New York Republicans had urged Trump to consider running for office in 1996. Trump, however, both disliked Brown and needed more publicity after a series of investments in New Jersey failed and so declared his candidacy for governor.
Despite high name recognition, Trump’s self-aggrandizing tendencies, lack of political experience and penchant for outrageous remarks set the party establishment against him, even as his law-and-order stance and his calls for "a stronger 'Secure Borders Act'" proved popular with the party grassroots. DioGuardi ended up winning the Republican nomination handily- but the Conservative Party of New York then named Trump as their candidate, ensuring that Trump would remain on the ballot in November and splitting the right-wing vote.
Brown, who later recalled that if the Conservatives had endorsed DioGuardi, would likely have lost his bid for re-election, ran a remarkably subdued campaign. Trump's outrageous statements and antics resulted in national media attention and DioGuardi watched with horror as Trump overtook him for second place against Brown. Briefly, Trump and Brown were neck and neck- but a live microphone caught Trump making racially insensitive remarks in early October and the mogul's numbers fell. DioGuardi gained enough soft Trump voters to break 20%, but Trump still ran way ahead of him- into a distant second behind Brown.
The electoral results would have national consequences. Brown's victory would ensure that he would remain politically viable for Dick Gephardt to pick him as a running mate in 2000, the first African-American on a major party ticket. The subsequent rightwards drift of the New York Republican Party in order to prevent the Conservatives from nominating their own candidates and splitting the vote resulted in New York becoming even less competitive on a federal level, resulting in Democrats controlling all but three members of the state's congressional delegation by 2017. As for Trump, the loss embittered the real estate developer towards elected office, and briefly resulted in a downturn in his finances— although by the start of the new millennium, Trump’s net worth would be higher than it ever was as memories of the election began to fade.
Despite high name recognition, Trump’s self-aggrandizing tendencies, lack of political experience and penchant for outrageous remarks set the party establishment against him, even as his law-and-order stance and his calls for "a stronger 'Secure Borders Act'" proved popular with the party grassroots. DioGuardi ended up winning the Republican nomination handily- but the Conservative Party of New York then named Trump as their candidate, ensuring that Trump would remain on the ballot in November and splitting the right-wing vote.
Brown, who later recalled that if the Conservatives had endorsed DioGuardi, would likely have lost his bid for re-election, ran a remarkably subdued campaign. Trump's outrageous statements and antics resulted in national media attention and DioGuardi watched with horror as Trump overtook him for second place against Brown. Briefly, Trump and Brown were neck and neck- but a live microphone caught Trump making racially insensitive remarks in early October and the mogul's numbers fell. DioGuardi gained enough soft Trump voters to break 20%, but Trump still ran way ahead of him- into a distant second behind Brown.
The electoral results would have national consequences. Brown's victory would ensure that he would remain politically viable for Dick Gephardt to pick him as a running mate in 2000, the first African-American on a major party ticket. The subsequent rightwards drift of the New York Republican Party in order to prevent the Conservatives from nominating their own candidates and splitting the vote resulted in New York becoming even less competitive on a federal level, resulting in Democrats controlling all but three members of the state's congressional delegation by 2017. As for Trump, the loss embittered the real estate developer towards elected office, and briefly resulted in a downturn in his finances— although by the start of the new millennium, Trump’s net worth would be higher than it ever was as memories of the election began to fade.
Like its presidential elections, American voters in all 50 states have gubernatorial elections every four years (two in New Hampshire and Vermont) to elect their state’s chief executive. Of the 48 states with four-year gubernatorial terms, most are elected during midterm elections instead of during presidential election years and a handful (Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, New Jersey, and Virginia) elect their governors in odd-numbered years. Governors are almost (but not always, such as with Texas) the most powerful person in their state government and have similar powers to the American president, but on the state level. Most states also allow the governor to appoint people to vacant Senate seats, making them important players on the national level as well. In fact, three of the last four presidents (Pete Wilson, Bob Riley and Deval Patrick) were sitting governors when they were elected, a possibility that voters are beginning to value executive experience over legislative expertise that every president elected from 1960 (John F. Kennedy) to 1992 (Walter D. Huddleston) had in lieu of previous gubernatorial experience.
The shift of the South away from the Democratic Party since the 1960s has resulted in the Republican Party being able to consistently break even with the Democratic Party in the number of governors it can get elected, despite its increasingly worse performance in New England, former stronghold of liberal Republicans. Several states’ internal politics have resulted in one party having a lock on the governor’s mansion for the foreseeable future, while others occasionally elect governors from the opposite party. In the 2014 midterms, for example, solidly-blue Rhode Island surprised pundits by electing former Senator Lincoln Chafee to the governor’s mansion while solidly-red Louisiana elected former Congresswoman Mary Landrieu to lead the Pelican State.
The shift of the South away from the Democratic Party since the 1960s has resulted in the Republican Party being able to consistently break even with the Democratic Party in the number of governors it can get elected, despite its increasingly worse performance in New England, former stronghold of liberal Republicans. Several states’ internal politics have resulted in one party having a lock on the governor’s mansion for the foreseeable future, while others occasionally elect governors from the opposite party. In the 2014 midterms, for example, solidly-blue Rhode Island surprised pundits by electing former Senator Lincoln Chafee to the governor’s mansion while solidly-red Louisiana elected former Congresswoman Mary Landrieu to lead the Pelican State.
The Khuzestan War was main theater of the Iranian Civil War after the failure of the post-Shah regime to create a unified government from the shaky coalition of forces that had overthrown the Pahlavi dynasty. Emboldened by the chaos, Iraqi President Saddam Hussein repudiated an earlier agreement that had ended Iraq's claims to the oil-rich Khuzestan province of Iran and sent his troops in to annex it. Despite the element of surprise and an Iran beset by civil war, the Iraqi advance into Khuzestan was surprisingly halted before it could reach the edge of the territory Hussein had claimed was Iraqi. Both factions opposing Iraq, the National Council for Iran (the shaky coalition of nationalists and liberals) and the Council of the Islamic Revolution (followers of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini), despite fighting fiercely throughout the rest of the country, agreed to not oppose the others' efforts at fighting the Iraqis, stopping short of an alliance.
The war devastated Khuzestan and the refineries that had made it such a valuable region and destabilized Iran even more, with both factions involved in Khuzestan being unable to consolidate their territory outside of it and resulting in large parts of the country falling outside the control of any faction that could unify the country. The devastation of the oil refineries and the danger to shipping near Iraqi and Iranian waters in the Persian Gulf caused global oil prices to rise, adding an economic impetus to the regional crisis felt as a result of the vacuum left by the Shah's departure.
The Soviet Union's agreement in favor of the creation of the United Nations Stabilization Force For Iran (UNSFFI) marked a crucial point in the Cold War as the two superpowers' militaries fought with each other for the first time since the Second World War and started the two on the road to the Bern Accords. With China being the only permanent UN Security Council member not sending troops, Iraq's defeat was a foregone conclusion. It took less than two weeks for UN forces to remove Iraqi forces from Iran following a prolonged bombing campaign of Iraqi positions while the majority of the force gained control over Tehran and other major cities in the rest of the country.
The war's legacy profoundly eased the "Vietnam syndrome" that the US had suffered from since the 1970s and firmly entrenched Iranian democracy, despite intermittent spurts of violence following the expulsion of Iraq until the country’s first free elections in 1985. Furthermore, the cooperation between the United States and Soviet Union marked a new era in both each superpowers' understanding of one another as well as global espionage- since the end of Soviet participation in UNSFFI, dozens of captured agents from both sides have cited information learned about the other side as part of the war and occupation as vital to their operations. International sanctions placed on Iraq as a result of the conflict would not be lifted until 1995, after UN inspectors reported that Iraq had dismantled its nuclear weapons program that Hussein had begun in the 1970s.
The war devastated Khuzestan and the refineries that had made it such a valuable region and destabilized Iran even more, with both factions involved in Khuzestan being unable to consolidate their territory outside of it and resulting in large parts of the country falling outside the control of any faction that could unify the country. The devastation of the oil refineries and the danger to shipping near Iraqi and Iranian waters in the Persian Gulf caused global oil prices to rise, adding an economic impetus to the regional crisis felt as a result of the vacuum left by the Shah's departure.
The Soviet Union's agreement in favor of the creation of the United Nations Stabilization Force For Iran (UNSFFI) marked a crucial point in the Cold War as the two superpowers' militaries fought with each other for the first time since the Second World War and started the two on the road to the Bern Accords. With China being the only permanent UN Security Council member not sending troops, Iraq's defeat was a foregone conclusion. It took less than two weeks for UN forces to remove Iraqi forces from Iran following a prolonged bombing campaign of Iraqi positions while the majority of the force gained control over Tehran and other major cities in the rest of the country.
The war's legacy profoundly eased the "Vietnam syndrome" that the US had suffered from since the 1970s and firmly entrenched Iranian democracy, despite intermittent spurts of violence following the expulsion of Iraq until the country’s first free elections in 1985. Furthermore, the cooperation between the United States and Soviet Union marked a new era in both each superpowers' understanding of one another as well as global espionage- since the end of Soviet participation in UNSFFI, dozens of captured agents from both sides have cited information learned about the other side as part of the war and occupation as vital to their operations. International sanctions placed on Iraq as a result of the conflict would not be lifted until 1995, after UN inspectors reported that Iraq had dismantled its nuclear weapons program that Hussein had begun in the 1970s.
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Perhaps the most influential American jurist of the 20th century, William Brennan wrote the majority decision for several of the most important American cases after his 1956 appointment to the court and became, alongside his predecessor Earl Warren, an icon for American liberalism and the power of the courts to address injustice and protect individual rights. Initially appointed by Dwight Eisenhower as a combination bipartisan gesture and electoral calculation (Brennan's status as a northeastern Catholic was intended to help Eisenhower in that region of the country in his re-election bid), Brennan was a strong and persuasive voice behind the scenes for the liberal wing of the court and his friendship with Warren resulted in the chief assigning him to write the judicial opinions for several important cases. As an associate justice, notable opinions that Brennan wrote included Baker v. Carr (which ruled that the courts could rule on legislative redistricting), New York Times v. Sullivan (which set standards for bringing libel and malice suits by public officials), and Green v. County School Board of New Kent (which the courts ruled that "school choice" system was not effective in desegregating public schools).
After Warren announced his retirement and the nomination of Abe Fortas to replace him failed, a newly-elected President Humphrey nominated Brennan to succeed Warren instead. After the Fortas debacle and with Humphrey promising to name Homer Thornberry (a southern liberal, but one with a conservative record on law and order issues), alongside Brennan's popularity with his fellow justices, the Senate did not feel like challenging the new president yet and agreed to both appointments (and soon Humphrey’s reappointment of Arthur Goldberg to replace a disgraced Fortas).
As chief justice, Brennan presided over another liberal court, with only one justice (John Paul Stevens) being appointed by a Republican president during his tenure. His legacy marked a consolidation and continuation of the Warren Court's push towards individual rights, including extending the right of privacy to include a woman getting an abortion (Roe v. Wade), the right to healthcare (Conservative Majority v. Bowen), and that bans on homosexuality were unconstitutional (Charles v. Smith). The Brennan Court was also famous for instituting a temporary moratorium on capital punishment between 1972 (Furman v. Georgia) and 1977 (Jurek v. Texas), which resulted in a serious reformation of capital punishment laws on both the state and federal levels- although Brennan himself bitterly fought against its reinstatement and remained an adamant opponent of the death penalty until his retirement, notably taking part in the majority decision in McCormack v. Kemp that resulted in the overturning of death penalty convictions in several states where proven that death penalty sentencing had occurred in an a racially-biased manner.
Brennan himself also was the subject of national controversy. After the death of his first wife in 1982, the 77 year-old chief justice married a woman who had been his secretary for over a quarter-century, with no warning, provoking moral outrage among social conservatives and whispers of an affair during his first marriage (which subsequent biographers have never proven). An "Impeach Brennan" campaign briefly began before fizzling out from disinterest and the belief that Brennan would soon die or retire- but he would in fact continue serving for another seven years.
After Justice Goldberg’s death in early 1990, the first change in the court's composition in nearly a decade, Brennan took the opportunity to inform President Huddleston of his intent to retire, citing his age and increasingly poor health. Replaced by Gilbert Merritt, Brennan ended his 33 year-tenure on the court that he loved so much, visiting his former colleagues often in retirement before passing away at age 91 in 1997.
After Warren announced his retirement and the nomination of Abe Fortas to replace him failed, a newly-elected President Humphrey nominated Brennan to succeed Warren instead. After the Fortas debacle and with Humphrey promising to name Homer Thornberry (a southern liberal, but one with a conservative record on law and order issues), alongside Brennan's popularity with his fellow justices, the Senate did not feel like challenging the new president yet and agreed to both appointments (and soon Humphrey’s reappointment of Arthur Goldberg to replace a disgraced Fortas).
As chief justice, Brennan presided over another liberal court, with only one justice (John Paul Stevens) being appointed by a Republican president during his tenure. His legacy marked a consolidation and continuation of the Warren Court's push towards individual rights, including extending the right of privacy to include a woman getting an abortion (Roe v. Wade), the right to healthcare (Conservative Majority v. Bowen), and that bans on homosexuality were unconstitutional (Charles v. Smith). The Brennan Court was also famous for instituting a temporary moratorium on capital punishment between 1972 (Furman v. Georgia) and 1977 (Jurek v. Texas), which resulted in a serious reformation of capital punishment laws on both the state and federal levels- although Brennan himself bitterly fought against its reinstatement and remained an adamant opponent of the death penalty until his retirement, notably taking part in the majority decision in McCormack v. Kemp that resulted in the overturning of death penalty convictions in several states where proven that death penalty sentencing had occurred in an a racially-biased manner.
Brennan himself also was the subject of national controversy. After the death of his first wife in 1982, the 77 year-old chief justice married a woman who had been his secretary for over a quarter-century, with no warning, provoking moral outrage among social conservatives and whispers of an affair during his first marriage (which subsequent biographers have never proven). An "Impeach Brennan" campaign briefly began before fizzling out from disinterest and the belief that Brennan would soon die or retire- but he would in fact continue serving for another seven years.
After Justice Goldberg’s death in early 1990, the first change in the court's composition in nearly a decade, Brennan took the opportunity to inform President Huddleston of his intent to retire, citing his age and increasingly poor health. Replaced by Gilbert Merritt, Brennan ended his 33 year-tenure on the court that he loved so much, visiting his former colleagues often in retirement before passing away at age 91 in 1997.
The Bern Accords (formally the The Agreement Between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Reduction of Their Nuclear Stockpiles, Multinational Defense Agreements and Other Issues) is the agreement between the Soviet Union and the United States that is commonly agreed to mark the end of the Cold War. The accords, reached after months of negotiation by both superpowers (with US President Walter D. Huddleston and Secretary of State George Mitchell on one side and Soviet General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev and Foreign Minister Eduard Shevardnadze on the other), were the result of the Soviet economy deteriorating to a point where continued conflict with the West was no longer sustainable. As such, the accords' final terms were much more favorable to the United States- the Soviets agreed to a drastic reduction of their nuclear stockpile, sign international agreements that included declarations that the Soviet occupation of the Baltic states to be illegal, withdraw military advisers and military aid from other countries (with a few exceptions), allow unlimited emigration of ethnic and religious minorities outside of the USSR, and cooperate with UN agencies working to prevent nuclear proliferation. In return, the United States agreed to work to prevent the entrance of former Warsaw Pact nations (including any breakaway states from the Baltics) from entering into NATO or other defensive treaties, a similar reduction in their nuclear stockpile, and to increase trade with the Soviet Union.
The Accords' impact was felt throughout the world and in the Soviet Union, where Gorbachev’s status was so weakened after being forced to allow for internationally-observed independence referendums in the Baltic states that he was deposed in a coup that led to the resumption of hardliner rule in the USSR. Most notably, in Africa, the end of the Cold War resulted in many countries becoming destabilized as American or Soviet aid was removed while surviving communist states that had not undergone Chinese-style reform like Cuba or North Korea either began to change to allow more economic freedom (Cuba) or instead became nearly-failed states dependent on their neighbors for survival (North Korea).
The Accords' impact was felt throughout the world and in the Soviet Union, where Gorbachev’s status was so weakened after being forced to allow for internationally-observed independence referendums in the Baltic states that he was deposed in a coup that led to the resumption of hardliner rule in the USSR. Most notably, in Africa, the end of the Cold War resulted in many countries becoming destabilized as American or Soviet aid was removed while surviving communist states that had not undergone Chinese-style reform like Cuba or North Korea either began to change to allow more economic freedom (Cuba) or instead became nearly-failed states dependent on their neighbors for survival (North Korea).
The Patriot News Network (PNN, formerly the Coors News Network) was the first and perhaps most successful right-wing television network in the United States. Formed by former Republican media consultant Roger Ailes and financed in large part by Peter Coors, heir to the Coors beer fortune, the Coors News Network launched in 1977 to provide a "fair and balanced" viewpoint to what it perceived as the liberal-dominated Big Three (ABC, NBC and CBS) news broadcasters. Less than a year after its initial broadcast, the network renamed itself to the Patriot News Network after it became apparent that networks were hesitant to pick up a channel whose name was a repeated punchline on several comedy variety shows on the Big Three networks, most notably, It's Saturday Night!.
Despite its politically conservative tilt, PNN was extremely innovative in its formatting, and media strategy. Taking advantage of right-wing direct-mail lists donated by social conservative activist Richard Viguerie, PNN was able to target its television audience to a level unheard of in the 1970s and 1980s. Eschewing direct competition with the Big Three networks for the first five years of its existence, PNN gradually built up a sizable following by offering favorable deals with small, independent broadcasters.
However, PNN's innovative news model was too far ahead of its time— as networks who copied it in the satellite era would demonstrate— and the network had to rely on funds from Coors and other members of his newsgroup to stay afloat for a majority of its lifespan. It also was fatally attached to the person of Roger Ailes, who was both the driving force for the network as well as its most brilliant and media-savvy executive. When investigative reporters witnessed Ailes' repeated harassment of female staffers and subsequently published their observations, it caused the entire network to come under scrutiny and reporters began publishing reports of a "frat-house culture" at PNN seemingly abetted by Ailes. The Coors News Group soon dwindled to Coors and two loyal partners as most of the less-dedicated partners left as public criticism mounted and investigations against Ailes began.
Having purchased most of the shares of the fleeing partners, Coors used his majority to fire Ailes and desperately worked to shore up his creation, but to no avail. Less than a year after firing Ailes, PNN aired its last broadcast and went off the air. While Ailes evaded criminal charges, he and the Coors News Group (as the former owners of PNN) settled a class-action lawsuit brought by former female staffers out of court for nearly $2 million.
Despite its short nine-year life and the shameful conduct of its architect, PNN was a pioneer in the field of niche television, whose innovations have been studied and copied for decades. It also served as the godfather of the several right-wing networks like the American News Channel, Sky America and Liberty Network that compete for right-of-center viewers who believe that the dominant media channels are pushing an ideologically liberal agenda.
Despite its politically conservative tilt, PNN was extremely innovative in its formatting, and media strategy. Taking advantage of right-wing direct-mail lists donated by social conservative activist Richard Viguerie, PNN was able to target its television audience to a level unheard of in the 1970s and 1980s. Eschewing direct competition with the Big Three networks for the first five years of its existence, PNN gradually built up a sizable following by offering favorable deals with small, independent broadcasters.
However, PNN's innovative news model was too far ahead of its time— as networks who copied it in the satellite era would demonstrate— and the network had to rely on funds from Coors and other members of his newsgroup to stay afloat for a majority of its lifespan. It also was fatally attached to the person of Roger Ailes, who was both the driving force for the network as well as its most brilliant and media-savvy executive. When investigative reporters witnessed Ailes' repeated harassment of female staffers and subsequently published their observations, it caused the entire network to come under scrutiny and reporters began publishing reports of a "frat-house culture" at PNN seemingly abetted by Ailes. The Coors News Group soon dwindled to Coors and two loyal partners as most of the less-dedicated partners left as public criticism mounted and investigations against Ailes began.
Having purchased most of the shares of the fleeing partners, Coors used his majority to fire Ailes and desperately worked to shore up his creation, but to no avail. Less than a year after firing Ailes, PNN aired its last broadcast and went off the air. While Ailes evaded criminal charges, he and the Coors News Group (as the former owners of PNN) settled a class-action lawsuit brought by former female staffers out of court for nearly $2 million.
Despite its short nine-year life and the shameful conduct of its architect, PNN was a pioneer in the field of niche television, whose innovations have been studied and copied for decades. It also served as the godfather of the several right-wing networks like the American News Channel, Sky America and Liberty Network that compete for right-of-center viewers who believe that the dominant media channels are pushing an ideologically liberal agenda.
The South African general election of 2013 has seemingly marked the twilight of the era of political calm that the country had gone through since the end of its civil war a quarter-century before. Following the end of the South African Civil War, apartheid had been abolished and the country's black majority finally allowed to vote and participate in their nation's political future. The African National Congress (ANC), riding off both the legacy of the war and their long efforts to end apartheid, emerged as the dominant party, getting a super-majority of the vote in the first three elections and having little reason to fear a divided opposition. Outside of die-hard supporters of the "martyred" Magnus Malan, most white South Africans accepted the new order, although they emerged as the strongest political opponents of the ANC. A series of mergers of the surviving apartheid-era parties resulted in the creation of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) as the primary opposition to the ANC from the center. The presence of the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP), a conservative Zulu-interest party, prevented the 1990s political landscape from being a majority-black party (ANC) against a majority-white party (NDA).
But by the time President Kgalema Mothlanthe's first term begun to wind down in 2008, the ANC's status as an unassailable juggernaut had begun to fall. Internal party divisions came to ahead as the ANC leadership sidelined several hard-left MPs who, in response, left the party to form the SA Freedom Forces (SAFF) to challenge the ANC from the left, and in explicitly more black nationalist terms. Corruption scandals emerged with such regularity that more ANC members left the party in disgust to form the Peoples’ Congress Party (PCP), a party with little more to its platform than a strong anti-corruption stance. The resulting election was a shocker, not in the result (another ANC majority) but in the fact that the ANC only barely won a majority of the popular vote.
Mothlanthe's second term did little to stop the dissatisfaction felt with the ANC by many in the big-tent party. Despite the country’s handling of the 2012 Summer Olympics in Johannesburg going relatively smoothly, Mothlanthe's hand-off leadership led to infighting between ANC factions, which prevented a coherent ideology from emerging from the administration just as South African voters were looking for one. The lack of improvement in the wages and working conditions of many industrial workers since Nelson Mandela's term led to a series of strikes that alienated the ANC from its organized labor supporters. Mothlanthe's precarious position within the party resulted in his inability to placate the strikers and, after enough cabinet ministers’ patience had worn out in dealing with the union leadership (who had grown frustrated at Mothlanthe's wavering and the influence anti-strike ministers had over him), the strikes were crushed in a wave of arrests of union leadership on trumped-up charges. The strike was dispersed violently at the Lommin mine, resulting in the largest instance of violence the country had experienced since the war.
Many labor leaders, horrified and enraged, bolted from the party they had supported for decades and formed Forward South Africa (Forward SA) under former union leader Zwelinzima Vavi. NDA leader Wilmot James, sensing an opportunity, quickly obtained the promise of a coalition government in case the ANC lost its majority in the upcoming elections. Cyril Ramaphosa, the new ANC leader and candidate for president in 2013, spent most of the last few months before the elections furiously reminding voters of the ANC's history as the leader in the fight against apartheid and their role in the (slow) progress that had been made to reverse its economic and social effects.
For the first time since 1961, one party did not win a majority of votes. Forward SA pulled votes from most of the other parties represented in the previous parliament, but especially the SAFF and PCP, the latter of whom was left with only one seat as a result of losing over half of its support from 2008. Despite this, the ANC retained a (slightly diminished) majority, owing in part to the double-list system used to allocate seats to the National Assembly. Ramaphosa's skill as a negotiator has so far served him well in placating the increasingly uneasy factions in the ANC as well as opposition parties, but polling indicates that support for the ANC is waning as more and more of the generation born after the war and end of apartheid become eligible to vote, leading to an uncertain future when the life of the current parliament ends in 2018, three decades after the end of apartheid.
But by the time President Kgalema Mothlanthe's first term begun to wind down in 2008, the ANC's status as an unassailable juggernaut had begun to fall. Internal party divisions came to ahead as the ANC leadership sidelined several hard-left MPs who, in response, left the party to form the SA Freedom Forces (SAFF) to challenge the ANC from the left, and in explicitly more black nationalist terms. Corruption scandals emerged with such regularity that more ANC members left the party in disgust to form the Peoples’ Congress Party (PCP), a party with little more to its platform than a strong anti-corruption stance. The resulting election was a shocker, not in the result (another ANC majority) but in the fact that the ANC only barely won a majority of the popular vote.
Mothlanthe's second term did little to stop the dissatisfaction felt with the ANC by many in the big-tent party. Despite the country’s handling of the 2012 Summer Olympics in Johannesburg going relatively smoothly, Mothlanthe's hand-off leadership led to infighting between ANC factions, which prevented a coherent ideology from emerging from the administration just as South African voters were looking for one. The lack of improvement in the wages and working conditions of many industrial workers since Nelson Mandela's term led to a series of strikes that alienated the ANC from its organized labor supporters. Mothlanthe's precarious position within the party resulted in his inability to placate the strikers and, after enough cabinet ministers’ patience had worn out in dealing with the union leadership (who had grown frustrated at Mothlanthe's wavering and the influence anti-strike ministers had over him), the strikes were crushed in a wave of arrests of union leadership on trumped-up charges. The strike was dispersed violently at the Lommin mine, resulting in the largest instance of violence the country had experienced since the war.
Many labor leaders, horrified and enraged, bolted from the party they had supported for decades and formed Forward South Africa (Forward SA) under former union leader Zwelinzima Vavi. NDA leader Wilmot James, sensing an opportunity, quickly obtained the promise of a coalition government in case the ANC lost its majority in the upcoming elections. Cyril Ramaphosa, the new ANC leader and candidate for president in 2013, spent most of the last few months before the elections furiously reminding voters of the ANC's history as the leader in the fight against apartheid and their role in the (slow) progress that had been made to reverse its economic and social effects.
For the first time since 1961, one party did not win a majority of votes. Forward SA pulled votes from most of the other parties represented in the previous parliament, but especially the SAFF and PCP, the latter of whom was left with only one seat as a result of losing over half of its support from 2008. Despite this, the ANC retained a (slightly diminished) majority, owing in part to the double-list system used to allocate seats to the National Assembly. Ramaphosa's skill as a negotiator has so far served him well in placating the increasingly uneasy factions in the ANC as well as opposition parties, but polling indicates that support for the ANC is waning as more and more of the generation born after the war and end of apartheid become eligible to vote, leading to an uncertain future when the life of the current parliament ends in 2018, three decades after the end of apartheid.
Barry Bonds is widely considered to be one of the greatest baseball players of all-time and certainly one of the best to play in the modern era. The son of major leaguer Bobby Bonds and godson of Willie Mays, Bonds seemed destined for greatness before he ever made it to the major leagues. A high school standout, Bonds was initially drafted in 1982 by the San Francisco Giants, but when their initial offer was too low, he opted to play college ball instead. Two strong years at Arizona State University made him one of the top prospects in the nation and he was drafted second overall by the Milwaukee Brewers in the 1985 draft. He continued to attend Arizona State while in the minor leagues, graduating in 1986 and proving himself ready for the big leagues.
He had a solid rookie year as a lanky twenty-two year old fielder for the Brewers, hitting .310 with 17 home runs, as he acclimated to the major leagues. Bonds' sophomore season of 1987, on the other hand, would mark the beginning of the Bonds era in Milwaukee- he crushed 39 home runs and drove in 132 runs while stealing 47 bases. The 1988 season would see Bonds return to form, hitting 34 home runs and stealing 46 bases, winning his first MVP award. With Wally Joyner, Paul Molitor and Mike Schmidt, Bonds led the Brewers to the World Series, where they fell to the Montreal Expos in five games. Bonds would break 40 home runs for the first time in 1989, hitting 45 and winning his first home run title.
A fractured wrist hurt Bonds' performance in 1990 and poor late-season performance by Milwaukee in 1991 and 1992 caused them to miss the playoffs. In 1993, however, would see things fire on all cylinders for the Brew Crew; alongside John Olerud and fellow slugger Salvador Soto, Bonds' 39 home runs, 37 steals and 126 runs batted in led the Brewers to coast through the season and meet the Houston Astros in the World Series. The 1993 series was a slugfest between the two evenly-matched teams and in the end, Milwaukee's superior bats won out, giving Bonds his only World Series ring.
Joined by Kirby Puckett and John Smoltz in 1994, Bonds went on a tear, chasing Roger Maris' home run record throughout the season before falling short at 58. The best team Bonds would ever find himself on, however, fell apart in the World Series, getting dispatched by the San Diego Padres 4 games to 1. The late 1990s were the denouement of the terrifying Bonds Brewers- Olerud and Puckett were traded, in part to offer Bonds a hefty new contract, and Soto became a free agent in 1996. Despite losing most of his major support, Bonds continued to perform at high levels, hitting 41 home runs in 1996 and bringing the Brewers to the fourth World Series with him in the club, where they were again beaten by Montreal in five games.
The 2000 season would be one of the most well-remembered in baseball history. Fueled by competition with Texas slugger Mark McGwire, whose 54 home runs in 1999 to Bonds' 39 had given the beefy first baseman a larger media profile than Bonds, who had a better performance except for his home run total, Bonds began to increasingly work on his power hitting- and soon, it became clear that the two were on pace to meet Maris' record. The race consumed baseball fans and returned waning American interest (due to the growth of both football and basketball in previous decades) to the national past-time. McGwire would fall one short of the record with 60. Bonds, however, cleared the record with plenty to spare, ending with 66 and becoming the new single-season home run champion.
The new millennium brought another season derailed midway by injury and, in his final stint in a Brewers uniform, another excellent season at the plate, with 53 home runs as he led the Brewers to the World Series yet again, where they fell to the Texas Rangers 4 games to 2. With the small-market Brewers unable to pay for another contract after his expired at the end of the 2002 season, Bonds signed with the Toronto Blue Jays. His 2003 season, like 2001, was interrupted by injury. At age 40, Bonds would put on a show in 2004, showcasing his danger to hitters even as he neared the end of his career. Hitting a career-high .378 and coming close to his single-season home run record at 64 homers, Bonds won the American League batting Triple Crown and his fifth and final MVP award. A preseason back injury left Bonds out for the entire 2005 season, the final one in his three-year contract with the Blue Jays.
Like San Francisco, Toronto could not afford to offer Bonds another contract and the aging superstar signed with the high-rolling New York Yankees. Bonds was in pinstripes when he hit his 773rd home run in 2007 to pass Hank Aaron as the all-time leading home run hitter, which the New York media played up as a virtue of civic pride in returning the title to the Big Apple, which was viciously mocked by the rest of the sports world, noting that Bonds had hit more home runs in one season in Toronto than he ever had (or would) for the Yankees. His final season, in 2008 at age 44, was when his body reached its breaking point- back and wrist injuries reduced his performance to such an extent that he was traded before the All-Star break to the Orlando Rays for two middle relievers. It would be in a Rays jersey that Bonds would make his 19th and final All-Star appearance and hit his final three home runs, retiring at the end of the season.
Despite his eye-popping statistics, Bonds' arrogance and egotism did not lend him personal popularity with the fans in any of the cities he played in and questionable business associations in the twilight years of his career resulted in his personal reputation getting tarnished even more. However, he easily was voted into the Hall of Fame on the first year of his eligibility. In 2015, Bonds joined the Texas Rangers as a hitting coach, one of many new additions to the Rangers organization in Texas owner George W. Bush (son of the former president)'s efforts to get the struggling franchise back on track.
He had a solid rookie year as a lanky twenty-two year old fielder for the Brewers, hitting .310 with 17 home runs, as he acclimated to the major leagues. Bonds' sophomore season of 1987, on the other hand, would mark the beginning of the Bonds era in Milwaukee- he crushed 39 home runs and drove in 132 runs while stealing 47 bases. The 1988 season would see Bonds return to form, hitting 34 home runs and stealing 46 bases, winning his first MVP award. With Wally Joyner, Paul Molitor and Mike Schmidt, Bonds led the Brewers to the World Series, where they fell to the Montreal Expos in five games. Bonds would break 40 home runs for the first time in 1989, hitting 45 and winning his first home run title.
A fractured wrist hurt Bonds' performance in 1990 and poor late-season performance by Milwaukee in 1991 and 1992 caused them to miss the playoffs. In 1993, however, would see things fire on all cylinders for the Brew Crew; alongside John Olerud and fellow slugger Salvador Soto, Bonds' 39 home runs, 37 steals and 126 runs batted in led the Brewers to coast through the season and meet the Houston Astros in the World Series. The 1993 series was a slugfest between the two evenly-matched teams and in the end, Milwaukee's superior bats won out, giving Bonds his only World Series ring.
Joined by Kirby Puckett and John Smoltz in 1994, Bonds went on a tear, chasing Roger Maris' home run record throughout the season before falling short at 58. The best team Bonds would ever find himself on, however, fell apart in the World Series, getting dispatched by the San Diego Padres 4 games to 1. The late 1990s were the denouement of the terrifying Bonds Brewers- Olerud and Puckett were traded, in part to offer Bonds a hefty new contract, and Soto became a free agent in 1996. Despite losing most of his major support, Bonds continued to perform at high levels, hitting 41 home runs in 1996 and bringing the Brewers to the fourth World Series with him in the club, where they were again beaten by Montreal in five games.
The 2000 season would be one of the most well-remembered in baseball history. Fueled by competition with Texas slugger Mark McGwire, whose 54 home runs in 1999 to Bonds' 39 had given the beefy first baseman a larger media profile than Bonds, who had a better performance except for his home run total, Bonds began to increasingly work on his power hitting- and soon, it became clear that the two were on pace to meet Maris' record. The race consumed baseball fans and returned waning American interest (due to the growth of both football and basketball in previous decades) to the national past-time. McGwire would fall one short of the record with 60. Bonds, however, cleared the record with plenty to spare, ending with 66 and becoming the new single-season home run champion.
The new millennium brought another season derailed midway by injury and, in his final stint in a Brewers uniform, another excellent season at the plate, with 53 home runs as he led the Brewers to the World Series yet again, where they fell to the Texas Rangers 4 games to 2. With the small-market Brewers unable to pay for another contract after his expired at the end of the 2002 season, Bonds signed with the Toronto Blue Jays. His 2003 season, like 2001, was interrupted by injury. At age 40, Bonds would put on a show in 2004, showcasing his danger to hitters even as he neared the end of his career. Hitting a career-high .378 and coming close to his single-season home run record at 64 homers, Bonds won the American League batting Triple Crown and his fifth and final MVP award. A preseason back injury left Bonds out for the entire 2005 season, the final one in his three-year contract with the Blue Jays.
Like San Francisco, Toronto could not afford to offer Bonds another contract and the aging superstar signed with the high-rolling New York Yankees. Bonds was in pinstripes when he hit his 773rd home run in 2007 to pass Hank Aaron as the all-time leading home run hitter, which the New York media played up as a virtue of civic pride in returning the title to the Big Apple, which was viciously mocked by the rest of the sports world, noting that Bonds had hit more home runs in one season in Toronto than he ever had (or would) for the Yankees. His final season, in 2008 at age 44, was when his body reached its breaking point- back and wrist injuries reduced his performance to such an extent that he was traded before the All-Star break to the Orlando Rays for two middle relievers. It would be in a Rays jersey that Bonds would make his 19th and final All-Star appearance and hit his final three home runs, retiring at the end of the season.
Despite his eye-popping statistics, Bonds' arrogance and egotism did not lend him personal popularity with the fans in any of the cities he played in and questionable business associations in the twilight years of his career resulted in his personal reputation getting tarnished even more. However, he easily was voted into the Hall of Fame on the first year of his eligibility. In 2015, Bonds joined the Texas Rangers as a hitting coach, one of many new additions to the Rangers organization in Texas owner George W. Bush (son of the former president)'s efforts to get the struggling franchise back on track.
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The first (and so far only) vice president appointed under the terms of the 25th Amendment, Robert Byrd is more notable for his legislative career and longevity than his brief stint as Edmund Muskie's vice president. Born Cornelius Calvin Sale, Jr. in rural North Carolina, his mother died when he was still an infant, leaving him to be raised by his aunt and uncle in West Virginia per her wishes. Renamed Robert Byrd, he worked a series of odd jobs in his early adult years, including as a shipyard welder during World War II. It was in this period that Byrd joined the Ku Klux Klan, rising to lead the local chapter before losing interest in the organization by the mid-1940s. His time in the Klan would become his greatest shame and something he would apologize for repeatedly in later decades.
Byrd won elections first to the state House of Delegates, then state Senate before winning a seat in the House of Representatives in 1952. After three terms in the House, Byrd won election to the Senate in 1958, starting his service in the body that he came to love. His first decade of service would similarly come back to haunt Byrd in later years, mostly because of his opposition to desegregation— including filibustering the Civil Rights Act of 1965 for 14 hours. By 1968, however, Byrd's views had begun to evolve and he became a reliable vote for the party line on civil rights by the time he left the Senate for the first time. In 1971, Byrd toppled Edward Kennedy from his position as the Democratic whip in a move that blindsided the heir to Camelot (although Kennedy would later say that his defeat was a blessing, allowing him to focus more on individual issues and policy work). As the second highest-ranking Democrat in the Senate and was set to become the majority leader when his boss, Mike Mansfield, decided to retire.
Everything changed for Byrd when President Humphrey died. The ascension of Vice President Muskie left a vacancy in the vice presidency, and heading into what was likely to be a rough election year, the new president quickly keyed in on Byrd as his vice presidential successor: in addition to being a southerner who could appeal to southern Democrats who had been alienated by the party for the past eight years, he would easily be confirmed by Congress. Byrd, although reluctant to leave the Senate, agreed with the conditions that he be involved in selecting cabinet officials if the ticket won in 1976 and that he be the main leader in the administration's education and transportation policies.
Byrd's 311-day vice presidency —the shortest by a vice president who neither died in office or succeeded to the presidency— was bittersweet. Policy disagreements between Muskie and Byrd, exacerbated by the knowledge that 1976 was destined to be a Republican year, caused a deterioration of their working relationship. However, Byrd was able to make his impact felt on the education and transportation fronts, notably helping to increase funding for history education in the nation's schools.
Out of office following the loss to George Bush and Bob Dole, Byrd toyed with running for president in 1980, but his past Klan membership and civil rights votes put an end to the run before it began. Instead, he returned to school and got his undergraduate degree (having attained his law degree while in the Senate in an era before undergraduate degrees were required). In 1984, with his former colleague Jennings Randolph retiring, Byrd ran for and easily won the election to succeed Randolph, returning to the Senate after an eight-year absence.
Laying low for his first Congress back, Byrd ran to succeed Alan Cranston as the Democratic leader in the Senate upon Cranston's retirement from that role in 1989. His absence from the Senate, however, resulted in the lack of support that he had enjoyed following his replacement of Kennedy in 1971 and he lost to Hawaii Senator Daniel Inouye. In consolation, the Senate created the position of Deputy President pro tempore, to be filled by any former president or vice president that served in the Senate, of which Byrd was made the first (and so far only) holder. In this role, Byrd was technically in the Senate leadership even during periods of Republican control of the Senate.
Following his failure to become the leader of the Democrats in the Senate, Byrd became a background figure, serving as a mentor to several senators, including his future successor as vice president, Joe Sestak. He also became infamous for using his influence to divert federal projects and funds to his constituents in West Virginia, something that undoubtedly helped him win re-election in landslide elections well into his nineties (winning re-election at age 91 in 2008 by a margin of 30 percent). He returned to national prominence as a key figure in scuttling the Gephardt administration's bid to begin to shift the national power grid towards more renewable energy sources (and away from coal and other fossil fuels).
The former vice president passed away while in office in June 2010, at 92 years of age, having finished his final volume of the history of the Senate just months before.
Byrd won elections first to the state House of Delegates, then state Senate before winning a seat in the House of Representatives in 1952. After three terms in the House, Byrd won election to the Senate in 1958, starting his service in the body that he came to love. His first decade of service would similarly come back to haunt Byrd in later years, mostly because of his opposition to desegregation— including filibustering the Civil Rights Act of 1965 for 14 hours. By 1968, however, Byrd's views had begun to evolve and he became a reliable vote for the party line on civil rights by the time he left the Senate for the first time. In 1971, Byrd toppled Edward Kennedy from his position as the Democratic whip in a move that blindsided the heir to Camelot (although Kennedy would later say that his defeat was a blessing, allowing him to focus more on individual issues and policy work). As the second highest-ranking Democrat in the Senate and was set to become the majority leader when his boss, Mike Mansfield, decided to retire.
Everything changed for Byrd when President Humphrey died. The ascension of Vice President Muskie left a vacancy in the vice presidency, and heading into what was likely to be a rough election year, the new president quickly keyed in on Byrd as his vice presidential successor: in addition to being a southerner who could appeal to southern Democrats who had been alienated by the party for the past eight years, he would easily be confirmed by Congress. Byrd, although reluctant to leave the Senate, agreed with the conditions that he be involved in selecting cabinet officials if the ticket won in 1976 and that he be the main leader in the administration's education and transportation policies.
Byrd's 311-day vice presidency —the shortest by a vice president who neither died in office or succeeded to the presidency— was bittersweet. Policy disagreements between Muskie and Byrd, exacerbated by the knowledge that 1976 was destined to be a Republican year, caused a deterioration of their working relationship. However, Byrd was able to make his impact felt on the education and transportation fronts, notably helping to increase funding for history education in the nation's schools.
Out of office following the loss to George Bush and Bob Dole, Byrd toyed with running for president in 1980, but his past Klan membership and civil rights votes put an end to the run before it began. Instead, he returned to school and got his undergraduate degree (having attained his law degree while in the Senate in an era before undergraduate degrees were required). In 1984, with his former colleague Jennings Randolph retiring, Byrd ran for and easily won the election to succeed Randolph, returning to the Senate after an eight-year absence.
Laying low for his first Congress back, Byrd ran to succeed Alan Cranston as the Democratic leader in the Senate upon Cranston's retirement from that role in 1989. His absence from the Senate, however, resulted in the lack of support that he had enjoyed following his replacement of Kennedy in 1971 and he lost to Hawaii Senator Daniel Inouye. In consolation, the Senate created the position of Deputy President pro tempore, to be filled by any former president or vice president that served in the Senate, of which Byrd was made the first (and so far only) holder. In this role, Byrd was technically in the Senate leadership even during periods of Republican control of the Senate.
Following his failure to become the leader of the Democrats in the Senate, Byrd became a background figure, serving as a mentor to several senators, including his future successor as vice president, Joe Sestak. He also became infamous for using his influence to divert federal projects and funds to his constituents in West Virginia, something that undoubtedly helped him win re-election in landslide elections well into his nineties (winning re-election at age 91 in 2008 by a margin of 30 percent). He returned to national prominence as a key figure in scuttling the Gephardt administration's bid to begin to shift the national power grid towards more renewable energy sources (and away from coal and other fossil fuels).
The former vice president passed away while in office in June 2010, at 92 years of age, having finished his final volume of the history of the Senate just months before.
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The Standing Committee of the Central Political Bureau (Politburo) of the Communist Party of China is the de facto leadership body of the People's Republic of China, consisting of anywhere between five and nine members of the senior party leadership. The Standing Committee's members are chosen from the 25 members of the Political Bureau (Politburo) at the start of each party congress (held every five years). After coming to power after Mao Zedong's death, Deng Xiaoping and other party leaders worked to prevent another consolidation of power in one member like had occurred under Mao, with disastrous consequences like the Great Leap Forward. Age-based retirement has resulted in a high level of turnover at each party congress, strengthening the role of the party over any individual, although former general secretaries such as Hu Jintao and Jiang Zemin have retained great influence over the party's internal politics and subsequently the selection of new members of the Politburo and Standing Committee.
The 19th Party Congress is due to be held in September 2017 and will likely see the retirement of President Li Changchun and two others (He Guoqiang & Zhang Dejian) as a result of age. It is widely expected that Premier Xi Jinping will succeed Li as president while Li Keqiang will takeover the premier's office, with at least one new member will be appointed to the Standing Committee. The two other members likely to be held over from the 18th Standing Committee (Li Yuanchao and Bo Xilai) are also likely to take higher positions in both the Communist Party hierarchy and in the state itself as their seniority increases.
The 19th Party Congress is due to be held in September 2017 and will likely see the retirement of President Li Changchun and two others (He Guoqiang & Zhang Dejian) as a result of age. It is widely expected that Premier Xi Jinping will succeed Li as president while Li Keqiang will takeover the premier's office, with at least one new member will be appointed to the Standing Committee. The two other members likely to be held over from the 18th Standing Committee (Li Yuanchao and Bo Xilai) are also likely to take higher positions in both the Communist Party hierarchy and in the state itself as their seniority increases.
Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq is perhaps the most infamous Pakistani in history and the man whose legacy will forever be tied to what happened on June 24, 1987. A conservative, religious man, Zia initially served in the British Indian Army, fighting the Japanese in Burma. After independence, Zia remained in the military and begun to move up the ranks. Stationed in Jordan from 1967 to 1970, he was essential in the Jordanian suppression of the Palestinian Liberation Organization revolt known as Black September. This, and his appearance as an apolitical soldier led Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto to appoint him Chief of Army Staff over more senior generals. Bhutto's government had become very unpopular and, despite winning new elections in 1977, the opposition protested the results, alleging that the vote had been rigged. Finally, the impasse and calls by the opposition for the military to depose Bhutto grew too strong and Zia arrested Bhutto and declared martial law, with himself as Chief Martial Law Administrator. Zia initially pledged that new elections would be held later that year...and then backed away from that promise, as would happen repeatedly throughout his rule.
Zia began the "Islamization" of Pakistan, a step away from Bhutto's emphasis on socialist economics and secularism, as a way to both solidify the country's national identity and imprint his vision on the country. His government made adultery, blasphemy and fornication crimes, with whippings and amputation becoming punishments, and forced women to cover their heads at all times in public. That his country was allied to the Soviet Union, with its state atheism, seems to have been forgotten by Zia (as well as Moscow) in a Cold War geopolitical calculation.
Becoming president after failing to convince figurehead president Fazal Ilhai Chaudry to stay on for another term, Zia ran the country as a technocracy and finally held non-partisan elections for the Pakistani parliament in 1985 after being forced to by international pressure. However, Zia made all of his decisions retroactively legal before the new body was to first meet and gave the presidency numerous powers that allowed him to effectively ignore the will of parliament.
The coup that overthrew Bhutto had unwittingly exposed Pakistan's nuclear program to the world and international condemnation (except from the Soviet bloc) had led to sanctions on Pakistan that Zia tried hard to lift. The civil wars in Afghanistan and Iran caused Pakistan's budgets to be strained by trains of refugees and occasionally, violence that spilled across the border. This forced Zia and the other generals in his government to slash spending for other programs to pay for increased border controls and programs for the refugees— like the country's budget for their nuclear program. However, he gained some international goodwill by allowing UNSFFI to stage its eastern invasion of Iran out of Pakistan.
Nevertheless, Zia continued to push the nuclear program along, despite numerous complaints by program administrators over the quality of the scientists the state employed, the shoe-string budget and unrealistic timetable that the regime put the program on. It was only a matter of time until disaster struck— but no one would have imagined it would have been as bad as what did occur.
Nothing of the Kahuta Works Laboratory survived the explosion, but it is universally agreed that somehow, a nuclear bomb was armed and detonated. Most theories say it was accidental, the result of overworked and under-trained staff failing to go through proper safety procedures for testing the armament systems while a persistent few say that it was a nuclear strike by a foreign power (usually assumed to be India or Israel) made to look like an accident. Regardless, the explosion and its aftermath killed nearly 50,000 Pakistanis and left thousands injured, homeless or suffering from fallout as the trade winds shifted radiation over to northern India and China.
The explosion shocked Pakistan and the world to the core— anti-nuclear sentiment would gain a strong symbol of the danger and folly of nuclear weapons and the standing of the state and of Zia in his country’s eyes dropped to astonishing lows. Protests began to break out within a week of the disaster, and began to snowball into massive demonstrations in every major city in the country. Tipped off of an impending coup to against him— and fearing a fate similar to Bhutto, who was found guilty of treason by a kangaroo court and executed— Zia resigned the presidency, handing power over to the Speaker of the National Assembly Hamid Nasir Chattha (first in the line of succession after the resignation of "Baba Atom Bomb", Senate Chairman Ghulam Ishaq Khan) and fled to China in exile.
Zia would live a quiet life in exile, and died in 2004 at the age of 79, having never set foot in a courtroom to answer for his crimes or his ultimate responsibility for Kahuta.
Zia began the "Islamization" of Pakistan, a step away from Bhutto's emphasis on socialist economics and secularism, as a way to both solidify the country's national identity and imprint his vision on the country. His government made adultery, blasphemy and fornication crimes, with whippings and amputation becoming punishments, and forced women to cover their heads at all times in public. That his country was allied to the Soviet Union, with its state atheism, seems to have been forgotten by Zia (as well as Moscow) in a Cold War geopolitical calculation.
Becoming president after failing to convince figurehead president Fazal Ilhai Chaudry to stay on for another term, Zia ran the country as a technocracy and finally held non-partisan elections for the Pakistani parliament in 1985 after being forced to by international pressure. However, Zia made all of his decisions retroactively legal before the new body was to first meet and gave the presidency numerous powers that allowed him to effectively ignore the will of parliament.
The coup that overthrew Bhutto had unwittingly exposed Pakistan's nuclear program to the world and international condemnation (except from the Soviet bloc) had led to sanctions on Pakistan that Zia tried hard to lift. The civil wars in Afghanistan and Iran caused Pakistan's budgets to be strained by trains of refugees and occasionally, violence that spilled across the border. This forced Zia and the other generals in his government to slash spending for other programs to pay for increased border controls and programs for the refugees— like the country's budget for their nuclear program. However, he gained some international goodwill by allowing UNSFFI to stage its eastern invasion of Iran out of Pakistan.
Nevertheless, Zia continued to push the nuclear program along, despite numerous complaints by program administrators over the quality of the scientists the state employed, the shoe-string budget and unrealistic timetable that the regime put the program on. It was only a matter of time until disaster struck— but no one would have imagined it would have been as bad as what did occur.
Nothing of the Kahuta Works Laboratory survived the explosion, but it is universally agreed that somehow, a nuclear bomb was armed and detonated. Most theories say it was accidental, the result of overworked and under-trained staff failing to go through proper safety procedures for testing the armament systems while a persistent few say that it was a nuclear strike by a foreign power (usually assumed to be India or Israel) made to look like an accident. Regardless, the explosion and its aftermath killed nearly 50,000 Pakistanis and left thousands injured, homeless or suffering from fallout as the trade winds shifted radiation over to northern India and China.
The explosion shocked Pakistan and the world to the core— anti-nuclear sentiment would gain a strong symbol of the danger and folly of nuclear weapons and the standing of the state and of Zia in his country’s eyes dropped to astonishing lows. Protests began to break out within a week of the disaster, and began to snowball into massive demonstrations in every major city in the country. Tipped off of an impending coup to against him— and fearing a fate similar to Bhutto, who was found guilty of treason by a kangaroo court and executed— Zia resigned the presidency, handing power over to the Speaker of the National Assembly Hamid Nasir Chattha (first in the line of succession after the resignation of "Baba Atom Bomb", Senate Chairman Ghulam Ishaq Khan) and fled to China in exile.
Zia would live a quiet life in exile, and died in 2004 at the age of 79, having never set foot in a courtroom to answer for his crimes or his ultimate responsibility for Kahuta.
Nguyễn Văn Thiệu was the longest-serving leader of South Vietnam and the leader of that country in the latter half of the Vietnam War. The son of a small landowner, Thiệu's family saved up money so that he could attend elite schools run by the French, Vietnam’s colonial rulers. Following the end of World War II, Thiệu joined the Viet Minh, but left after a year as a result of his disagreement with the group’s communist ideology. Soon, Thiệu joined the Vietnamese National Army, part of the French-allied State of Vietnam- something that would strengthen with his conversion to Roman Catholicism following his marriage. Following the partition of Vietnam, Thiệu became an officer in the Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN) and initially allied with President Ngô Đình Diệm, notably helping to stop a coup attempt against Diệm in 1960.
By 1963, however, Thiệu joined the rising tide of military officers who were opposed to Diệm and led the attack on the Gia Long Palace that resulted in Diệm's surrender— although the ousted president quickly fled and was later executed after being recaptured. Thiệu was granted a place in the military juntas that moved into the vacuum and, after several coup attempts led to generals being exiled or imprisoned, he gained prominence. Being named figurehead president, with general Nguyễn Cao Kỳ as the de facto leader, the pairing ended the leadership changes that had become common since Diệm's ouster. Bowing to American pressure to restore constitutional government, Kỳ was named as his vice presidential running mate in a military ticket in the 1967 election that Thiệu won.
Thiệu and Kỳ began feuding soon after they were elected, with Thiệu intent on becoming the undisputed leader of the south. Although the Tet Offensive greatly damaged the confidence in the South Vietnamese government and proved a fatal blow to the American public’s support for the war, Thiệu used the opportunity to remove Kỳ allies from power, a key point in the power struggle that saw Kỳ increasingly slide to irrelevance for the remainder of their term.
Thiệu was adamantly opposed to the peace talks that formed the "October Surprise" that resulted in Hubert Humphrey winning the 1968 election in the United States and repeatedly walked away from the negotiating table throughout late 1968 and 1969. Feeling forced into a corner by the new president's pledge to withdraw from Vietnam, Thiệu was a thorn in Humphrey and Secretary of State Clark Clifford's side throughout the Paris negotiations, adamantly refusing to sign an agreement that treated the National Liberation Front (NLF or Viet Cong) as a legitimate entity as well as refusing to allow North Vietnamese soldiers to remain in their current positions in South Vietnam. Thiệu's intransigence enraged Washington and Humphrey threatened to pull all American troops out of Vietnam, including those that had been planned to remain (mostly military advisers and river patrol teams) and cut off military aid entirely if Thiệu did not sign the agreement reached in Paris. Reluctantly, Thiệu acquiesced and the Paris Peace Agreement was signed in March 1970.
With a promise of American air support and continuing riverine support from Humphrey, Thiệu and South Vietnam were able to repel the Spring Offensive launched by the North in early 1972, but disastrous campaigns to retake parts of South Vietnam and disrupt the north's movements along the Ho Chi Minh Trail left the war in a stalemate. The north could not make meaningful headway while the ARVN's shortcomings and poor leadership meant that the south could not permanently dislodge the north. In this atmosphere, Thiệu cemented his one-man rule, crafting an election law that would disqualify Kỳ and his other major opponents for the 1971 contest. His opponents, widely assuming that Thiệu would rig the elections, boycotted them and Thiệu won as the only candidate on the ballot. Similarly, he would win the 1975 election (the last held in South Vietnam) unopposed.
Military aid to South Vietnam steadily decreased throughout Humphrey's term and several river patrols were similarly withdrawn once the US Navy turned over control of patrol areas to the South Vietnamese. However, Thiệu had extracted a promise from Humphrey that the American president would work to keep Saigon "free" and Humphrey made good on his promise by preventing Congress from taking a meat cleaver to funding for South Vietnam.
Once Humphrey died, however, Thiệu was left without a partner in Washington who could prevent Congress from finally washing its hands of Vietnam. Muskie, Humphrey’s successor, was unable or unwilling to lean on Speaker Carl Albert and Senate Majority Leader Mike Mansfield enough to prevent congressional Democrats from gutting the budget for American forces in Vietnam, forcing a pullout of almost all remaining American personnel there outside of the American embassy in Saigon by the end of 1976. George Bush, who Thiệu hoped would be more open to restoring vital American support for South Vietnam, had already written South Vietnam off as a lost cause. Bush, even if he had been willing to restore funding, lacked enough support in Congress to take such a drastic step against public opinion regarding Vietnam.
ARVN and the rest of South Vietnam began to crumble in 1976 as Hanoi, sensing weakness, began pushing further and further into South Vietnam. A May 1977 offensive that communist leader Lê Duẩn expected to be the set-up for the final campaign to take Saigon (tentatively scheduled for Tet 1978) turned into the final campaign itself as Southern forces, helped by an increasingly erratic Thiệu, collapsed in confusion and despair. After the final city on the road to Saigon fell in late September, Thiệu tearfully announced his resignation, handing power over to his vice president, Trần Văn Hương. Days later, CIA agents hustled Thiệu and his family onto a plane that took the former president to Taiwan, beginning his exile as Trần announced the South’s unconditional surrender less than a week after assuming the presidency.
Thiệu spent the first years of his exile in the United Kingdom before moving to the United States in the mid-1980s. His final years were spent largely as a recluse, only occasionally making public appearances or speaking out on Vietnamese issues, a large part due to his negative reputation among Vietnamese-Americans. He died of a heart attack in August 2000.
By 1963, however, Thiệu joined the rising tide of military officers who were opposed to Diệm and led the attack on the Gia Long Palace that resulted in Diệm's surrender— although the ousted president quickly fled and was later executed after being recaptured. Thiệu was granted a place in the military juntas that moved into the vacuum and, after several coup attempts led to generals being exiled or imprisoned, he gained prominence. Being named figurehead president, with general Nguyễn Cao Kỳ as the de facto leader, the pairing ended the leadership changes that had become common since Diệm's ouster. Bowing to American pressure to restore constitutional government, Kỳ was named as his vice presidential running mate in a military ticket in the 1967 election that Thiệu won.
Thiệu and Kỳ began feuding soon after they were elected, with Thiệu intent on becoming the undisputed leader of the south. Although the Tet Offensive greatly damaged the confidence in the South Vietnamese government and proved a fatal blow to the American public’s support for the war, Thiệu used the opportunity to remove Kỳ allies from power, a key point in the power struggle that saw Kỳ increasingly slide to irrelevance for the remainder of their term.
Thiệu was adamantly opposed to the peace talks that formed the "October Surprise" that resulted in Hubert Humphrey winning the 1968 election in the United States and repeatedly walked away from the negotiating table throughout late 1968 and 1969. Feeling forced into a corner by the new president's pledge to withdraw from Vietnam, Thiệu was a thorn in Humphrey and Secretary of State Clark Clifford's side throughout the Paris negotiations, adamantly refusing to sign an agreement that treated the National Liberation Front (NLF or Viet Cong) as a legitimate entity as well as refusing to allow North Vietnamese soldiers to remain in their current positions in South Vietnam. Thiệu's intransigence enraged Washington and Humphrey threatened to pull all American troops out of Vietnam, including those that had been planned to remain (mostly military advisers and river patrol teams) and cut off military aid entirely if Thiệu did not sign the agreement reached in Paris. Reluctantly, Thiệu acquiesced and the Paris Peace Agreement was signed in March 1970.
With a promise of American air support and continuing riverine support from Humphrey, Thiệu and South Vietnam were able to repel the Spring Offensive launched by the North in early 1972, but disastrous campaigns to retake parts of South Vietnam and disrupt the north's movements along the Ho Chi Minh Trail left the war in a stalemate. The north could not make meaningful headway while the ARVN's shortcomings and poor leadership meant that the south could not permanently dislodge the north. In this atmosphere, Thiệu cemented his one-man rule, crafting an election law that would disqualify Kỳ and his other major opponents for the 1971 contest. His opponents, widely assuming that Thiệu would rig the elections, boycotted them and Thiệu won as the only candidate on the ballot. Similarly, he would win the 1975 election (the last held in South Vietnam) unopposed.
Military aid to South Vietnam steadily decreased throughout Humphrey's term and several river patrols were similarly withdrawn once the US Navy turned over control of patrol areas to the South Vietnamese. However, Thiệu had extracted a promise from Humphrey that the American president would work to keep Saigon "free" and Humphrey made good on his promise by preventing Congress from taking a meat cleaver to funding for South Vietnam.
Once Humphrey died, however, Thiệu was left without a partner in Washington who could prevent Congress from finally washing its hands of Vietnam. Muskie, Humphrey’s successor, was unable or unwilling to lean on Speaker Carl Albert and Senate Majority Leader Mike Mansfield enough to prevent congressional Democrats from gutting the budget for American forces in Vietnam, forcing a pullout of almost all remaining American personnel there outside of the American embassy in Saigon by the end of 1976. George Bush, who Thiệu hoped would be more open to restoring vital American support for South Vietnam, had already written South Vietnam off as a lost cause. Bush, even if he had been willing to restore funding, lacked enough support in Congress to take such a drastic step against public opinion regarding Vietnam.
ARVN and the rest of South Vietnam began to crumble in 1976 as Hanoi, sensing weakness, began pushing further and further into South Vietnam. A May 1977 offensive that communist leader Lê Duẩn expected to be the set-up for the final campaign to take Saigon (tentatively scheduled for Tet 1978) turned into the final campaign itself as Southern forces, helped by an increasingly erratic Thiệu, collapsed in confusion and despair. After the final city on the road to Saigon fell in late September, Thiệu tearfully announced his resignation, handing power over to his vice president, Trần Văn Hương. Days later, CIA agents hustled Thiệu and his family onto a plane that took the former president to Taiwan, beginning his exile as Trần announced the South’s unconditional surrender less than a week after assuming the presidency.
Thiệu spent the first years of his exile in the United Kingdom before moving to the United States in the mid-1980s. His final years were spent largely as a recluse, only occasionally making public appearances or speaking out on Vietnamese issues, a large part due to his negative reputation among Vietnamese-Americans. He died of a heart attack in August 2000.
The 1988 United States Senate race in California would, like most elections that year, have been overshadowed by the presidential election between incumbent President Bob Dole and his Democratic challenger Walter D. Huddleston if not for one very notable candidate and the attention he brought to it. Incumbent Senator Robert Finch was viewed as vulnerable, especially as the state had begun to lose its status as a solidly Republican state (having gone Democratic three times in the last five elections). Despite hints that Finch would face a serious primary challenger from the right, none emerged after actor and pro-life activist Bob Dornan instead decided to run for (and eventually win) and open House seat.
The Democratic side was another story. Famous Star Trek actor George Takei, who had spent several short stints in local government between the series' cancellation in 1969 and the first Star Trek film's release in 1978, had thrown his hat into the ring shortly after the 1986 midterms finished. Takei's high name recognition, and charisma naturally lent him vaulting into the front of prospective Democratic candidates, deterring all but state Attorney General John Van de Kamp from dropping out as the primary date began. However, Takei’s candidacy had resulted in television stories in California not being able to air episodes of Star Trek that featured Takei's character, Hikaru Sulu under the "equal time" rule after protests from Van de Kamp (and Finch), leaving only 27 of the 79 episodes for Trekkies in the largest state in the country. It also resulted in the fifth film in the series, The King of Infinite Space, being the first not to feature the entire crew from the original series, as filming would take place primarily during the 1988 election season.
However, Takei's sexuality, while an open secret among Trek fans and in Hollywood, was not public knowledge before the campaign. Both Van de Kamp and Finch learned of Takei's homosexuality, but both refused to use it—at least until national Republican strategist Lee Atwater learned of it. Atwater quickly leaked the information to the press, who soon found corroboration from members of the Los Angeles gay community. Despite Takei having made no effort to either publicize or hide his sexuality, the actor soon found himself the target of a national firestorm, drawing homophobic protests at all his campaign events and eventually, having to be granted Secret Service protection after several death threats were lodged against him. His poll numbers against Finch declining and unwilling to keep living under constant armed guard, Takei withdrew and threw his support to Van de Kamp.
Atwater's plan worked by pitting Finch against a weaker candidate. But it failed to count the backlash to the treatment Takei endured after his outing. Even Californians who had little love of gay people were disgusted by the personable actor receiving death threats and Democratic campaign used video of angry crowds screaming homophobic slurs while interspersed with archive clips of Finch's speeches opposing gay rights to associate Finch with hateful bigots. Van de Kamp's mediocre campaigning abilities and Finch’s long-standing reputation in the state allowed the race to be close until election day.
Van de Kamp ended up winning by 180,000 votes in a race where 9.5 million were cast, a relatively slim margin that was undoubtedly helped out by Senator Huddleston's solid victory in the state and overwhelming support for the Democratic ticket from the gay community. Van de Kamp's term would be his only one, with him becoming one of the victims of the Republican wave of 1994. Takei, following the election, would return to acting and occasionally interject himself into Los Angeles politics. He would later return for the final Star Trek film featuring the crew of the original series (The Peace Conspiracy), and become one of the leading spokesmen for the gay rights movement in the United States. After California's legalization of same-sex marriage in 2010, Takei and his boyfriend would be among the first to get married, attended by family, admirers and his surviving crew members from the Enterprise.
The Democratic side was another story. Famous Star Trek actor George Takei, who had spent several short stints in local government between the series' cancellation in 1969 and the first Star Trek film's release in 1978, had thrown his hat into the ring shortly after the 1986 midterms finished. Takei's high name recognition, and charisma naturally lent him vaulting into the front of prospective Democratic candidates, deterring all but state Attorney General John Van de Kamp from dropping out as the primary date began. However, Takei’s candidacy had resulted in television stories in California not being able to air episodes of Star Trek that featured Takei's character, Hikaru Sulu under the "equal time" rule after protests from Van de Kamp (and Finch), leaving only 27 of the 79 episodes for Trekkies in the largest state in the country. It also resulted in the fifth film in the series, The King of Infinite Space, being the first not to feature the entire crew from the original series, as filming would take place primarily during the 1988 election season.
However, Takei's sexuality, while an open secret among Trek fans and in Hollywood, was not public knowledge before the campaign. Both Van de Kamp and Finch learned of Takei's homosexuality, but both refused to use it—at least until national Republican strategist Lee Atwater learned of it. Atwater quickly leaked the information to the press, who soon found corroboration from members of the Los Angeles gay community. Despite Takei having made no effort to either publicize or hide his sexuality, the actor soon found himself the target of a national firestorm, drawing homophobic protests at all his campaign events and eventually, having to be granted Secret Service protection after several death threats were lodged against him. His poll numbers against Finch declining and unwilling to keep living under constant armed guard, Takei withdrew and threw his support to Van de Kamp.
Atwater's plan worked by pitting Finch against a weaker candidate. But it failed to count the backlash to the treatment Takei endured after his outing. Even Californians who had little love of gay people were disgusted by the personable actor receiving death threats and Democratic campaign used video of angry crowds screaming homophobic slurs while interspersed with archive clips of Finch's speeches opposing gay rights to associate Finch with hateful bigots. Van de Kamp's mediocre campaigning abilities and Finch’s long-standing reputation in the state allowed the race to be close until election day.
Van de Kamp ended up winning by 180,000 votes in a race where 9.5 million were cast, a relatively slim margin that was undoubtedly helped out by Senator Huddleston's solid victory in the state and overwhelming support for the Democratic ticket from the gay community. Van de Kamp's term would be his only one, with him becoming one of the victims of the Republican wave of 1994. Takei, following the election, would return to acting and occasionally interject himself into Los Angeles politics. He would later return for the final Star Trek film featuring the crew of the original series (The Peace Conspiracy), and become one of the leading spokesmen for the gay rights movement in the United States. After California's legalization of same-sex marriage in 2010, Takei and his boyfriend would be among the first to get married, attended by family, admirers and his surviving crew members from the Enterprise.