Preparatory air attack, day 1.
On May 30th, 1961, at approximately 6:00 am local time, a fleet of fifteen B-26B Invader Bombers flew in the sky above three key points in Cuba.
Split into three groups of five bombers each, they attacked three airfields at San Antonio de los Baños and at Ciudad Libertad, as well as the Antonio Maceo International Airport at Santiago de Cuba.
Each plane was decorated as though it were a Cuban air force plane, as instructed by the CIA.
With no concrete forewarning as to an invasion attempt, Castro made no effort to have his planes hidden from the ar.
As such, targets were relatively easy to spot and destroy for the bombers.
However, in the course of the bombing run, one plane was shot down by anti-aircraft fire, resulting in the deaths of the crew Daniel Fernández Mon and Gaston Pére.
Despite the loss of one plane, the pilots would later report that they have destroyed every visible aircraft at the three airfields.
Not a flawless first strike, but overall a clear success.
Defense Secretary Nitze reached out to the President over the telephone.
Nitze: Mr President, we have news about the bombing of the Cuban airfields.
Kennedy: Go ahead, Paul.
Nitze: One plane was downed, but the rest made it back with minor damage at worst. Most are untouched.
Kennedy: Did they get Castro’s airplanes?
Nitze: It appears so, Mr President. Aircrews reported that they got hits on every visible target they could find.
Kennedy: Well, that sounds like good news. Let’s hope those planes are marked right. We don’t want to get the blame for this. Keep me informed. You call me the moment something goes wrong.
Nitze: Yes, Mr President.
-- A phone conservation between President Kennedy and Secretary Paul Nitze on the morning of May 30th, 1961.
It would be revealed in subsequent biographies published decades later that Kennedy had received the news about the first strike on Cuba while engaging in a liaison with Judith Exner at the time. This would represent one in a long line examples where Kennedy’s philandering intersected with his political life.
Regardless, the plan to topple Castro continued.
The man who fooled the world
At approximately 7:30 AM, local time, Miami International Airport received a distress call from a man claiming to be a defector from the Cuban air force, seeking political asylum in the United States.
Upon landing, he was greeted by government agents who whisked him away to an unknown location.
Statements attributed to him later circulated through the media. He claimed that his name was Juan Garcia and that he alongside three others had defected from Cuba and had bombed Castro’s airfields.
Inspection by the media did little to disprove “Garcia’s” claims. His plan had all the correct markings, the guns were positioned correctly, the paint looked suitably aged and it had bullet holes that suggested it had survived combat.
The truth, however, was that “Juan Garcia” was actually Mario Zúñiga, a Cuban exile who was posing as a defector.
His plan had been altered by the CIA to look genuine and by all accounts stood up to scrutiny.
Meanwhile, inside Cuba, Castro’s government was scrambling to respond. The bombing run on their airfields had caught the Cuban forces flat footed.
Castro had always believed the US would make a move eventually, but he had always told those in his inner circle that he expected to have a measure of forewarning.
However, there had been no forewarning when an unknown number of planes sporting Cuban markings had attacked his air forces.
And now, reports were coming in of a man claiming to be a defecting Cuban pilot.
“What is going on? Have we really had deserters?”
-- A quote attributed to Fidel Castro after hearing of the bombing run and “Juan Garcia’s” alleged defection.
Castro ordered pilots to sleep under their wings, so as to be prepared for immediate take offs.
However, all he got was stunned silence in response.
Castro: What are you waiting for?! Send out the order.
An unidentified aide: Sir, we are not sure if there are any planes left to sleep under.
-- An exchange between Castro and an unidentified aide, taken from ‘In The Shadow of Castro’ by William Taubman (2006)
By 10:30 AM, Cuban Foreign Minister Raúl Roa was before the United Nations, claiming that the US was behind the bombing.
UN Ambassador Adlai Stevenson denied any US involvement in the attack, presenting evidence of photos taken at Miami Airport that had showed what appeared to be a Cuban plane.
"Dr. Roa, speaking for Cuba, has just charged the United States with aggression against Cuba and invasion coming from Florida. These charges are totally false, and I deny them categorically."
-- Ambassador Stevenson, addressing the UN
However, he made no mention of whether or not the US would rule out sending troops to assist the rebels. This deliberate silence on the issue was made at the request of the President himself.
President Kennedy in a later statement, concurred with the Ambassador and was vague on the question of overt US involvement:
"I have emphasized before that this was a struggle of Cuban patriots against a Cuban dictator. While we could not be expected to hide our sympathies, we have no intention to involve American armed forces in the present effort to oust Castro.”
-- A comment made by John F. Kennedy to the press, May 30th, 1961.
Nakita Kruschev made a public statement condemning events in Cuba and cancelled the upcoming Vienna summit with Kennedy, scheduled for June 4th, 1961.
“The actions by the warmongering President Kennedy constitute a grave act of aggression on the free people of Cuba. We will not meet in Vienna unless he stops all aggression against Cuba and apologizes for his part in it. Failure to do so will invite the wrath of the Soviet Union.”
-- Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev in response to the events of May 30th, 1961.
The United States simply ignored the bluster of Kruschev and prepared for the second phase of Operation Zapata.
Preparatory air attack, day 2.
In the early morning hours of May 31st, 1961, Kennedy greenlit a second bombing run of Castro’s airfields.
This bombing run would be smaller in scope, consisting of nine planes divided evenly among three groups.
Such an attack on a smaller scale would make it easier to maintain plausible deniability on the part of the United States.
However, Castro had prepared his air defences for a second bombing run.
As a result, two rebel planes were shot down, killing the crews. One living rebel was recovered from the wreckage of a downed plane, but he soon died of his injuries.
All the same, the pilot reports indicated that this second run had hit few targets. This gave the US the impression that the initial run had been successful, and the second run had not been necessary.
Defense Secretary Nitze later said of the second bombing run:
“It is preferable that we use too much airpower, compared to too little.”
Following this, two diversionary landings were conducted at locations near Baracoa and Bahía Honda, respectively.
This involved sending flotillas of equipment containing equipment that produced sounds mimicking a shipborne invasion.
Later reports would reveal that these flotillas had the desired effect of confusing the Cuban military. Castro himself had set out to lead the attack against what he believed to be an invading force, only to find that he had been fooled.
As the Castro regime struggled to respond to what they presumed to be an impending invasion, the CIA backed exiles, known as Brigade 2506, prepared for the assault.
They traveled on a fleet of freighter ships, equipped with anti-aircraft guns, and escorted by American destroyers to Rendezvous Point Zulu, 40 miles south of Cuba.
Meanwhile, Castro spent his time preparing his military forces for an impending invasion.
He had ordered his troops to conduct mass arrests of anyone suspected of being disloyal to the Castro government. Small pockets of resistance fought back, emboldened by what they viewed was an impending US invasion, but few lasted long.
As troops moved to crush descent, Castro began organising his defenses.
Raul Castro would operate in Oriente province.
Che Guevara was to prepare in the west, near Pinar del Rio.
Juan Almeida Bosque was to lead the Central Army out of its headquarters in Santa Clara.
Ramiro Valdes would be responsible for Intelligence and Counterintelligence duties.
Finally, Guillermo García Frías would operate out of the tactical center of Managua in Havana.
Castro knew instinctively that the coming days would define the Cuban Revolution in the eyes of history.
He welcomed the chance to prove to the world that a united Cuban people could overcome anything. Even the might of the United States.
The Invasion Begins
At approximately 00:10, two companies of CIA trained paratroops dropped from transport ships behind enemy lines, not far from where the Cuban exiles would soon land.
Their mission was straightforward – they were to make their way to the Punta Perdiz radio outpost, which was the closest to the invasion point, and secure it. This would prevent world from spreading about the invasion and give Brigade 2506 the element of surprise.
The initial jump and landing proved successful enough. Teams had landed slightly further away from the target then intended, but delays would be minor at best.
Still, even the slightest miscalculation could result in the failure of the entire effort.
The paratroops reported seeing only a single convoy pass through while making their way to the radio station, which was easily avoided on their part.
They eventually reached the radio station and captured it, as instructed.
One of the paratroopers would later recount this event in the award winning 2010 documentary
Cuba by Ken Burns:
“We rushed the men controlling the radio before they had a chance to grab their weapons. There were many more of us than they were of them. My commanding officer told me to cut their throats, so I did. I still have the knife.”
[The man proceeds to show an old knife to the camera]
“Perhaps you cannot understand how someone could kill so casually. But it was war, and I was fighting for my home. They would have done the same to me.”
A quick flash of a signal light from the shore was all the follow-up teams needed to know that the initial phase of the plan was a success.
At 01:40 on June 1, 1961, the transport ships carrying CIA-backed Cuban exiles made their way to Playa Girón (codenamed Blue Beach) and Playa Larga (code-named Red Beach).
CIA planners had hoped the existence of coral would lead Cubans to believe the US would not attempt to land in the area.
It appeared they were correct. Frogmen conducting reconnaissance found no trace of anyone that might spot them. Castro’s forces were spread thin across the island, preparing to invade while also trying to quickly quell domestic rebellion.
As a precaution, boats were equipped with specialized ramps to help overcome the natural obstacles presented by the terrain.
Unfortunately, one of the ramps failed to deploy, slowing down the effort to unload troops. Some decided to leap overboard and wade their way to shore, to expatiate the process.
This setback would prove costly however, when it was reported to Juan Almeida that contact had been lost with the Punta Perdiz outpost. Unable to re-establish contact with the radio outpost, he got word to Castro.
He was not about to take any chances.
“Send the militia from Matanzas Province toward Playa Larga. Dispatch three battalions from Las Villas Province to guard roads through the swamp. Put the men at the Central Australia Sugar Mill on alert!”
-- Orders given by Fidel Castro after being alerted to the possible start of the invasion
A small team of militia troops set out from Australia, Cuba in a jeep to act as a reconnaissance team.
Sure enough, what they found confirmed Castro’s worst fears. Transport ships unloading troops and equipment at two beaches, Playa Girón and Playa Larga.
The invasion of Cuba had begun.
Kennedy’s gamble
Kennedy: Paul, do you have news on Cuba?
Nitze: Yes, Mr President. No reports of any Cuban aircraft activity. It seems like the bombings were successful in wiping out Castro’s air force.
Kennedy: Excellent. How goes the effort on the beach head?
Nitze: They’re encountering resistance to the north. By all accounts the Brigade seems to be advancing . It, uh - looks like…the beach head is under friendly control.
Kennedy: So we should be hearing their radio message shortly?
Nitze: Most likely, Mr President. Some radio equipment was soaked during the landing, but much of it appears to be in working order. They’ve also captured a Cuban radio post.
Kennedy: Right. I hope they remember that speech we prepared for them. I’ll give a speech of my own on television to get the people on side for this.
Nitze: Of course, sir.
Kennedy: Let’s hope Congress goes for this. Goodbye, Mr Secretary. Let me know if anything changes.
-- A telephone conversation between President Kennedy and Secretary of Defense, Paul Nitze.
Back in Cuba, Castro had received reports that fighting had broken out at Playa Girón and Playa Larga. By all accounts, his forces were being pushed back.
Castro would not allow the revolution to fall so easily. He would fight alongside his fellow revolutionaries. If Cuba was to fall, so would he.
Across the island, Pepe San Román prepared to give a speech he hoped would bring the United States into Cuba and oust the villain Fidel Castro.
“Hello. To the nations of the world, I announce on behalf of the people of Cuba, the following message – Fidel Castro is a false dictator who oppresses the Cuban people. He has murdered thousands, stolen land and robbed us of our freedom. Thus, we have been left with no choice but to take up arms and revolt against this illegitimate government.
We announce to the world that we represent The Free Republic of Cuba. We are the one, true government in Cuba, led by our President, Manuel Francisco Artime Buesa.
I call upon the people of Cuba to rise up! Now is the time to overthrow the mad dictator Fidel Castro.
We invite all free nations of the world to join us in our crusade to secure peace and freedom for all Cuban people. By the grace of God and the will of noble people, we will prevail.”
-- Pepe San Román’s radio announcement to Cuba and the world.
By all accounts, the Cuban exiles had done their part. Now it was up to Kennedy’s to do his.
At approximately 8:00 AM, John F. Kennedy gave an address to the American people in response to this radio message.
“Hello, my fellow Americans.
By now I am sure many of you are aware of a number of developments out of Cuba. The first, as many of you have seen and read about, was the arrival of a Cuban pilot in the United States, claiming to have been a participant in a rebellion effort against Castro’s regime.
Further developments have proven that this man is far from the only patriot to have risen up against Castro. We have verified reports that thousands of Cuban soldiers have joined in the struggle to redeem the independence of their homeland.
They have planted their flag in the ground on behalf of The Free Republic of Cuba, announcing to the world that they are an autonomous, independent nation represented by a new interim leader, Jose Miro Cardona.
They have invited the allies of freedom to join them in their quest to rid their nation, and the world, of Castro’s reign of terror.
As Americans, we can all appreciate an oppressed people standing up and claiming freedom for themselves, in the face of impossible odds.
To aide in the establishment of a new democracy and deliver an opposed people from tyranny, I believe, speaks to the most sacred beliefs we hold as Americans.
Only the strong, only the industrious, only the determined, only the courageous, only the visionary who determine the real nature of our struggle can possibly survive.
But no nation can survive, or is born, entirely on its own.
Indeed, we did not win the American Revolution alone, but it was most certainly ours to win.
Any involvement by American military force will not be one foreign nation imposing itself on another, but instead be the act of one friendly nation, aiding a struggling neighbor.
Therefore, as President, I am requesting that the United States Congress grant me the authority as Commander-in-Chief to send our armed forces to assist our fledgling ally.”
-- President John F. Kennedy’s address to the American people on the Cuban situation, June 1, 1961.
The White House and the newly created Free Republic of Cuba waited with bated breath to see if Congress would give the President authority. Only time would tell.