...This Must Be Belfast
  • 3k4UN9QnXgYmxeHTjQ5xmtEBDtiOR5YWmoyYSLWOo6dKVpLZrCvwPjYKlsdH20MEEY4r-w9EIAbIYcOdjxv47tIE-MaShVOZYO_3rwWdGuN-6kLqDJanR_wWJQHBfmraCK9L0zTC


    "Mr. Sands was a common street thug, a terrorist who starved himself for the selfish reason of Irish Republicanism. I don't consider him to be anything other than a criminal, exactly like that loony who assassinated President Reagan."

    -Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, in response to a journalist's question on her thoughts of Bobby Sands, 6 May, 1981

    "Belfast was already a powder keg doused in gasoline. If the death of Bobby Sands was the fuel for the massive firestorm that would follow, Ms. Thatcher's comments, equating Sands, who had been seen as a hero by the Irish minority in Ulster, with the crazed assassin of Ronald Reagan, was the match."

    -Larry Mullen Jr., narrator of the 2003 BBC Panorama special This Is Ireland: A Short History of The Troubles

    "Prime Minister...
    -Yes, Clive?
    Yes, have you heard? There's a situation down in Belfast..."

    -Exchange between Principal Private Secretary to the Prime Minister Clive Whitmore and Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, on the eve of 6 May, 1981

    KJGH06Sdvd2Rk5WwiEwgUm-VXdnOZEptNGWdOGNcPm_0N00VsRpMzTHEelW8QJPK1jtBeDqeUdwbHATITLe0JU2Jb2bHUtZ6UJtzEo8ZlIZQMvSJcXUCSpfMZ9tx9FpGrqGJjO1U


    "We... are in Belfast, right now... [Gunshots] And it is a literal war-zone here..."

    -Brian Barron, BBC War Correspondent reporting from Belfast, 7 May, 1981

    "Remember 1916, boys! Tans out!"

    -Overheard statement from an IRA member leading a charge into the predominantly Protestant district of Shankill, Belfast

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    "On that night alone, 150 buildings were torched. Mass charges of enraged Republicans stampeded into Protestant neighborhoods, the Loyalists fought back. By morning, 37 had died on both sides, and thousands were injured. The Battle of Belfast, as the Republicans called it, was a giant slap in the face to the British Government, who immediately went into damage control."

    -Larry Mullen Jr., narrator of the 2003 BBC Panorama special This Is Ireland: A Short History of The Troubles

    “Send them in, Ed.
    -What?
    You heard me, send the men in. Now.”

    -Excerpt from a telephone conversation between Prime Minister Thatcher and Chief of the General Staff Sir Edwin Bramall

    l3jLUzjC8z0y4d4HmP-k0Yky6F9CEDV2w6A0dIKkF_SVrDa_u-cjenv30XgkInwV-ujHjOlUVhCeBF1jm9f_seXqC65uZkVB1fuBbhXKuepUTyYYq0P6L_DhaVJc87ICYxcS2Cmm


    "PRIME MINISTER SENDS ARMY INTO BELFAST"

    -The Washington Post, 9 May, 1981

    “The city, which has been the epicenter for sectarian violence for decades, lit up two days earlier. The British government has declared the situation, which has killed an estimated 50 people and destroyed or damaged around a quarter of the town, a nation-wide state of emergency.”

    -CBS Evening News, 10 May, 1981

    "The most important thing to note during all this is that, although Mrs. Thatcher could have been better versed in her opinion of Mr. Sands, he was a terrorist, who did, after all, willingly kill himself. We do not wish to stir up the pot even more, but I, and President Bush, believes that martyrdom of a terrorist."

    -Secretary of State Alexander Haig in a statement to the Press, 10 May, 1981

    “I swear, if you’d put pictures of Belfast west of the Lough and pictures of Baghdad… you’d find them to be exactly the same.”

    -Retired British Army Lance-Corporal David Jones, interviewed on the 2003 BBC Panorama special This Is Ireland: A Short History of The Troubles
     
    Ch-Ch-Changes
  • May 23
    Washington D.C.

    A_Meeting.jpg


    Secretary of State Alexander Haig nervously lit a cigar.

    "Well? What the fuck are we gonna do?"

    Haig, Chief of Staff James A. Baker, White House Counsel Fred Fielding, Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger and National Security Advisor Richard Allen were seated on a table in the smoke-filled Roosevelt Room. On the table were stacks of pictures of prominent Republican senators, governors and representatives.

    Baker spoke up. "Senator Quayle," passing the Polaroid copy of the official portrait of the Indianan towards the middle of the antique oak table.

    "Seriously?" Weinberger replied.

    "He's a moderate. I think he's the best choice."

    "Yeah, and so was Anderson. Your point being?”

    Fielding added in: “He’s an idiot. Nice haired, mind you, but an idiot.”

    Allen drew an ‘x’ on the picture and slid it to a pile of similarly crossed-out pictures.

    Haig spoke up. “Well? anyone else?”

    Baker sighed, and pulled out yet another photograph.

    “Senator Stevens.”

    Haig took the cigar out of his mouth, and sighed out a puff of smoke as he nodded to the Chief of Staff. He put the picture onto another, much smaller stack of photographs.

    By the end of the day, the vice presidential shortlist was passed to President Bush.

    -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

    Moscow

    Chairman of the Committee for State Security Andropov was seated in an armchair in his dacha, reading from a dispatch from Lubyanka. He felt a headache brewing in his head as he tried to focus in on the pale grey letters on the piece of paper in the darkness from the Russian twilight.

    Andropov continued to read through his progressively intensifying neuralgia, until an officer came up to him.

    "Comrade Andropov."

    The Chairman replied in a semi-slurred tone. "At ease."

    "General Petrov wishes to speak with you on the telephone."

    "Well, bring him in."

    The chairman left the living room of the summer home for the telephone, and Andropov returned to reading the KGB dispatch. The pain in his head felt even stronger, the Cyrillic letters on the sheet of India paper had become smudged and fuzzy. He put down the sheet onto a counter and held his eyes, his ears picking up a high-pitched ringing sound.

    "Comrade Andropov,"

    The officer held a teal-colored rotary phone in his hands, a black cord coming from behind it and into the kitchen of the dacha.

    "Thank you."

    Andropov picked the handset up.

    "Privet, General."

    Vasiliy Ivanovich Petrov noticed the Chairman's garbling tone in his voice.

    "Comrade, are you okay?"

    "What?"

    "You sound..."

    At that moment, Chairman Andropov's eyes rolled back into his head and he slumped into his armchair, spilling his glass of coffee onto the wooden floor and the telephone onto the tan-colored carpet. He had just had a severe embolic stroke.

    But General Petrov was unaware of this from his office in Stavropol. Neither was the officer tending to the Chairman's needs, lighting a cigarette in the nearby kitchen.

    "Comrade?"

    -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

    Vatican City

    A massive crowd had gathered in St. Peter's Square. Pope John Paul II was to pass through the square, full of adoring supporters.

    The Pope emerged from St. Peter’s Basilica in Vatican City, ready for his weekly audience in the square. Thousands of people, from all corners of the globe, were waiting for a glimpse, a photo or perhaps even a touch from the adored spiritual leader of the Catholic Church. At about 4:50 p.m., the Pope stepped into the white open jeep, a brand-new Fiat Campagnola, specifically made for him, often nicknamed as the “Popemobile,” and rode around the elliptical-shaped plaza, weaving through the festive crowd.

    Seconds_Before_Disaster.jpg


    The jeep stopped on the southwest side of the Basilica steps, just as it always did. Hands, cameras and crosses extended from the crowd.

    And so did an explosion.

    A pressure cooker bomb, hidden inside a black backpack in the southeast corner, behind one of the Basilica's multiple colonnades, exploded in a frightening blast, sending the crowd of nearly 550,000 people bolting away in fear and causing severe damage to the entrance of the nearly 500-year old building.

    At the same time, Pope John Paul II clutched his chest and slumped into the arms of his aids in the Popemobile as bright red stains slowly extended across his white cassock. Karol Józef Wojtyła had been shot.

    The assassination of the Pope brought back painful memories of the Reagan assassination, just months before. Joint-Italian and Vatican gendarmerie were on the scene by 6:00, desperately pouring over the scene to try find evidence of the assassin or assassins.

    But the assassins, two Turkish men, in fact, who had in fact planned the attack ten days earlier, had already escaped.

    The international manhunt that followed was unprecedented at its scale, and the largest ever; that is, until the nineties.
     
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    Ch-Ch-Changes
  • "Good evening. I'd intended to make some remarks about the decision-making process in this historic determination, but, uh, no. [Laughter]

    I've instead decided to instead make some remarks about my predecessor; Mr. Ronald Reagan.

    President Reagan was a kind man, one who I was grateful to work under. He had a vision, a clear vision to pull America out of the crises that we were stuck with by the Carter administration. And, I promise, to all you you here, to all American people, that I will continue to hold that torch, and not let the spirit of the American people be snuffed out.

    And that's what led my decision; who will continue the legacy of the ideals of Reagan. And I believe I have made the correct decision.

    And, without further ado, I announce my new vice-president: Mr. Howard Baker."

    [Cheering]

    -Statement by George H. W. Bush at the Vice-Presidential Nomination ceremony, 25 May, 1981

    "There were ten other candidates: Senators Ted Stevens, Bob Dole, Charles Mathias, and Charles Percy, Governors James R. Thompson and Dick Thornburgh, Representatives Guy Vander Jagt and Jack Kemp, White House Chief of Staff James Baker, Secretary of Transportation Andrew L. Lewis Jr. and Director of the CIA William J. Casey. Did Bush choose the right person? Probably. Who knows what a Thornburgh vice-presidency, or a Dole vice-presidency would look like? I don't think there's anyone who can really answer that."

    -Quotation from Mississippi Boy: Life in the White House 1981-1988 by Former White House Press Secretary Larry Speakes

    Pope_Funeral.jpg


    "TENS OF MILLIONS ATTEND FUNERAL OF POPE JOHN PAUL II"

    -L'Osservatore Romano (translated from the original Italian), 27 May, 1981

    "Good. I am fully glad that this devil-worshipping, spiritual-fornicating Romanist is in Hell! Now's only hoping that those Irish Republican Army madmen Adams and McGuiness join him and their communist friend Sands sooner than later!"

    -Remarks by Democratic Unionist Party leader Ian Paisley on the death of Pope John Paul II, 28 May, 1981

    "PAPAL ELECTIONS 'UNDER INTENSE PRESSURE,' VATICAN INSIDER SAYS"

    -The Times, 29 May, 1981

    "BAKER VICE PRESIDENTIAL NOMINATION PASSES SENATE 67-33"

    -The Washington Post, 30 May, 1981

    "BANGLADESHI PRESIDENT ASSASSINATED, RIOTS REPORTED IN CAPITAL OF DHAKA"

    -The Guardian, 30 May, 1981

    "I do solemnly affirm that I will support and defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic; that I will bear true faith and allegiance to the same; that I take this obligation freely, without any mental reservation or purpose of evasion; and that I will well and faithfully discharge the duties of the office on which I am about to enter: So help me God."

    -Howard Baker giving the Oath of Office during his Swearing-In at the Western Front of the U.S. Capitol, 1 June, 1981

    Bangla-_Desh.png


    "We have just gotten in reports that the British Embassy in Bangladesh has been forced to evacuate following violence in the midst of a brutal spasm of violence as a result of the assassination of Bangladeshi Premier Ziaur Rahman..."

    -Transmission from BBC Radio 4, 2 June, 1981

    "Annuntio vobis gaudium magnum:
    Habemus Papam!
    Eminentissimum ac reverendissimum Dominum,
    Dominum Giuseppe Sanctæ Romanæ Ecclesiæ Cardinalem Siri,
    Qui sibi nomen imposuit Gregorius."

    -Statement by Protodeacon Umberto Mozzoni, upon the election of the Pope, 2 June, 1981

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    Nupedia-Infobox-A-II.png

    Nupedia-Infobox-A-I.png


    The papal conclave of 1981 was triggered by the assassination of Pope John Paul II on the 23rd of May. The conclave to elect John Paul II's successor began on the 30th of May, and ended three days later, on the 2nd of June, after four ballots.

    Three days after the funeral of Pope John Paul II, on the 26th of May, the doors of the Sistine Chapel were sealed and the conclave commenced. It was divided between three particularly strong candidates for the papacy: Giuseppe Siri, the more conservative Archbishop of Genoa, the moderate figure Franz König, the Archbishop of Vienna and the more liberal Giovanni Benelli, Archbishop of Florence.

    Siri ultimately defeated Benelli and König on the eighth ballot on the third day with, according to the Italian press, 91 votes from the 111 participating electors. He accepted his election with these words: "With obedience in faith to Christ, my Lord, I fully accept."

    The cardinals elected Siri as the new pope. He accepted his election and took the pontifical name of Gregory XVII.

    (Accessed from Nupedia, The Online Encyclopedia, 2018)
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    Jello Biafra sat on the phone, confused and wide-eyed.

    "Wait, what the hell?"

    "That's right. They said they wanted in."

    Jello snorted. He set the phone down right next to the bottle of Anchor Steam beer that he had spat out when first hearing the news. For some, strange, screwed-up reason, a label wanted them. Not just any label, RC-goddamned-A. The monolithic mega-label. The label with the dog on it. 'Big Music,' many in the scene called it.

    He was almost instinctively obligated to refuse. After all, nothing would be more sell-out, more establishment, more anti-resistance, than siding with big business. Why the hell did the same label that published shit like Cher and George Strait want to sign the Dead Kennedys, of all bands?

    Little did any of the San Francisco hardcore punk four-piece know, the fateful day Reagan was assassinated, a bootleg copy of one of the band's songs, "Moon Over Marin,” had floated around before inexplicably landing on the desk of one of the offices of the Music Corporation of America in Sunset Strip. Somehow this track wasn't immediately discarded and was actually sent up to the higher-ups. The head of RCA's California branch, loving the track, decided to reach their label manager, Michael Bonanno, and offered them a record deal, thinking of them as some American version of The Clash, left-wing political lyrics over atmospheric, reggae-infused punk, a massive difference considering the band had compared Governor Jerry Brown to Adolf Hitler and whose lead singer had ran for mayor under a platform of forcing businessmen to wear clown suits and building statues of Dan White to throw fruit at.

    But then Biafra, sitting in his small, cluttered San Francisco apartment overlooking the bay, had an epiphany. Why the fuck not? If some dickhead in L.A. was stupid enough to think that the Dead Kennedys of all bands was worth signing, go right ahead.

    Why not subvert the whole system inside out? Why even bother with releasing material on Alternative Tentacles? A small label isn't more or less capitalist as a giant. Both of them want to make money, after all.

    "Y'know what, let's do it, Mike."

    "Y'sure?"

    "Yeah. Why the hell not? Let's have some fun while we still can, piss about with the 'kings of music.'"

    Bonanno was also just as confused, if not more so by Biafra's unexplained enthusiasm to apparently happily sell out.

    "Okay... I-I'll tell them that."

    "This year is going to be fun, alright."
     
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    Mad Libyas
  • Hoh boy. Shit is about to get real with Libya.

    How right you are @Knightmare o_O...

    -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

    19 August

    Over the Gulf of Sidra
    Mi_Gor_Summat.jpg

    Commander Henry ‘Hank’ Kleemann and Lieutenant David ‘DJ’ Venlet circled their F-14 Tomcat around for a kill against the two Soviet-made Libyan Su-22’s that had fired at them.

    Kleeman toggled to his sidewinder air-to-air missiles and prepared to fire one at each plane. He looked out of the canopy, towards the other American jet with them, Fast Eagle 107. He waved towards the pilot of the jet, Lieutenant Lawrence “Music” Muczynski.

    Music waiving back was the last thing Kleemann would see of either the jet and everyone inside the fighter before the starboard wing of the jet was torn off by an AA-2 Atoll missile, and the Fast Eagle was sent into a spiraling nosedive towards the dark blue waters of the Mediterranean Sea so far below them.

    The shootdown happened so fast and unexpectedly, Kleemann could only mutter out a shocked “Oh shit… Music’s been hit” to Mission Control.

    Even if either of Fast Eagle 107’s crew had tried to eject, the subsequent NTSB investigation found that the canopy had been too damaged by the explosion to work normally.

    The dogfight would be remembered as an attack against America that would go down in infamy, not unlike the events of 1941 or 1991; and as the basis for the death of Anthony Edwards’ character Nick “Goose” Bradshaw in the 1986 film Top Gun.

    --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

    The following day…
    Washington
    Father_Bush.jpg

    President Bush insisted on addressing the nation of the Gulf of Sidra incident as soon as he was notified about it, roughly at about 7:00 a.m. in the morning.

    He spoke from the East Room of the White House, an American flag placed prominently in the background.

    “My fellow Americans.

    Yesterday, two rogue jets belonging to the state of Libya unexpectedly encountered and attacked two of our American air force planes. The skirmish led to the deaths of two American nationals. My heart aches for the families of the two men who gave their lives attempting to protect the values that we as a nation stand by and for.

    Colonel Gaddafi is not only an enemy of the United States, but a cruel despotic warlord. His record of subversion and aggression against the neighboring states in Africa is well documented and well known. He has ordered the murder of fellow Libyans in countless countries. He has sanctioned acts of terror in Africa, Europe and the Middle East, as well as numerous other places in the Western Hemisphere.

    And I’m sure that today most Libyans are ashamed and disgusted that this man has made their country a synonym for barbarism around the world. I’ve known many Libyan people in my time and experience as director of Central Intelligence, and I can assure each and every one of you that he Libyan people are decent people caught in the grip of a tyrant.

    This is an attack on America. And we will retaliate with fire and fury like Colonel Gaddafi has never seen the likes of before.

    Thank you for your time, and may God bless America.”

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    Tripoli
    Gaddafior_Qaddafior_Whoever.jpg

    Colonel Gaddafi stood on a stage in Green Square, located in the centre of the capital of Tripoli, surrounded by Libyan military troops and a massive crowd of adoring men, women and children. The square was packed with people, speakers on all sides that, on regular days, would broadcast readings of Colonel Gaddafi’s The Green Book, but today they would be switched off. The enigmatic dictator, clad in a pair of sweat-stained white fatigues and his trademark black sunglasses, addressed the crowd.

    “Citizens!

    Yesterday, the Western imperialists of the United States of America attempted to invade our territorial waters!”

    The crowd jeered in disgust.

    “Throughout my leadership, both you and I have been working tirelessly to sustain the Great Socialist People’s Arab Jamahiriya as a place built on equality, fraternity and liberty!”

    The crowd cheered.

    “And, through hard work, propriety and dedication, we, the Arab people, have been successful in our endeavors!”

    The crowd cheered once more, louder this time.

    “But fear not, citizens! For our brothers in the air force have snuffed out this blatant attempt at war-mongering by the west!”

    Again, the crowd, under the thumb of the African Colonel, cheered loudly.

    And at that moment, a private in the Libyan army pulled back a green curtain from behind the powerful dictator, showing an image of the downed American jet. A shot that would forever live in infamy. Gaddafi pointed to the picture.

    “These are the ‘great’ Americans that we need to fear? The ones that we shoot down like the dogs they are?”

    Even louder praise was expressed by the crowd. Colonel Gaddafi could barely finish his speech over the praised shouts of the men and women in front of him.

    “We will not stand for western aggression and assimilation!”

    And thus, the image of Gaddafi as an anti-American, terroristic despot was ingrained in the minds of people all around the world.
     
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    Preparation...
  • “I’ve just got instructions from the Department of Defense… you’d better forward this to the boys at Bragg…”

    -Excerpt from a telephone conversation between Deputy Secretary of Defense Frank Carlucci and General John R. Guthrie, 11 October, 1981

    “[...]
    Yes, I know they’re a bunch of bad apples.
    [...]
    I know he’s a nutter - a real commie. Why don’t we try to stop them, George?
    [...]
    Right… well, if we’re talking realistically, if you do that - we’ll help shut them down and get rid of your problem.
    [...]
    Splendid.”

    -Excerpt from a telephone conversation between British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and President George H. W. Bush, 11 October, 1981

    “MUBARAK CONFIRMED AS PRIME MINISTER”

    -al-Ahram, 13 October, 1981

    “BUSH, THATCHER, MITTERRAND, SPADOLINI TO MEET IN CAMP DAVID FOR ‘SECRET MEETING’”

    -CNN news ticker, 14 October, 1981

    “REPORT ON DEATH OF PRESIDENT REAGAN RELEASED TO THE PUBLIC”

    -The Washington Post, 16 October, 1981

    “We, the signatories of the Federal Commission on the Inquest of the Assassination of President Ronald Wilson Reagan, find that the assassination of the President, as well as the wounding of White House Press Secretary James Scott Brady and Officer Thomas K. Delahanty, was committed by a single individual, John Warnock Hinckley, Junior, with the .22 caliber revolver discovered on the assassin’s person at the time of arrest. We find no evidence that John Warnock Hinckley, Junior was involved with any person, persons or group in a conspiracy to assassinate the President, although the possibility of such involvement cannot be conclusively ruled out at this moment.”

    -Text of the Burger Report

    JefferyHBoss@nextmail.com: I’m sorry, no evidence for Bush orchestrating the killing?
    • Bush advised Reagan to meet with labor union members on March 30th. Bush just-so happened to cancel his plans to attend a meeting in Texas.

    • Bush, prior to him being appointed Vice-President, was head of the CIA, and reportedly used his ties to the CIA even when he was out of power. I’m sure fellow users can tell where this is going...

    • Bush was unhappy with his role in the White House, seeing himself as a moderate in a cabinet full of neo-conservative elites.

    • Bush’s family was well-associated with the Hinkley’s [sic], with both families being prominent Texan dynasties, and Neil Bush, the Vice-President’s son, even having plans for dinner with Scott Hinkey [sic], the assassin’s older brother. Bush would have likely known about John’s mental instability.
    Honestly it isn’t too far-fetched to think that Bush killed Ronnie to get into power, especially if one considers the actions he did while in power.”

    -Excerpt from a thread on Usenet newsgroup “alt.conspiracy.reagan,” accessed 4 January, 1999

    “JELLO BIAFRA: THE MAN, THE MADNESS, THE MUSIC”

    -NME, 17 October, 1981

    “‘TOP SECRET’ MILITARY BILL PASSES CONGRESS 59-39-2”

    -Roll Call, 18 October, 1981

    “Yes, questions.
    -Secretary Speakes, what is the military bill that has been set towards the Senate?
    *sigh* Listen, I cannot confirm any information about the act toward the public…
    [various angry shouts]
    ...under the decree of the Department of Defense.
    -[Inaudible jeering continues]
    I don’t run this place, okay! I don’t make the rules here…”

    -Segment from a White House Press Briefing hosted by White House Press Secretary Larry Speakes, broadcast nationally on C-SPAN, 19 October, 1981

    “‘I DON’T RUN THIS PLACE!’: SPEAKES’ SHOCKING ADMISSION ON ANARCHIC ADMINISTRATION”

    -The New York Post, 20 October, 1981

    “I personally blame the ‘Speakesgate’ fiasco, as some called it, on the liberal media. They willingly took a quote of mine out of context and made it appear as if I was referring to the new Bush administration. In reality; our administration was strong in the face of the murder of President Reagan, despite many of us coming into conflict politically with President Bush.

    It was simply false, such a non-issue. It was a terminological inexactitude, as Al Haig would put it. Yet, especially after Libya, the media wanted a way to vent their anger against our American government by any means necessary, even through news-spinning that hinged on libel.”

    -Quotation from Mississippi Boy: Life in the White House 1981-1988 by Former White House Press Secretary Larry Speakes

    “FIREFIGHTS ON THE JAMUNA RIVER, PRESIDENT SATTAR DENIES 'A COUP'”

    -The Times of India, 20 October, 1981

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    October (U2 Album)

    October.png


    October is the second album from Irish band U2, released on the 23 October, 1981. It was produced by Steve Lillywhite, recorded at Compass Point Studios in the Bahamas, and later, Windmill Lane Studios in Dublin, Ireland, and released on Island Records. The album was planned to have been inspired by band members’ Bono, the Edge and Larry Mullen, Jr.’s experiences in a Christian group called “the Shalom Fellowship,” but the record ended up pertaining more overt political messages and references [citation needed] than their previous albums; based primarily on the Troubles and the Shankill Riots. In a 2006 interview, the Edge later quipped: “our second album… it began as an album about God and ended as an album about Belfast.”

    The album was beset by a troubled production phase; with numerous delays, the theft of a lyric book earlier during the Boy Tour (which was later returned) and the band experiencing a crisis of faith. Lillywhite, reprising his role as the producer of U2’s debut album Boy, called the sessions “chaotic and mad.” [citation needed]

    Track Listing:
    (Track Number, Title, Length. All tracks written by U2.)

    SIDE ONE
    1. Gloria,” 4:14
    2. I Fall Down,” 3:39
    3. The River lagan.,” 3:21
    4. Tomorrow,” 4:39
    5. I Threw A Brick Through A Window,” 4:54
    6. Fire,” 3:48
    SIDE TWO
    1. October,” 2:21
    2. J. Swallo,” 2:18
    3. Stranger In A Strange Land,” 3:56
    4. Is That All?,” 2:59
    5. The Rest of Us,” 6:51
    Total Length: 46:21

    The album begins with “Gloria,” a record described as “Invisible Girls-esque” [by whom?], showing off the religious symbolism with its Latin chorus of ‘Gloria in te Domine / Gloria exultate” (Glory to you, Lord / Glory, exalt [him]). The next track, “I Fall Down,” expands U2’s musical palate, pairing a more mainstream rock-style that would eventually dominate their career with cryptic lyrics. “The River lagan.” is one of U2’s overtly political songs, with references to Bobby Sands and the Shankill Riots. The following song, “Tomorrow,” is a somber ode written by Bono about his deceased mother, featuring Uilleann and the Edge on piano. “I Threw A Brick Through A Window” continues with cryptic lyrics over instrumentals that highlight drummer Larry Mullen, Jr. The final track on the first side, “Fire,” was one of the biggest hits off the album, reaching #30 on the British Singles Chart and #1 on the Irish Singles Chart.

    The title track, “October,” reflected the inner turmoil the band faced at the time, with issues of faith, music and the political atmosphere at the time. The next song, “J. Swallo,” is an ominous track about a man being sent to a “village on fire,” rumored (although often denied [citation neeeded] to be a reference to the Shankill Riots). “Stranger In A Strange Land” features the Edge incorporating piano, like many of the tracks on the album. “Is That All?,” borrows the riff from "Cry", an older song the band has used as an introduction to "The Electric Co." live. The final track, and the longest on the album, “The Rest of Us,” features a much higher production value than most of the album, with a guitar solo and deeply-layered vocal tracks based off of gospel tracks that the band had listened to while recording (Steve Lillywhite noted that “it cost basically all the recording budget.” [citation needed]). The lyrics detail a man traversing a destroyed area of Belfast, and his faith, soul-searching and desperation, bringing the album to a close.

    Personnel:
    Bono – lead vocals
    The Edge – guitar, piano, backing vocals
    Adam Clayton – bass guitar
    Larry Mullen Jr. – drums

    Singles:
    (Single, Date, Chart, Position)
    • “Fire,” 1981, Irish Singles Chart, #1; British Singles Chart, #30
    • “Gloria,” Irish Singles Chart, #10; New Zealand Singles Chart, #12; British Singles Chart, #55
    Sales and Certifications:
    October was certified Platinum in the United Kingdom by the British Phonographic Industry and in the United States by the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA.)

    (Accessed from Nupedia, The Online Encyclopedia, 2018)


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    “On the 23rd of October, 1981, a surgeon in Cairo by the name of Dr. Ayman Mohammed Rabie al-Zawahiri was rounded up along with hundreds, possibly thousands, as part of the roundup of dissidents following the assassination of Egyptian President Anwar Sadat. Zawahiri spent three years in prison, where he was tortured. The torture broke Zawahiri, transforming him into an embittered fanatic, determined to inflict deadly harm on Egypt's secular authorities and its Western friends.

    It was this hatred and violence that brewed inside Zawahiri that later drew him to the growing Mujahideen movement in Soviet Afghanistan.”

    -Excerpt from ‘91: The Year That Changed The World, recipient of the Academy Award for Best Documentary Feature, 2001

    “TROOP MOVEMENTS TO THE MEDITERRANEAN”

    -Stars and Stripes, 25 October, 1981

    “SOVIET SUB CAUGHT BY SWEDISH SHIPS”

    -The New York Post, 27 October, 1981

    “Ah, the joy of humble beginnings…

    Metallica, one of the biggest selling acts in American history, were born on October 28, 1981 when drummer Lars Ulrich and guitarist/singer James Hetfield got together via Ulrich’s Los Angeles ad in a small-fry zine named The Recycler. Soon, the two had recruited Hetfield’s friend and housemate Ron McGovney to play bass, Dave Mustaine to play lead guitar, and taken the name ‘Metallica’ after a suggestion from Bay Area metal scene friend Ron Quintana. Their ascent was to be relatively quick, driven by sheer work-rate, effort and a rare musical chemistry. After hitting the opener’s circuit in L.A. (where they supported the likes of Saxon) they recorded their first ever demo, No Life ‘Til Leather. The tape-trading circuit went crazy for it, and after repeatedly well-received shows in the Bay Area, Metallica found themselves relocating there after convincing bassist Cliff Burton to leave his band Trauma and replace McGovney.

    And the band, minus some lineup changes, still continues strong.”

    -Excerpt from “Metallica.com - History Lesson, Part One,” accessed 19 October, 2014

    “Jim, this is gonna make my legacy. And you can take that to the banks.”

    -Overheard Statement by President George H. W. Bush to White House Chief of Staff James H. Baker, 29 October, 1981
     
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    ...Landing
  • Gulf of Sidra, just off Sirte, Libya
    6:00 a.m. (Local Time)


    The morning of 30 October broke over the beaches of the Libyan coastline. Sgt. Jose Lopez could still see smoke pluming out from the wrecked defenses miles away. Even without the light of the sun, he could see that their cover of early morning was just overkill as he looked out his canopy towards the dozens of silhouetted F-111s flying beside him.

    The peace was broken by the fuzzy-voiced commands emanating from his radio.

    Camelot, this is Bridge. Begin firing in two minutes, over.

    Lopez gripped the throttle, glancing over towards the weapons panel, the switches and blinking lights particularly catching his eye.

    Hey, D

    The sound of his friend’s voice on his radio flared up.

    Yeah, Mike?

    You think these Libyans like the taste of barbecue?

    Jose chuckled at his comrade’s dark quip.

    Yep, I hear you. Loud and clear.

    What are you planning on doing, you know, after we land and all?

    Not really sure. Probably just hang about in the mess hall.

    Jose could clearly see the beaches seemingly inches away, the waves breaking onto the yellow sand that undoubtedly stretched for thousands of miles.

    You think we’re gonna turn this place into a giant sheet of glass?

    Heh. Maybe.

    The commander of the Bats butted in on the two’s conversation.

    Squad, be authorized we begin deployment in one minute. Over and out.

    Mike’s unmistakable Oklahoman drawl mocking his higher-up came almost immediately after it.

    Chkkk! Breaker, breaker, this is Macho Man coming back for the big Whiskey Tango Wilco. The Eagle has landed. What's your 20? Over!

    “Asshole,” Diaz thought to himself. He looked up over at the stars that were still somewhat visible in the orange sky from the high altitudes the 9th Squadron was at. He felt oddly calm, at peace just looking up at the sky.

    And with that calm disposition he launched the payload of Mavericks onto the ground below. He looked to both his left and right, seeing a deluge of multitudes of tiny black drops blasting off towards the ground. Their gracefulness as they plummeted headfirst added to the oddly calm, almost dream-like aura that hung in the air. One second he was joking with friends, the next he was possibly killing somebody, or at least an accomplice to it.

    Diaz tried his best not to think about it; that’s what most men, Air Force, Marines, try to do. He had never been in an actual combat situation, not one like this. Plenty of war games and simulations, but not the real thing. He thought he’d feel somewhat anxious… hesitant, even, to flick the switches; but he felt… nothing.

    Although, that could have been the cause of his lack of sleep.

    Diaz could sense the heat against his face as he saw the ground erupt, red fireballs detonated as the rain of missiles hit their targets, lighting up the early morning sky. Not for long, as the Aardvarks’ speeds made the masses of explosions behind them disappear beneath their collective rugs. The Air Force undertook its first direct combat since ‘Nam.

    KLINK.jpg


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    27°49'55" N 10°30'50" E
    Near the Libyan-Algerian Border
    5:05 a.m. (Local Time)


    SYSTEM_BLOWER.jpg


    Nine members of the 101st Airborne Division, 327th Infantry Regiment were packed in a stuffy UH-60 as their groups of black helicopters moved over the Saharan Desert towards Libya. The two French army divisions, apparently of which there were in every Black Hawk, were consistently referred to as “security.” “To guard them against Berber militias,” they reasoned in heavily-accented, somewhat broken English.

    “Bullshit,” Jim Donald thought to himself as he looked away from the dashboard of the chopper towards over the stunning vistas of arid wastelands. This would be their first use in actual combat. “If they were just security they wouldn’t need MP5s.”

    Well, one of them, the one with sunglasses, was clutching one. The less talkative guy was acting as their door gunner, so it seemed, right behind one of the massive chainguns on each of the exposed sides. He didn’t mind they were getting reinforcements, not at all, it was just that the army or whoever the hell was in charge of the foreign relations was trying to complicate matters with a whole reel of red tape.

    His attention was diverted by the movement ahead of him, beside the ridges they were traversing over air.

    “Oh… shit… How the hell did they get out on time?”

    Peering out from the rocky hills was a Mil Mi-2 facing them. No, two of them! Somehow the hotshots over at the Air Department hadn’t bombed the absolute, everlasting shit out of every military base in the country like they were supposed to, and a group of the ‘Libs,’ as many of the jarheads had begun calling them, had grabbed ahold of some choppers.

    Teal Station, this is Blue 19... We've spotted two bandits down below... We're gonna go down and check it out.

    Damn… right… Well done, bulldogs. Want some Sidewinders right along those bogeys as soon as possible. So… ripple the shit out of them, over.

    Donald chuckled.

    Hearin’ you loud and clear, Teal. Over.

    Sure, they obviously had the advantage over the tiny, older Soviet Hoplites, even at two-to-one. Jim saw the pilot, whom he hadn’t actually got his name, toggle to his missiles and fired at the group.

    But nothing happened.

    “Shit, shit, shit! Trust the new fucking software!”

    Donald’s cool head turned redder than a beetroot within seconds. Somewhere in the masses of new, never-before-seen computing power in the chopper, something went wrong and the Sidewinder missiles that the chopper had been fitted with did nothing but generate a small puff of smoke.

    The sound of bullets ricocheting off of the helicopter’s bulletproof canopy sprung everybody in the chopper that wasn’t already by the pilot’s yelling to life. They were now firing at them, and their Plan A for defense were sitting motionless, like useless turds, in their bays.

    Then Donald had an idea.

    “You,” he gestured over to the mute Frenchman, “can you understand me?”

    The gunner nodded, not a wink of emotion on his pale face.

    “Everyone hold on…”

    And with that, the pilot threw the throttle to the right. The Blackhawk jerked accordingly, with such force that it nearly threw everybody out onto the dry cliffs about a mile below them. Jim got a front-row seat to what followed:

    He heard it before he saw it; anybody would have in that small, enclosed space, and everybody did. The M61 Vulcan’s utter loudness was what got to Jim the most; the harsh, metallic noise of the barrel rattling obscuring what sounded like thousands of bullets being fired per second. Most of those multitudes of bullets landed on their target; the helicopters. The first one exploded, its fuel tank ruptured by the steel rain as it scattered all over the Libyan-Algerian Border. The second, somewhat thrown back by its comrade’s detonation, broke off its rotor and spun out of sight, soon to follow the same fate.

    The group breathed a collective sigh, which turned into applause.

    Just a moment later, though, Jim looked back to see the surviving Mi-1. It was significantly lowered by the showering of bullets, unable to climb with a damaged stabilizer, and smoke was steadily pouring out of it, but still alive. And following them.

    “Jesus Christ, do these people ever give up?”

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    Tripoli, Libya
    6:55 a.m.


    Abu Shafshufa was not very well-known as a man with a calm disposition; and the morning of October 30th was no exception; General Gaddafi had been very rudely interrupted from his rest.

    Being invaded by the Americans had not been part of the plan for the day, but that had happened. “Bombed the coast back into the Stone Age,” as one of his Generals put it. It would be humiliating to surrender on the first day of action, and to have to do so because their only real ally; the Soviets, would fuss over declaring a “war by proxy,” only added to the misery of his position.

    Now he was in a dark bunker on the outskirts of Tripoli, surrounded by the bigwigs keeping him in power. Gaddafi never realised the Americans would actually be so stupid as to kill possibly thousands of civilians just to get back at the loss of two men. But here he was, surrounded by the slow-minded idiots who kept him in power trying to get the dictator to understand the severity of the situation. His humiliation was only increased – from fuming to volcanic – when he was informed of a note sent by the United States.

    Ali Treki, his foreign relations minister, was desperately fumbling through the letter forwarded to them by the United States Department of Defense, attempting to translate it for the Arabic-speaking group that was quickly turning the room into a Turkish market.

    “The United States and allied forces have agreed that your aggression and posturing against peaceful has turned into a complete fiasco.”

    Gaddafi didn’t dignify it with a response. Nobody in the room did.

    “As a result, we see no other option than to defend our interests in the Mediterranean with military force.”

    “Well, why can’t we send the air force?” He yelled back.

    “The air force has been destroyed,” said one of the many generals in the back, his medals taking up most of his chest.

    “What about the army?”

    “Communications have also been destroyed. We can’t get through to anyone outside of the capital, sir.”

    Gaddafi grew silent.

    “Sir…”

    He saw the path of destruction the forces of America had committed first-hand; their high-tech vultures torpedoing through the air with a horrifying scream; leaving a trail of smoke in their path. His convoy were lucky enough to get out of the city.

    “Sir…”

    Gaddafi was no saint, not by any means. He had tried to make a society fit his ideals, and willingly and knowingly had thousands of people killed to sustain the Third International Theory; through terrorist attacks, his secret service and mass-executions. And he was now beginning to somewhat realize the repercussions of his actions.

    “Sir, If you’d please just give me an order…”

    Finally, the man spoke.

    “Gentlemen, I wish to be alone.”

    The bigwigs very quickly filed out of the room, fearful of any consequences from the tired and stressed Brotherly Leader. The darkened room, illuminated by a single light dangling over the cold metal table the Colonel was seated at, fell as silent as the desert. It was possibly a full minute before the silence was broken.

    “Colonel!”

    It was one of his numerous pissant advisers, who had just stormed in, wheezing and breathing heavily.

    “Well? What is it?!”

    The advisor held a panicked and confused expression on his face, and he could do nothing but speak incoherent gobbledygook in between large gulps of air. The general certainly did not have time for this nonsense.

    “Well? What are you blabbering on about?”

    Finally, the young man came to his senses and could speak clearly.

    “Th-they’re calling for your arrest!”

    “Who?”

    “The police… they’ve gone mad! They’re calling for your arrest!”

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    Nupedia-Infobox-D.png


    The United States invasion of Libya was a military operation where a multi-state coalition led by the United States invaded the African nation of Libya on the 30th of October, 1981. Codenamed Operation Sparrow’s Nest, it was triggered by Libyan military aggression to United States naval operations in the area, beginning with the Gulf of Sidra Incident and escalating with Operation Poseidon.

    The invasion began on the morning of 30th of October, 1981. The invading force consisted of the U.S. Army's Rapid Deployment Force (the 1st and 2nd Ranger Battalions, 101st and 82nd Airborne Division paratroopers); U.S. Marines; U.S. Army Delta Force; U.S. Navy SEALs, and ancillary support forces totaling 10,500 U.S.troops, together with British, French, German and Italian forces, which landed the following day, and a Marine helicopter and amphibious landing on the naval town of Sirte. Nineteen days later, on the 18th of November, the war was declared over after the capital of Tripoli fell to anti-Gaddafi rebels, overthrowing the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, although a foreign, US-led peacekeeping operation continued until 1994.

    The government of Muammar Gaddafi was deposed and replaced by a government appointed by the United Nations Security Council later in 1982.

    The invasion was criticized by several countries including Canada, Australia and New Zealand. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher privately disapproved of the mission and the lack of notice she received, but publicly supported the intervention and sent troops anyway. The United Nations General Assembly, on the 19th of June, 1982, with a vote of 106 to 11, condemned it as "a flagrant violation of international law". Disapproval in the United States against the war was high, seeing high-profile people such as Jesse Jackson, Lloyd Bentsen, Ramsey Clark and Jello Biafra publicly come against it, and threats for impeachment against President Bush gained some traction in the United States Congress. Later criticism arrived from the large amount of civilian casualties, of which the exact number is not known to this day.

    (Accessed from Nupedia, the Online Encyclopedia, 2018)
     
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    Reaction
  • ANNOUNCER: We interrupt our regular scheduled programming to bring you this special NBC News Report - Libya Invasion Morning Report.

    BROKAW: Good morning, ladies and gentlemen, I’m Tom Brokaw, NBC News in New York and here’s the latest situation as we now know it on the North African nation of Libya. As you know, it has been the site of American military counter-strikes against Libyan naval forces and defenses and, just this morning, at around 1:30 a.m., was invaded by a ‘multi-national force,’ as it has been described, the large bulk of that force being over ten thousand American troops: that includes marines, and apparently airborne troops as well, and about 350 troops from the United Kingdom, France, West Germany and Italy.

    The forces were sent there by President Bush from numerous bases around the Mediterranean, including military installations in Spain, in Sicily and Cyprus. Libya is a North African nation on the Mediterranean coast that has been in the control of a socialist dictatorship under military leader Muammar Gaddafi ever since 1969, where he deposed the king in a military coup.

    At this time, we do not know if there are any casualties on either side; there have been reports of casualties, however, both from the Pentagon and from Cuba; the Cuban government is now saying that a team of Cuban surveyors working on the refurbishment of an airport were attacked by, and I quote: “yankee invaders,” and apparently several of the Cubans and Libyan construction workers at the scene were killed.

    Just earlier, at around 6:30 a.m. Eastern Time, President Bush came into the briefing room of the White House to announce the US action against Libya, and he also explained the reasons for it. Let’s listen to some of what he had to say:

    BUSH: We have taken this decisive action for three specific reasons. The first, and most overriding reason is to protect our interests, and the interests of the free world, in the Mediterranean region. Secondly, to snuff out further chaos in the region, and third, to assist in the restoration of conditions of liberty, law and order, and of proper government institution to the Libyan state, where a group of violent Leftist thugs under the iron fist of Premier Gaddafi support violence and terror by groups such as the Irish Republican Army, the Red Brigades in Italy, who just two years ago murdered the Italian Prime Minister, and the Palestinian Liberation Organization.

    BROKAW: We are going to John Palmer, our Washington Correspondent, live from the White House for some more information on the ongoing Libya situation.”

    -NBC News Special Report: Libya Invasion Morning Report, broadcast 30 October, 1981

    "Saddam Hussein, although supported by the US in his war against Iran, was outraged that a fellow Pan-Arabist comrade, one strongly influenced by the ideals of Arab Socialism and Ba'athism, was invaded by the United States and western world. Although he continued receiving United States aid in his war against the Iranian government, Saddam vented his furor in private, and many members of his cabinet and family began looking into retribution."

    -Excerpt from ‘91: The Year That Changed The World, recipient of the Academy Award for Best Documentary Feature, 2001

    “An anti-war protest outside the White House begun this morning… when it started it had approximately 60 men, women and children in attendance, criticizing the United States’ military excursion in Libya. Six hours later… the number of those participating outside the gates of 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue is closer to 10,000. Other protests have been reported in the cities of New York, Chicago and San Francisco.”

    -CBS Evening News, 31 October, 1981

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    “THE ONLY BUSH I TRUST IS MY OWN!”

    -Sign held by a drunken Jello Biafra at a San Francisco peace protest, 31 October, 1981

    SHOULD BORK BE OUR GOVERNOR?

    He was once a hard-line socialist, before, in his words, he “grew a brain.” He was once Solicitor General, and it turned out he was a crook, firing Archibald Cox after Elliot Richardson and William Ruckelshaus refused to. His views on anti-trust laws in his seminal 1978 thesis The Antitrust Paradox was reportedly even supported and shared by the late President Reagan. But does any of that experience qualify him to govern the great state of Pennsylvania?

    There’s no question that Bork can attract a crowd. His Reagan-esque campaign boomed out of his calls for an election after former Governor Thornburgh resigned after allegations of bribery and corruption (published in this very paper) and since then, he has never looked back, with his special brand of pugnacious conservatism extremely popular in the state sent reeling from the assassination of President Reagan and his current approval ratings neck-and-neck with that of his Democratic challenger, the former Auditor General Bob Casey.

    Many papers and journalists all around America have decried Bork’s campaign, mostly pointing out his controversial (albeit reluctant) role in the “Saturday Night Massacre.” Indeed, Casey has spent the last two months running on an anti-Bork platform, and little else. Many a Pittsburgher has seen the constant attack ads on television portraying Bork as an axe murderer, as have we. Such portrayal mildly bemuses the Judge; “I get a little tired of it being portrayed as the only thing I ever did,” Judge Bork once said to journalists for the Post-Gazette about the role he held during a critical moment in the Watergate scandals.

    However, to choose the high ground, a place this publication always prefers to be, let us judge Robert Bork on is virtues. As stated earlier, his works as a scholar on antitrust arguing that consumers benefit from corporate mergers and that antitrust law should focus on consumer welfare rather than on ensuring competition, has been believed to have shifted many members (and prospective members) of the Supreme Court’s approach to antitrust law. His role in the firing of Archibald Cox, although wrong, was done reluctantly, and an action he did only out of trust and a wish for unity with the President.

    It is important for the next Governor to not only have administrative experience, but to also have the mature judgment and discretion to administer those responsibilities in a fashion that will serve the citizens of the Keystone State, from Pittsburgh to Philadelphia. Robert Bork, love him or hate him, has repeatedly demonstrated that he does have those qualities. After all, he is as deserving as anyone of forgiveness for his past transgressions.

    Which is why, with only two days until the election and counting, this publication, the journalists, editors, but above all; the people of Pittsburgh - after a tenacious turnover of all of his traits and talents - have decided that Robert Bork should be our Governor.”

    -Pittsburgh Post-Gazette Front Page Editorial, 1 November, 1981

    “DARRELL WALTRIP BEATS HARRY GANT BY .91 SECONDS, GAINS 10TH WIN AT THE AMERICAN 500”

    -NASCAR on CBS, 1 November, 1981

    “INDEPENDENCE!: 349 YEARS OF IMPERIAL RULE TO AN END”

    -Outlet, 1 November 1981

    “MARINES LAND IN SIRTE, REBEL LIBYAN FORCES TAKE TOBRUK”

    -CNN news ticker, 2 November, 1981

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    Nupedia-Infobox-E.png


    United States gubernatorial elections were held on November 3, 1981 in the states of New Jersey, Pennsylvania and Virginia, and in the territory of the Northern Mariana Islands. All seats were open, and all seats resulted in zero net change for both parties.

    Nupedia-Infobox-F.png


    Of special note in the election cycle was the Pennsylvania special gubernatorial election, 1981, which was open after the resignation of sitting Governor Dick Thornburgh in light of the Abscam Scandal. It was held between between Republican former Attorney-General Robert Bork and Democratic former Auditor General Bob Casey. The campaign was given somewhat large attention by media, especially about the controversial campaign of Bork, who had previously been a key figure in the Saturday Night Massacre.

    Despite a fierce campaign against him, Bork closely managed to defeat Casey in a close election, attributed to Bork’s very narrow victory in Allegheny County. The election would kickstart Bork’s political career, and have his voice heard and well-known in congress as a Reaganite Conservative.

    (Accessed from Nupedia, the Online Encyclopedia, 2018)

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    “GOV. THORNBURGH FOUND “NOT GUILTY” ON ALL BUT TWO CHARGES, GIVEN TWO YEARS’ SENTENCE IN BIZARRE COURT CASE”

    -New York Post, 5 November, 1981

    “Well Shane, why do you think he got such little time?
    -Pardon?
    Why do you think he got such little time, you know, in th-
    -Uh… I’m not sure. I mean, I’m pretty sure he was really popular… with, you know, the people, and they were unwilling to sentence him for much longer.
    Yeah… because it said the jury deliberated for, what? 6 hours?
    -Yeah, 6 hours...
    So it very obviously wasn’t concise, there was plenty of dissent.
    -Heh. Dissent. Love that word.
    Yeah, don’t we all?”

    -Excerpt from FaceSmash Politics (Episode: “Episode Six: SCANDAL!!!”), released September 30, 2017

    “SOVIET SUB RETURNED AFTER RUNNING AGROUND IN SWEDISH WATERS”

    -The Washington Post, 5 November, 1981

    “Fucking pinko bastards! This is why we don’t trust the fucking squareheads!”

    -Overheard statement by Secretary of State Alexander Haig, 6 November, 1981

    “REBEL/US RAIDS ON TRIPOLIS, BENGHAZI, TOBRUK, MISRATA, SABHA”

    -CNN, 7 November, 1981

    “EYSKENS OUSTED, CHRISTIAN DEMOCRATS FORM WEAK COALITION”

    -Het Laatste Nieuws, 8 November, 1981

    “None of us really understands what's going on with all these numbers”

    -Director of the Office of Management and Budget David Stockman (R-MI-4), quoted in The Atlantic, 10 November, 1981

    “...Yes, Dave. I read your article in The Atlantic.
    -What did you think?
    Well, to be completely honest, I think you’re right. I don’t like to speak ill of the dead, nor of their beliefs and wishes… [beat] but I agree with a majority your opinions in that j’accuse you gave.
    -Y-yeah, we’re simply deferring massive taxes unfairly and we could be putting huge debt burdens on future generations.
    Right. Right you are.”

    -Conversation between President George Bush and Director of the Office of Management and Budget David Stockman, 11 November, 1981

    480px-Aerial_View_of_Columbia_Launch_-_GPN-2000-001358.jpg


    “COLUMBIA RETURNS TO SPACE”

    -The New York Times, 12 November, 1981

    “GADDAFI CALLS FOR RESISTANCE, MÉDECINS SANS FRONTIÈRES EXPRESS CONCERNS OVER CIVILIAN CASUALTIES, REPORTED HIGH, US AIR FORCE DENIES”

    -Le Monde, 13 November, 1981

    “We are just getting in reports that Northern Irish MP Robert Bradford has been shot while at a political event in Belfast…”

    -BBC Radio 4, 14 November, 1981

    “These goddamned filthy papists are literally murdering the people of Ulster! If we do not act now with the means necessary the taigs will surely murder us all.”

    -Overheard statement by Member of the European Parliament Ian Paisley to a masked Third Force member, 15 November, 1981

    “This is surely a year of terror… a year of assassinations and lead.”

    -Quotation from Pope Gregory XVII, 15 November, 1981

    “In the name of Allah, the beneficent, the merciful…

    Citizens, surely this will be the last opportunity for me to address you. The cowboy Air Force has bombed the majority of the radio towers. For twelve years, or was it longer, I can’t remember… I did all I could to give people houses, hospitals, schools, and when they were hungry, I gave them food. I even made Benghazi into farmland from the desert.

    I did all I could to help people understand the concept of real democracy, where people’s committees ran our country. But that was never enough, as some told me, even people who had 10 room homes, new suits and furniture, were never satisfied, as selfish as they were they wanted more.

    They told Americans and other visitors, that they needed “democracy” and “freedom,” never realizing it was a cut-throat system where “the biggest dog eats the rest,” but they were enchanted with those words, never realizing that in America, there was no free medicine, no free hospitals, no free housing, no free education and no free food, except when people had to beg or go to long lines to get soup.

    No matter what I did, it was never enough for some, but for others, they knew I was the son of Gamal Abdel Nasser, the only true Arab and Muslim leader we’ve had since Salah-al-Deen, when he claimed the Suez Canal for his people, as I claimed Libya, for my people, it was his footsteps I tried to follow, to keep my people free from colonial domination – from thieves who would steal from us.

    [sigh]

    My words do not have bitterness but disappointment. Given these facts, the only thing left for me is to say to workers: I am not going to resign.

    Placed in a historic transition, I will pay for loyalty to the people with my life. And I say to them that I am certain that the seed which we have planted in the good conscience of thousands and thousands of Libyans will not be shriveled forever.

    Workers of my country: I want to thank you for the loyalty that you always had, the confidence that you deposited in a man who was only an interpreter of great yearnings for justice, who gave his word that he would respect the law of nature and the law of Allah, and did just that. So, there is no alternative for me, I must make my stand, and if Allah wishes, I shall die by following His path, the path that has made our country rich with farmland, with food and health, and even allowed us to help our African and Arab brothers and sisters.

    The people must defend themselves, but they must not sacrifice themselves. The people must not let themselves be destroyed or riddled with bullets, but they cannot be humiliated either.

    Workers of my country, I have faith in the Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya and its destiny. Other men will overcome this dark and bitter moment when treason under the two-faced djinn that is Comrade El-Hariri seeks to prevail. Go forward knowing that, sooner rather than later, the great palm-lined avenues of Tripoli will open again where free men will walk to build a better society.

    Long live the Great Socialist People’s Libyan Arab Jamahiriya! Long live the Arabic and African people! Long live the workers of Libya!

    These are my last words, and I am certain that my sacrifice will not be in vain, I am certain that, at the very least, it will be a moral lesson that will punish felony, cowardice, and treason.”

    -Muammar Gaddafi’s final address to the Libyan people, broadcast 16th November, 1981
     
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    1982 State of the Union Address
  • 1982 State of the Union Address *
    Delivered on January 3, 1982

    "Mr. Speaker, Chief Justice Burger, Members of the House and Senate, my fellow Americans: today marks my first State of the Union address to you, a constitutional duty as old as our Republic itself.

    I never expected myself to be in these hallowed halls. All of us have lived through a year that none of us will ever forget. We are not given the divine wisdom to answer why this has been, but we are given the human duty of determining what is to be, what is to be for America, for the world, for the cause we lead, for all the hopes that live in our hearts. So tonight, on this night, I come before you to ask your help, to ask your strength, to ask your prayers that God may guard this Republic and guide my every labor.

    A great leader, and to me, a great friend, is dead. I understand Mrs. Reagan is here with us tonight, and I hope only the best for her and her family that are currently going through a tremendous amount of pain that I couldn’t even begin to comprehend. But, as much as it pains me to say this, a great Nation must move on. Yesterday is not ours to recover, but tomorrow is ours to win or to lose. I am resolved that we shall win the tomorrows before us. So I ask you to join me in that resolve, determined that from this midnight of tragedy, we shall move toward a new American greatness - prosperity for our nation, peace for the world, and the blessings of individual liberty for our children and, someday, for all of humanity.

    It's my duty to report to you tonight on the progress that we have made in our relations with other nations, on the foundation we've carefully laid for our economic recovery, and finally, on the bold and spirited initiatives that I believe can change the face of American government and make it again a tool to serve the people, rather than something for the people to serve.

    Seldom have the stakes been higher for America. What we do and say here will make all the difference to the autoworkers in Detroit, the lumberjacks in the Northwest, the oil workers in Texas; to black teenagers in Newark and Chicago; to hard-pressed farmers and small businessmen; and to millions of everyday Americans who harbor the simple wish of a safe and financially secure future for them and their children. To understand the state of the Union, we must look not only at where we are and where we’re going but where we’ve been. The situation at the beginning of this year was truly ominous, truly tragic. Just after the cusp of the previous decade has seen a series of recessions. There was a recession in 1970, in 1974, and again in the spring of 1980. And it appeared to many of us that a man with a new plan to put the stagflation that reigns over our nation away for good had been snuffed out too soon.

    However, I wish everyone, both in the audience tonight and the American people watching this address from the comfort of their homes, to know that Mr. Reagan’s torch still burns brightly.

    Yes, we may be still not out of the woods, so to speak. We’re still in a recession exacerbated by the economic shock caused by President Reagan’s death. But this time, things are different.

    We will have an economic program in place, completely different from the artificial quick fixes of the past. Earlier this year, congress championed an act to slightly raise taxes to a fair amount for each American. When I announced them, I made it very clear that those taxes were not to be, nor will they ever be, permanent. Indeed, I plan to phase these taxes out once our inflation has been properly cured, optimistically between the next year and in two year’s time, because I believe that no nation can simply tax their way into prosperity. Likewise, our plan for a new, better economy calls for a need to stimulate the American economy to rid ourselves of the recession and failures of the previous administrations.

    Over the year, I plan to introduce an economic stimulus program to better ourselves as a nation. America’s infrastructure is in dire need of being helped. America's roads and highways are crumbling beneath our feet. Our dams and power plants are breaking down. The pipes that carry America's drinking water are in critical need of attention. But, if we increase government funding of maintaining our infrastructure, we could, and would, be able to create both private sector and federal jobs, as well and upgrade national infrastructure.

    We can create new jobs, and make our economy great again, by increasing our subsidies for research and development programs. Together, this year, we have created an effective Federal strike force to combat waste and fraud in government. In just 6 months it has saved the taxpayers more than $2 billion, and it's only getting started. We can boost consumer spending by allowing refinancing of mortgage plans for the responsible homeowners of America. But most of all, we can save our nation and support a strong, productive nation to be the leader of the free world.

    A year ago, Americans' faith in their governmental process was steadily declining. Six out of ten Americans were saying they were pessimistic about their future. A new kind of defeatism was heard. Some said our domestic problems were uncontrollable, that we had to learn to live with this seemingly endless cycle of high inflation and high unemployment. However, I am here tonight to say that Americans can put those fears to rest!

    That's part of the future we want to see, the future we can make for ourselves, but dreams alone won't get us there. We need to extend our horizon, commit to the long view. And our mission for the future starts today.

    In the tough competitive markets around the world, America faces the great challenges and great opportunities. And we know that we can succeed in the global economic arena of the eighties, but to meet that challenge, we must make some fundamental changes — some crucial investment in ourselves.

    Yes, we are going to invest in America. This administration, from the beginning, was, and still is, determined to encourage the creation of capital. Capital of all kinds: physical capital — everything from our farms and factories to our workshops and production lines, all that is needed to produce and deliver quality goods and quality services; intellectual capital — the source of ideas that spark tomorrow's products; and of course our human capital — the talented workforce that we'll need to compete in the global market.

    Let me tell you, if we ignore human capital, if we lose the spirit of American ingenuity, the spirit that is the hallmark of the American worker, that would be bad. The American worker is the most productive worker in the world.

    We need to save more. We need to expand the pool of capital for new investments that need more jobs and more growth. If we are to succeed, we must encourage risk-takers, especially those in our small businesses, to take those steps that translate into economic reward, jobs, and a better life for all of us. We'll do what it takes to invest in America's future. The budget commitment is there.

    Speaking of risk-takers, it is my belief that we must support and champion new forms of energy. By deregulating oil, we could come closer to achieving energy independence. By increasing federal funding for the construction and maintenance of public, large-scale solar, hydroelectric and nuclear power programs, we could generate cheap and easy electrical power for all Americans, and bring down the extortionately high prices of gasoline and heating fuel. Both would open up new prospects for American jobs.

    But, above all, we must champion the interests of the little man, the interests of the American people. Our nation's long journey towards civil rights for all our citizens — once a source of contentious discord, now a source of pride — must continue with no backsliding or slowing down. We must and shall see that those basic laws that guarantee equal rights are preserved and, when necessary, strengthened.

    Our concern for equal rights for women is firm and unshakable. We launched a new Task Force on Legal Equity for Women and a project that will examine State laws for discriminatory language. And for the first time in our history, a woman sits on the highest court in the land.

    So, too, the problem of crime, one as real and deadly serious as any in America today. It demands that we seek transformation of our legal system, which overly protects the rights of criminals while it leaves society and the innocent victims of crime without justice.

    We also look forward to the introduction of strengthened public transportation systems in the United States, including the introduction of upgraded rapid transit services in American cities, and a high-speed rail service that travels from the Redwood Forest to the Gulf Stream waters.

    Our main goal, as I’ve specified countless times, is to build on America's pioneer spirit — America's next frontier — and that's to develop that frontier. A sparkling economy spurs initiatives, sunrise industries, and makes older ones more competitive. Nowhere is this more important than our next frontier: space.

    Nowhere do we so effectively demonstrate our technological leadership and ability to make life better on Earth. The Space Age is barely a quarter of a century old. But already we've pushed civilization forward with our advances in science and technology. The Space Shuttle project, which has been under rigorous development for over a decade, has finally borne its fruits. And I am elated to announce the project has, for all we can see, been a total success for both science and the United States. Opportunities and jobs will multiply as we cross new thresholds of knowledge and reach deeper into the unknown.

    Our progress in space — taking giant steps for all mankind — is a tribute to American teamwork and excellence. Our finest minds in government, industry, and academia have all pulled together. And we can be proud to say: We are the first! We are the best! And we are because we're free.

    America has always been greatest when we dared to be great. We can reach for greatness again. We can follow our dreams to distant stars, living and working in space for peaceful, economic, and scientific gain.

    Just as the oceans opened up a new world for clipper ships and Yankee traders, space holds enormous potential for commerce today. The market for space transportation could surpass our capacity to develop it. Companies interested in putting payloads into space must have ready access to private sector launch services. The Department of Transportation will help an expendable launch services industry to get off the ground. We'll soon implement a number of executive initiatives, develop proposals to ease regulatory constraints, and, with NASA's help, promote private sector investment in space.

    And as we develop the frontier of space, let us remember our responsibility to preserve our older resources here on Earth. Preservation of our environment is not a liberal or conservative challenge, it's common sense. We look forward to the enactment of a responsible clean air act to increase jobs while continuing to improve the quality of our air. We’re encouraged by the bipartisan initiative of the House and are hopeful of further progress as the Senate continues its deliberations.

    So far, I've concentrated largely, now, on domestic matters. To view the state of the Union in perspective, we must not ignore the rest of the world. There isn't time tonight for a lengthy treatment of foreign policy, a subject I eagerly intend to address in detail in the near future, but A few words, however, are in order on the progress we've made over the past year.

    I have tried to reestablish respect for our nation around the globe and some of the challenges and goals that we will approach in the year ahead. And I see, from our peacekeeping operation successes in Libya to our meetings in Cancun and Ottawa, that we have been successful in our endeavors in keeping America as the bastion of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, which are the tenets on which the free world depends on. I believe lasting friendships were made there, and the foundation was laid for future cooperation.

    In the vital region of the Caribbean Basin, we're developing a program of aid, trade, and investment incentives to promote self-sustaining growth and a better, more secure life for our neighbors to the south. Toward those who would export terrorism and subversion in the Caribbean and elsewhere, especially Cuba, which continues to shelter the war criminal and beastly former dictator Muammar Gaddafi, and Lebanon, as well as possible threats coming from the newly-liberated Maghreb Region.

    As for our situation in Libya: the answer is simple. We intend to keep the peace. We will also keep the freedom. A democratic government will be put in power by the end of the year.

    Our foreign policy is a policy of strength, fairness, and balance, but above all: peace. By restoring America's military credibility, and by pursuing peace at the negotiating table wherever both sides are willing to sit down in good faith, and by regaining the respect of America's allies and adversaries alike, we have strengthened our country's position as a force for peace and progress in the world.

    When action is called for, we will be willing taking it. Our sanctions against the military dictatorship that has attempted to crush basic human rights in Poland — and against the Soviet regime behind that military dictatorship has clearly demonstrated to the world that America will not conduct "business as usual" with the forces of oppression. If the events in Poland continue to deteriorate, further measures will follow. Because a bully will only respond to strength, we must prepare ourselves to be much stronger in the future. Our foreign policy must be rooted in realism, not naivete or self-delusion.

    Now, let me also note that numerous American groups have taken the lead in making January 30th a day of solidarity with the people of Poland. So, too, the European Parliament has called for March 21st to be an international day of support for Afghanistan. Well, I urge all peace-loving peoples to join together on those days, to raise their voices, to speak and pray for freedom.

    When radical forces threaten our friends, when economic misfortune creates conditions of instability, when strategically vital parts of the world fall under the shadow of Soviet power, our response can make the difference between peaceful change or disorder and violence. That's why we've laid such stress not only on our own defense but on our vital foreign assistance program. The combined efforts of both our Foreign Assistance Act and our military intervention efforts in Libya sent a signal to the world that America will not back down or shrink from making the investments necessary for both world peace and world security.

    Meanwhile, we're working for reduction of arms and military activities. We have proposed to the Soviet Union a far-reaching agenda for mutual reduction of military forces and have already initiated negotiations with them in Geneva on intermediate-range nuclear forces. In those talks it is essential that we negotiate from a position of balance, understanding and balance. There must be a real incentive for the Soviets to take these talks seriously. This requires that we rebuild our defenses. The protection of our national security has required that we undertake a substantial program to enhance our military forces.

    We have made pledges of a new frankness in our public statements and worldwide broadcasts. In the face of a climate of falsehood and misinformation, we've promised the world a season of truth—the truth of our great civilized ideas: individual liberty, representation under a free government and the rule of law under God. We've never needed walls or minefields or barbed wire to keep our people in. Nor do we declare martial law to keep our people from voting for the kind of government they want.

    Yes, we have our problems; yes, we're in a time of recession. And it's true, there's no quick fix, as I said, to instantly end the tragic pain of unemployment. But we will end it. The process has already begun, and we'll see its effect as the year goes on.

    I’m sure that there are some doubters and naysayers in this very chamber. But tonight, let me say again to all the Members of the Congress: The American people did not send us here to bicker. There is work to do, and they sent us here to get it done. And once again, in the spirit of cooperation, I offer my hand to all of you. Let's work together to do the will of the people: clean air, new jobs for the American people, good education, crime, and a better economy. It's time to act. An agricultural improvement Act, rejuvenating our infrastructure, transportation policy, product-liability reform, enterprise zones — and it's time to act together.

    The state of the Union depends on whether we help our neighbor — claim the problems of our community as our own. We've got to step forward when there's trouble, lend a hand, be what I call a point of light to a stranger in need. We've got to take the time after a busy day to sit down and read with our kids, help them with their homework, pass along the values we learned as children. That's how we sustain the state of the Union. Every effort is important. It all adds up. It's doing the things that give democracy meaning. It all adds up to who we are and who we will be.

    Let me say that so long as we remember the American idea, so long as we live up to the American ideal, the state of the Union will remain sound and strong.

    And to those who worry that we've lost our way — well, I want you to listen to parts of a letter written by Philip Sebastian Grenier, a 19-year-old Sergeant of the 2nd Battalion, 75th Rangers. It's dated October 29th, the night before our armed forces went into action in Libya. It's a letter servicemen write and hope will never be sent. And sadly, Sergeant Grenier’s mother did receive this letter. She passed it along to me in Massachusetts.

    And here is some of what he wrote: 'I've never been afraid of death, but I know he is waiting at the corner. I've been trained to kill and to save, and so has everyone else. I am frightened what lays beyond the fog, and yet do not mourn for me. Revel in the life that I have died to give you. But most of all, don't forget the Army was my choice. Something that I wanted to do. Remember I joined the Army to serve my country and ensure that you are free to do what you want and live your lives freely.'

    Let me add that Sergeant Grenier was among the first to see battle in Panama, and one of the first to fall. But he knew what he believed in. He carried the idea we call America in his heart.

    I began tonight speaking about the changes we've seen this past year. There is a new world of challenges and opportunities before us, and there's a need for leadership that only America can provide.

    We are in a period of great transition, great hope, and yet great uncertainty.

    On this snowing, windy night, as we gather in this Chamber — the symbolic home of democracy — in the mutual love and respect which we have for one another, and as we bow our heads in submission to divine providence, let us also thank God for the time, both as Governor, and as President, that He gave us inspiration through His servant, Ronald Reagan.

    And, finally, to you as your President, I ask that you remember your country and remember me each day in your prayers, and I pledge to you the best within me to work for a new American greatness, a new day when peace is more secure, when justice is more universal, when freedom is more strong in every home of all mankind.

    God bless all of you, and may God bless this great nation, the United States of America."

    -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

    * - Secretary of Energy and Former Governor of South Carolina James B. Edwards, the designated survivor, was not present
     
    It Took Seconds of Your Time to Take His Life
  • County Leitrim, Ireland

    Patrick waited at the end of a dirt road in a grassy paddock outside of the Vauxhall Cavalier he had stolen earlier that afternoon. The cigarette he held between his four fingers and occasionally puffed brought little warmth to him as he stood in the brisk February dusk.

    He saw the headlights bounding over the horizon, following the straight path the country road set closer and closer until Patrick could clearly see the features of the lone car, and the single person inside. Patrick walked over to the Mercedes as it came to a halt, and knocked on the driver-side window. The figure inside cranked down the window.

    Kennedy,” was all Patrick said to the man.

    Kavanaugh,” the man in the car replied in a Belfast accent, with a smile.

    He had given the correct code word.

    The man in the vehicle opened the door of his silver Mercedes sedan and stepped out of the car and onto the dirt road. “So, how is it?” he said, putting on a pair of gloves he produced from his trenchcoat.

    “It’s fucking cold,” Patrick responded, stamping out the remains of his cigarette.

    “Nice car,” the main said, gesturing towards the Cavalier. “Didjer get the plates removed?”

    “Yep. Swapped ‘em in Kinlough.”

    The two paused for a moment. Finally, the mysterious figure with a Belfast accent broke the silence.

    “Didjer want t’ see it?”

    The man opened the trunk of his car to reveal a large metal box, sporting an alarm clock at the front of it and wires coming in and out of the contraption.

    “Thirty kilos worth of gelignite, TNT, plastic explosives and a whole heap of other shit, made by our finest engineers. Breathtaking, isn’t it?” He pointed to the clock, a rather small model with the words: “CORK - IRELAND” printed in the middle, obviously a souvenir or trinket of some kind somebody in the organization had bought. “From here, you can set it off for as long as twelve hours.”

    The two men remained in silence and awe at the contraption that lay ahead of them.

    “So, how are you gonna get it to Britain?”

    “There’s a safe house and garage just a few minutes’ drive outside Sligo. I’m getting a secret compartment added ‘neath the back seats. Nobody’ll suspect a thing. Nobody’ll need to. Now give me a hand putting this into the car, why won’t you?”

    Usual attacks by the Irish Republican Army would have a proceeding warning sent to either the press or police, especially so in “the Mainland.” This was because most of the bombings in the United Kingdom outside of Ulster were less about causing civilian casualties as they were about sending a message to the British people, government, Crown and the world. And they would be sending such a message.

    But this was not by any stretch of the word a usual IRA attack.

    There would be no warning call.

    Bobby Leach would have his revenge.

    Buenos Aires, Argentina


    The scene in the war room of General Galtieri looked more akin to a Turkish market than the bunker underneath the Casa Rosada it usually was. Generals, secretaries and trusted pro-government journalists were scrambling around the darkened room, clutching papers and loudly arguing. Every so often another corporal would run in and dump another pile of papers onto the already cluttered table. It was this intense scene that allowed President Galtieri to slip in without anyone noticing.

    “Silence!” the General called. The military brass in the room stopped shouting into their telephones as the room collectively turned to the man dressed in white. The tense atmosphere in the crowded room seemed to dissipate.

    “What is going on?” Galtieri spoke to the silent room.

    A secretary from the back of the room spoke up. “Major Dowling killed a civilian last night. He was driving drunk. The morning news has the story and rebel journalists are threatening to release the story either in the Buenos Aires Herald or in a foreign newspaper.”

    “Well, what do they want?”

    “They are asking for better protections for journalists in the nation and heightened freedom of the press.”

    The room fell silent. The President stepped into his seat and procured a cigar from the box left on top of a particularly thick dossier, lighting it with a leftover lighter. He puffed on it, leaving a cloud of smoke that lingered in front of him. Nobody dared speak or move. Suddenly, the President raised his finger and began to speak orders to his men.

    “Listen to me. Find anything you can on these people. Affairs, scandals, anything. Make sure to check medical records as well. Send direct threats for them to stand down from this protest, use the secret service if you must, but do not get violent with them. If they refuse to shut up, fire them; or tell their bosses to fire them. Let their problems be known and aired to the people before the story breaks if we need damage control. We absolutely cannot have these mental defectives ransoming our administration, is that clear?”

    “Yes, President,” one of the corporals in the back spoke up.

    “As for Major Dowling… we cannot have such degenerate and problematic behaviors such as that he exhibits... Drunkenness, was it? We cannot have any such behaviors tolerated in our military, let alone our military high command. He must see before a court martial at once. Make sure not a single person outside of this room knows about this or will be able to let others outside of this room know about this, am I correct?”

    The President paused.

    “As for our future plans…”

    The room once again seemed to pause under the might of the fiery general, a demagogue amongst his cabinet and military command, who sat or stood patiently, awaiting further instructions.

    “...we will be forced to make some… minor accommodations. Nonetheless, all should be going according to the plan. Let you all and soon the whole world know that the leaders of the world will never threaten our national sovereignty again. Prosperity and patriotism will return to our fair fatherland. Operation Rosario will still continue, so help me God.”

    Bushveld outside Thohoyandou, Venda, South Africa

    The car ride was rough and bumpy. The beat-up 1960 Chevrolet Biscayne was quite unsuited to the rough terrain that comprised the majority of the South African bushveld. Kenny Motsamai tried and failed to get a wink of rest while on the ride, which was a shame - it was quite late outside, how late only God knew, and it was so dark outside that one could only see five feet ahead of their headlights. Kenny trusted the man who was following the directions laid out on a large map would get him to where he needed to be.

    Other than the constant rumbling of the car as it drove across the back roads of rural South Africa - driving across the main roads would have caught the attention of the boers, and neither of the men had a pass - the ride from Rustenberg to Venda bantustan was quiet. The driver apparently only spoke Tsonga, so Kenny could only understand a few words, and it was not adamant that he needed to speak with the man anyway. He knew why he was here.

    Through the pitch-black savanna dusk, Kenny could make out the ground they seemed to be travelling on got flatter. The shaking and rumbling stopped. The driver in the front laughed softly to himself. And he could make out two pools of light in the distance, in front of them.

    The lights grew brighter until Kenny could very clearly make out the outline of another car, a Morris Oxford Series III, similarly beaten up, parked in front of them. The driver smiled as he began to slow down, until the car came to a stop just ahead of the other car. The driver pulled the key out of the ignition and flicked the headlights once, twice, three times.

    The other car did the same. The back door opened and a man, dressed in military slacks and sunglasses and smoking a cigarette, walked out of the car. Kenny followed suit and walked up to the man.

    “Good evening, Kenny,” the man spoke.

    “Alright.”

    “You know, maybe ten… twenty kilometres from here, lies the border with Zimbabwe. They say 5,000 boers defend it. Make sure nobody gets in. Or out.”

    He stamped out his cigarette on the dirt ground and chuckled to himself.

    “Commander Qweta…”

    “Please. Call me Sabelo Phama.”

    “...I know why I’m here. Why you brought me here.”

    Commander Phama smiled.

    “Is that right? Because Chairman Pokela tells me you’re the best shot in the lands west of Pretoria. Is that true?”

    “I would say so.”

    Phama looked at the lanky Setswana teenager in front of him, dressed in a ripped red t-shirt that was obviously too big for him. An unlikely hero for the fight for Azania, yes, but a hero in the making nonetheless.

    “I’ve already done three jobs. Police informants, they were. All of them.”

    “I assume you know how to use rifles?”

    “That is correct.”

    Sabelo Phama smiled yet again. He clapped his hands and a man, also dressed in military garb, walked out of the car, clutching a rifle.

    Phama spoke up as the man handed him the rifle. “This… is the SKS, a Semi-Automatic Carbine. Soviet-made. Used in the Angolan Bush War and smuggled into here from Botswana, or so my merchant tells me.”

    Phama handed the gun to Kenny. His expression began to turn from that of a happy nature to a matter-of-fact and stern one.

    “Listen here, because I will only say this once. In two weeks time, exactly two weeks, on Saturday the 27th, our target will visit the Supreme Court in Bloemfontein. You will be driven there in the early morning. The driver will drop you off a couple of blocks from the destination. You get the rifle and wait for the boer to arrive on one of the rooftops. You will shoot once, you will shoot right. I want no funny business going on. You are not to shoot the rifle, even to test it. You are not to show it to anyone, not your friends or family. Do I make myself clear?”

    “Yes.”

    “Good."

    Kenny turned back to return to the car and make the long drive home. As he opened the back door, Sabelo Phama called out to him one last time.

    “For Azania!” he said as he held out his fist in the air.

    Kenny smiled, and raised his free hand in the air to salute him back.

    “For Azania!”
     
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