A Thousand Points of Light: An Alternate History TL
- Thread starter LordRedVine
- Start date
18 November, 1981
9:00 a.m.
West Wing of The White House, Washington D.C.
Vice-President Howard Baker walked into the stage of the Press Briefing Room. He addressed the sea of reporters and journalists to his front, with Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger by his side.
He addressed the crowd.
“Ladies and gentlemen, we won.”
The crowd went wild, whoops and cheers nearly drowning out the tsunami of applause.
“Just yesterday, a battalion of Libyan rebel forces successfully gained control of the Libyan capital of Tripoli, specifically the Bab Al-Azizia military compound, which was home to Colonel Gaddafi and his family. Here, forces loyal to dictator Muammar Gaddafi surrendered. Members of his family and advisors were found in a bunker on the outskirts of the city and are now in U.N. custody. However, Gaddafi’s current whereabouts are unknown as of this moment, and a manhunt across the nation and in the nations of Algeria, Tunisia and Egypt have been launched.
Before allowing Secretary Weinberger and Lieutenant-General Schwarzkopf to speak, I wish to address the people of Libya. I wish to tell them that today is a great day in the history of Libya. For decades, hundreds of thousands of you have suffered at the hands of this cruel despot. For decades, Muammar Gaddafi pitted Libyans against one another. For decades, he threatened, and attacked, your neighbors. Those days are over. Now it is time to look to the future, a much brighter future, under a democratic rule.
The capture of Tripoli, and the surrender of the Loyalist armies, is, no doubt, a major victory for the United States and the coalition of the willing, chief among which is Britain, of whom Mr. Nicholas Henderson, is here to represent *chuckles*. The curtain has now fallen on one of the world's most ruthless leaders, and soon we wish to have peace in this nation.
Thank you all for coming, and god bless.”
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
18 November, 1981
11:00 a.m.
Over the Mediterranean Sea, 38°42'35"N 18°40'00"E
Anatoliy kept looking back at the mysterious man in the back seat of the Mil Mi-14. He knew little about the man who sat slumped over in the seat behind him, dazed from the great escape the chopper had pulled off from Tripoli. Anatoliy usually flew commercial planes. Hell, it was lucky if he travelled anywhere that wasn’t the Karshi-Ufa-Leningrad line, which is probably why he jumped at the prospect of a top-secret mission to the Maghreb Coast. But he never expected such a scene as he did in Tripoli.
He could almost feel the gunshots that peppered the sides of their helicopter as they took off from the Gaddafi family barracks. The sky was covered with black smoke billowing from the city blocks that had been ignited by either bombs or rioters. The information that, as rebels poured into the Libyan capital, the American Air Force had greatly lessened their superior air reconnaissance forces, proved little comfort to the pilot. Anatoliy was just glad he hadn’t seen anyone’s brains, at least not yet, anyway.
He knew little about the man who was slumped, defeatedly, in the back seat of the chopper, next to two military ambassadors, other than he was an ally of the Soviet Union against the imperialists who had ousted him. They were supposed to take his whole family with him, although once it was clear a second helicopter was not coming, and the rebel snipers had gained a vantage point, that plan was entirely scrapped.
In the distance, he could almost taste the hills of Albania, where he was instructed to fly to, where Chairman Hoxha and his men would be waiting for them in a field just outside of the riviera city of Saranda. They were already running on fumes traversing across the great blue Mediterranean as they were.
Anatoliy was not a man to get political. Despite the unprecedented scope of the Soviet propaganda machine, he drew very little interest from politics. What use would it be if you were a member of the Communist Party, if your plane ran out of fuel over the Pacific Ocean, anyways? Though speaking of fuel, he could start hearing strange sputtering sounds coming from the engine. However, even an apolitical citizen caught up in this spider’s web could recognise a serious blow to the Soviet Union. One of their only footholds in Africa was overthrown and their leader under practical exile, the same punishment General-Secretary Stalin had given millions of undesirables.
He could feel the thawing of relations between America and Russia had just as quickly been tossed out.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
21 November, 1981
5:50 p.m.
Scranton, Pennsylvania
The grainy visage of Governor-Elect Robert Bork was on the television in Bob Casey’s living room, answering questions fed to him by the offscreen reporter, seemingly mocking the unsuccessful candidate everywhere he went.
“...My role as Governor of Pennsylvania won’t be as hard as my role as a law clerk and judge, but I fully understand the hardships I may encounter, as well as many of the hardships that the state of Pennsylvania may endure; and to those challenges, I say: “go to hell!” He spoke in his voice that reminded people of an Old Testament prophet.
“What are your opinions on foreign policy? Specifically in the face of the United States military intervention in Libya?”
Bork paused, before answering again.
“I understand that my opinion and opinions on the foreign policy of the United States is somewhat irrelevant, being Governor-Elect. However, I stand by President Bush’s decision for military intervention. I wish to point out that I say this, not as a Republican parroting the ideals of the President, but rather, I say this as one of the most qualified men to ever sit in charge of the great state of Pennsylvania.”
Bob Casey quickly interjected from his living room to the Governor-Elect on his small screen.
“To think that I lost… to this guy!”
“I know,” replied Governor Scranton, resting right next to him. He had felt some sort of regret after the election; almost a form of buyer’s remorse at handing the keys to his position, the one he had spent his whole life trying to get, to a bearded buffoon like Bork, who, for all intents and purposes, could shove his antitrust opinions he had made a big deal of on the campaign trail up his ass.
“...I have an idea, though.”
Bob Casey turned his gaze from the screen to the Governor. The two had kicked off a very interesting friendship following the election. The two had surprisingly agreed on many issues, despite being from different parties, and felt a shared form of disgust at Bork’s election. Many Pennsylvanians hated him; he fired Archibald Cox, for Christ’s sake!
“No-one’s gonna like it, but I’ve been thinking… and it seems like the only way to stop him in his tracks.”
“I’m interested.”
Casey was a man with high values, or at least he thought of himself as such. He would never engage in muckraking or fraud, even against the judge. But possibly, if they could do something tamer, to get Bork out of office, it could be done. And popularity? Bob Casey was not a man afraid of being an unpopular leader. Hell, that’s why he ran for Governor in the first place.
“All you really need to know is that from now on, the word ‘Bork’ is gonna be used in synonym for ‘crushing defeat.’”
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
PRESIDENT BUSH VETOES TAX CUT BILL
-The Washington Post, 24 November, 1981
President Bush vetoed legislation on Monday that would, among other reforms, drastically cut personal income taxes by 25% and lowing the maximum tax by 20%, with a Congress that unanimously backed the bill and has vowed to uphold it. The bill, co-authored by congressmen William Roth and Jack Kemp, faced uncertainty and was withheld by congress in the wake of President Reagan’s death and the passing of the Bush Tax Reforms, both of which many believed had jeopardize the bill.
The veto was long-anticipated, considering President Bush was one of the harshest critics of Reagan’s economic doctrine, even if he later claimed to soften up his criticism of the measures, and its veto of the measure, known as the Economic Recovery Tax Act, is the 4th of his presidency. But unless those who oppose the bill can persuade lawmakers to drop their support by next week, it will lead to the first congressional override of a veto during Bush’s turbulent and unexpected presidency.
President Bush was unavailable for comment, but stated to WaPo journalists in a press conference that: “the ideals in the Kemp-Roth Bill are unsustainable for growth at best, and disastrous for America at worst.”
Similarly, a second bill, H.R. 3851, or the “Non-Interventionism in the Maghreb Act,” introduces by California Representative Ron Dellums, although not facing a vote, was almost immediately vetoed by President Bush on Saturday.”
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Segment from History Channel Documentary: “Island of Terror: Death Row in Paradise” (2009)
NARRATOR: “Just four days before “D-Day, the mercenaries flew in, carrying weapons hidden in false bottoms of their suitcases. Dolinchek, Sims and four others met up with Mike Hoare, and the 44 mercenaries. The gunmen disguised themselves as the “Ancient Order of Froth Blowers,” a group of charitable, beer-drinking tourists. Despite this, all the instigators, and their concealed AK-47s, passed through security without a hitch.
Four days later, all hell broke loose on paradise.”
...
NARRATOR: “Nothing prepared the local Seychelles military and police forces for the terror the gunmen would strike. Colonel Ogilvy Berlouis and his team were one of the first responders to the shootings in the Maison du Peuple, where Prime Minister René was speaking. Concealed in a cattle truck, he readied his team for action.”
COLONEL OGILVY BERLOUIS: “I heard AK-47s fired both inside and outside… I heard what sounded like an M16 machine gun being fired outside and we had no automatic weapons. And at that point, I knew we were in big trouble, uh, but there was just no other place to go.
NARRATOR: “The military plan called for Ogilvy Berlouis’ team to take out Martin Dolinchek’s mercenary forces inside the building.”
BERLOUIS: “There was just so much gunfire on the outside I didn’t think there would be so much on the inside, you see. I was wrong. I remember having a blind cover my entry into a window, and I couldn’t see into the room with the damned blind in the way… so I took my flash grenade and threw it in and jumped inside.
The gunfire inside was so intense… I started receiving gunfire not only through the walls and open doors but through the floor, as well. I couldn’t do anything except return gunfire through the walls. I turned to see Lieutenant David Antag had already been hit, my comrade lying in a pool of blood. I couldn’t even hear his screams over the guns. I tried to drag him, his limp body over to cover… but I had to leave him.
He died on that afternoon, in that room, behind that filing cabinet.”
NARRATOR: “Meanwhile, just a floor above Berlouis, France-Albert René, then-President of the Seychelles, was hiding with his cabinet from gunmen.”
FRANCE-ALBERT RENÉ: “Everyone was screaming, the glass windows were shattered and… things flying around in the room… it was pure insanity. I had left the room for a moment and returned just to complete and utter mayhem. I could see windows in the room shot out, the pink walls peppered with bullets. As I’m walking down the hall, people were yelling at me to “get down, there’s bullets coming through the wall,” and I thought “yeah, I can see that…”
It felt unreal, to be honest, kind of like I was walking in a haze or in a dream… y-you know the danger but you’re not cowering in fear or crawling on the floor… in fact, I just remember walking slowly and upright…
That’s probably how they got the shots in.”
NARRATOR: “President René was shot in the back three times by a mercenary. All three barely missed vital organs in his chest. He feigned death as the gunman fired wildly into the room.
Meanwhile, Private Guy Moneta, separated from the rest of his platoon by disorientation and heavy gunfire, discovered a telephone, and hid under cover while attempting to contact the local Seychellois police.”
PRIVATE GUY MONETA: “I was just trying to get a hold of the police. I had no idea what was going on… I didn’t know why I couldn’t even get into contact with the emergency forces at first. Finally, after two or three attempts, I got contact, and I told them “there’s a situation going on at the Maison du Peuple… you need every police officer available on the scene.” And all the operator said was:
"All the police on the island are engaged.""
The 1981 Seychelles coup d'état attempt, sometimes referred to as the Seychelles affair or Operation Angela, was a failed South African-orchestrated mercenary takeover attempt in the Seychelles.
South African officials organized the coup very quickly after leftist and anti-Apartheid President France-Albert René ousted President James Mancham in a 1978 coup, and the deposed Mancham approached the South African government through Seychelles exiles to garner support for a counter-coup. As plans developed, the South African government was willing to set aside a small number of special forces for a plot, but directed Mancham's representative to “Mad” Mike Hoare, a former mercenary in the Congo Crisis and a stock broker living in South Africa at the time.
Hoare managed to assemble a force of 54 white putschists (himself included). Of these, 27 were members of the South African Defence Force. The majority of the revolutionaries arrived on a chartered Royal Swazi National Airways plane in the afternoon of the 25th of November, 1981 disguised as vacationing rugby players and members of a charitable beer drinking club. As part of their cover, the mercenaries filled their baggage with toys that were to be supposedly distributed to local orphanages. In reality, these were meant to conceal the weight of rifles hidden under the false bottoms of each item of luggage. The mercenaries passed through security without any incident.
On the 28th of November, 1981, the coup begun. The group attempted to seize the government by forcibly taking over government buildings, the Seychelles International Airport, local radio broadcast centers, police stations, the army camp at Pointe La Rue and other strategic locations on the island of Mahé, while President René was attending a cabinet meeting at the Maison du Peuple. The putschists, although managing to inflict numerous casualties against the local defense forces, including injuring President René, were ultimately unsuccessful, with all 54 mercenaries either killed or captured by the Seychellois military.
South Africa immediately denied all responsibility for the unsuccessful coup, with Minister of Foreign Affairs Pik Botha declaring that it was “neither discussed, nor approved, by the South African cabinet, or the State Security Council,” however a joint U.N.-Seychelles investigation later discovered that the coup was orchestrated by the South African Defense - Intelligence Division (SADF-ID).
The plot, and subsequent later controversies involving South Africa, including the Uitenhage Massacre and the sentences of the Sharpeville Six, helped to spread international dissent and activism against Apartheid and the Republic of South Africa, and the subsequent backlash and threats of sanctions later led to the Botha Reforms.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
On the exact same day, the 1981 New Zealand general election, was held. The election was a nationwide vote to determine the shape of the 40th New Zealand Parliament. It saw the opposition Labour Party, led by Bill Rowling, oust the governing National Party, led by Robert Muldoon.
Before the election, the National Party governed with 50 seats, while the opposition Labour Party held 40 seats. The Social Credit Party held two (one of which had been taken from National in a recent by-election). The National Party had won a landslide victory in the 1975 election, but in the 1978 election, although remaining in office, had lost significant ground. The style of Robert Muldoon's leadership was growing rapidly unpopular, both with his party and with the public. However, the disastrous 1981 Springbok Tour and Molesworth Street Massacre severely jeopardized both the reputation of Prime Minister Muldoon and the reputation of National Party as a whole nationwide, even amongst the most pro-Tour New Zealanders. In fact, images of injured protestors dressed as clowns were infamously used in Labour attack ads, and “Clown Ad” has since been established as a common New Zealand term for a negative advertisement campaign. Whilst Rowling had performed poorly against Muldoon in 1975, and was generally viewed by the public as weak, he had gradually recovered a measure of public respect, and his opposition to the Springbok Tour made him a popular leader.
The 1981 election saw the Labour Party win 50 of the 92 seats in parliament, a massive gain of ten from before the election (National lost Clutha, Eden, Gisborne, Helensville, Hunua, Kapiti, Miramar and Wellington Central). The Social Credit Party managed to gain two seats in addition to retaining its own two seats, gaining Bay of Islands and Pakuranga, while holding East Coast Bays and Rangitikei. This meant that National lost its majority by twelve seats, their worst performance since 1972, where they lost 15 seats.
Member of Parliament (MP) shifts:
Bay of Islands: Les Hunter (Social Credit) defeats Neill Austin (National)
Clutha: Clive Matthewson (Labour) defeats Robin Gray (National)
Eden: Ian Scott (Labour) defeats Aussie Malcolm (National)
Fendalton: Philip Burdon (National) succeeds Eric Holland (National)
Gisborne: Alan Wallbank (Labour) defeats Bob Bell (National)
Hauraki: Graeme Lee (National) succeeds Leo Schultz (National)
Helensville: Jack Elder (Labour) defeats Dail Jones (National)
Heretaunga: Bill Jeffries (Labour) succeeds Ron Bailey (Labour)
Horowhenua: David Page (Labour) defeats Geoff Thompson (National)
Hunua: Colin Moyle (Labour) defeats Winston Peters (National)
Kapiti: Margaret Shields (Labour) defeats Barry Brill (National)
Miramar: Peter Neilson (Labour) defeats Bill Young (National)
Mount Albert: Helen Clark (Labour) succeeds Warren Freer (Labour)
Napier: Geoff Braybrooke (Labour) succeeds Gordon Christie (Labour)
Nelson: Philip Woollaston (Labour) defeats Mel Courtney (Independent)
Palmerston North: Trevor de Cleene (Labour) succeeds Joe Walding (Labour)
Pakuranga: Neil Morrison (Social Credit) defeats Pat Hunt (National)
Roskill: Phil Goff (Labour) succeeds Arthur Faulkner (Labour)
St. Kilda: Michael Cullen (Labour) succeeds Bill Fraser (Labour)
Selwyn: Ruth Richardson (National) succeeds Colin McLachlan (National)
Waikato: Simon Upton (National) succeeds Lance Adams-Schneider (National)
Wallace: Derek Angus (National) succeeds Brian Talboys (National)
Wellington Central: Fran Wilde (Labour) defeats Ken Comber (National)
Whangarei: John Banks (National) succeeds John Elliott (National)
MĀORI ELECTORATES:
Eastern Maori: Peter Tapsell (Labour) succeeds Paraone Reweti (Labour)
(Sourced from Nupedia, the Online Encyclopedia, 2018)
9:00 a.m.
West Wing of The White House, Washington D.C.
Vice-President Howard Baker walked into the stage of the Press Briefing Room. He addressed the sea of reporters and journalists to his front, with Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger by his side.
He addressed the crowd.
“Ladies and gentlemen, we won.”
The crowd went wild, whoops and cheers nearly drowning out the tsunami of applause.
“Just yesterday, a battalion of Libyan rebel forces successfully gained control of the Libyan capital of Tripoli, specifically the Bab Al-Azizia military compound, which was home to Colonel Gaddafi and his family. Here, forces loyal to dictator Muammar Gaddafi surrendered. Members of his family and advisors were found in a bunker on the outskirts of the city and are now in U.N. custody. However, Gaddafi’s current whereabouts are unknown as of this moment, and a manhunt across the nation and in the nations of Algeria, Tunisia and Egypt have been launched.
Before allowing Secretary Weinberger and Lieutenant-General Schwarzkopf to speak, I wish to address the people of Libya. I wish to tell them that today is a great day in the history of Libya. For decades, hundreds of thousands of you have suffered at the hands of this cruel despot. For decades, Muammar Gaddafi pitted Libyans against one another. For decades, he threatened, and attacked, your neighbors. Those days are over. Now it is time to look to the future, a much brighter future, under a democratic rule.
The capture of Tripoli, and the surrender of the Loyalist armies, is, no doubt, a major victory for the United States and the coalition of the willing, chief among which is Britain, of whom Mr. Nicholas Henderson, is here to represent *chuckles*. The curtain has now fallen on one of the world's most ruthless leaders, and soon we wish to have peace in this nation.
Thank you all for coming, and god bless.”
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
18 November, 1981
11:00 a.m.
Over the Mediterranean Sea, 38°42'35"N 18°40'00"E
Anatoliy kept looking back at the mysterious man in the back seat of the Mil Mi-14. He knew little about the man who sat slumped over in the seat behind him, dazed from the great escape the chopper had pulled off from Tripoli. Anatoliy usually flew commercial planes. Hell, it was lucky if he travelled anywhere that wasn’t the Karshi-Ufa-Leningrad line, which is probably why he jumped at the prospect of a top-secret mission to the Maghreb Coast. But he never expected such a scene as he did in Tripoli.
He could almost feel the gunshots that peppered the sides of their helicopter as they took off from the Gaddafi family barracks. The sky was covered with black smoke billowing from the city blocks that had been ignited by either bombs or rioters. The information that, as rebels poured into the Libyan capital, the American Air Force had greatly lessened their superior air reconnaissance forces, proved little comfort to the pilot. Anatoliy was just glad he hadn’t seen anyone’s brains, at least not yet, anyway.
He knew little about the man who was slumped, defeatedly, in the back seat of the chopper, next to two military ambassadors, other than he was an ally of the Soviet Union against the imperialists who had ousted him. They were supposed to take his whole family with him, although once it was clear a second helicopter was not coming, and the rebel snipers had gained a vantage point, that plan was entirely scrapped.
In the distance, he could almost taste the hills of Albania, where he was instructed to fly to, where Chairman Hoxha and his men would be waiting for them in a field just outside of the riviera city of Saranda. They were already running on fumes traversing across the great blue Mediterranean as they were.
Anatoliy was not a man to get political. Despite the unprecedented scope of the Soviet propaganda machine, he drew very little interest from politics. What use would it be if you were a member of the Communist Party, if your plane ran out of fuel over the Pacific Ocean, anyways? Though speaking of fuel, he could start hearing strange sputtering sounds coming from the engine. However, even an apolitical citizen caught up in this spider’s web could recognise a serious blow to the Soviet Union. One of their only footholds in Africa was overthrown and their leader under practical exile, the same punishment General-Secretary Stalin had given millions of undesirables.
He could feel the thawing of relations between America and Russia had just as quickly been tossed out.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
21 November, 1981
5:50 p.m.
Scranton, Pennsylvania
The grainy visage of Governor-Elect Robert Bork was on the television in Bob Casey’s living room, answering questions fed to him by the offscreen reporter, seemingly mocking the unsuccessful candidate everywhere he went.
“...My role as Governor of Pennsylvania won’t be as hard as my role as a law clerk and judge, but I fully understand the hardships I may encounter, as well as many of the hardships that the state of Pennsylvania may endure; and to those challenges, I say: “go to hell!” He spoke in his voice that reminded people of an Old Testament prophet.
“What are your opinions on foreign policy? Specifically in the face of the United States military intervention in Libya?”
Bork paused, before answering again.
“I understand that my opinion and opinions on the foreign policy of the United States is somewhat irrelevant, being Governor-Elect. However, I stand by President Bush’s decision for military intervention. I wish to point out that I say this, not as a Republican parroting the ideals of the President, but rather, I say this as one of the most qualified men to ever sit in charge of the great state of Pennsylvania.”
Bob Casey quickly interjected from his living room to the Governor-Elect on his small screen.
“To think that I lost… to this guy!”
“I know,” replied Governor Scranton, resting right next to him. He had felt some sort of regret after the election; almost a form of buyer’s remorse at handing the keys to his position, the one he had spent his whole life trying to get, to a bearded buffoon like Bork, who, for all intents and purposes, could shove his antitrust opinions he had made a big deal of on the campaign trail up his ass.
“...I have an idea, though.”
Bob Casey turned his gaze from the screen to the Governor. The two had kicked off a very interesting friendship following the election. The two had surprisingly agreed on many issues, despite being from different parties, and felt a shared form of disgust at Bork’s election. Many Pennsylvanians hated him; he fired Archibald Cox, for Christ’s sake!
“No-one’s gonna like it, but I’ve been thinking… and it seems like the only way to stop him in his tracks.”
“I’m interested.”
Casey was a man with high values, or at least he thought of himself as such. He would never engage in muckraking or fraud, even against the judge. But possibly, if they could do something tamer, to get Bork out of office, it could be done. And popularity? Bob Casey was not a man afraid of being an unpopular leader. Hell, that’s why he ran for Governor in the first place.
“All you really need to know is that from now on, the word ‘Bork’ is gonna be used in synonym for ‘crushing defeat.’”
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
PRESIDENT BUSH VETOES TAX CUT BILL
-The Washington Post, 24 November, 1981
President Bush vetoed legislation on Monday that would, among other reforms, drastically cut personal income taxes by 25% and lowing the maximum tax by 20%, with a Congress that unanimously backed the bill and has vowed to uphold it. The bill, co-authored by congressmen William Roth and Jack Kemp, faced uncertainty and was withheld by congress in the wake of President Reagan’s death and the passing of the Bush Tax Reforms, both of which many believed had jeopardize the bill.
The veto was long-anticipated, considering President Bush was one of the harshest critics of Reagan’s economic doctrine, even if he later claimed to soften up his criticism of the measures, and its veto of the measure, known as the Economic Recovery Tax Act, is the 4th of his presidency. But unless those who oppose the bill can persuade lawmakers to drop their support by next week, it will lead to the first congressional override of a veto during Bush’s turbulent and unexpected presidency.
President Bush was unavailable for comment, but stated to WaPo journalists in a press conference that: “the ideals in the Kemp-Roth Bill are unsustainable for growth at best, and disastrous for America at worst.”
Similarly, a second bill, H.R. 3851, or the “Non-Interventionism in the Maghreb Act,” introduces by California Representative Ron Dellums, although not facing a vote, was almost immediately vetoed by President Bush on Saturday.”
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Segment from History Channel Documentary: “Island of Terror: Death Row in Paradise” (2009)
NARRATOR: “Just four days before “D-Day, the mercenaries flew in, carrying weapons hidden in false bottoms of their suitcases. Dolinchek, Sims and four others met up with Mike Hoare, and the 44 mercenaries. The gunmen disguised themselves as the “Ancient Order of Froth Blowers,” a group of charitable, beer-drinking tourists. Despite this, all the instigators, and their concealed AK-47s, passed through security without a hitch.
Four days later, all hell broke loose on paradise.”
...
NARRATOR: “Nothing prepared the local Seychelles military and police forces for the terror the gunmen would strike. Colonel Ogilvy Berlouis and his team were one of the first responders to the shootings in the Maison du Peuple, where Prime Minister René was speaking. Concealed in a cattle truck, he readied his team for action.”
COLONEL OGILVY BERLOUIS: “I heard AK-47s fired both inside and outside… I heard what sounded like an M16 machine gun being fired outside and we had no automatic weapons. And at that point, I knew we were in big trouble, uh, but there was just no other place to go.
NARRATOR: “The military plan called for Ogilvy Berlouis’ team to take out Martin Dolinchek’s mercenary forces inside the building.”
BERLOUIS: “There was just so much gunfire on the outside I didn’t think there would be so much on the inside, you see. I was wrong. I remember having a blind cover my entry into a window, and I couldn’t see into the room with the damned blind in the way… so I took my flash grenade and threw it in and jumped inside.
The gunfire inside was so intense… I started receiving gunfire not only through the walls and open doors but through the floor, as well. I couldn’t do anything except return gunfire through the walls. I turned to see Lieutenant David Antag had already been hit, my comrade lying in a pool of blood. I couldn’t even hear his screams over the guns. I tried to drag him, his limp body over to cover… but I had to leave him.
He died on that afternoon, in that room, behind that filing cabinet.”
NARRATOR: “Meanwhile, just a floor above Berlouis, France-Albert René, then-President of the Seychelles, was hiding with his cabinet from gunmen.”
FRANCE-ALBERT RENÉ: “Everyone was screaming, the glass windows were shattered and… things flying around in the room… it was pure insanity. I had left the room for a moment and returned just to complete and utter mayhem. I could see windows in the room shot out, the pink walls peppered with bullets. As I’m walking down the hall, people were yelling at me to “get down, there’s bullets coming through the wall,” and I thought “yeah, I can see that…”
It felt unreal, to be honest, kind of like I was walking in a haze or in a dream… y-you know the danger but you’re not cowering in fear or crawling on the floor… in fact, I just remember walking slowly and upright…
That’s probably how they got the shots in.”
NARRATOR: “President René was shot in the back three times by a mercenary. All three barely missed vital organs in his chest. He feigned death as the gunman fired wildly into the room.
Meanwhile, Private Guy Moneta, separated from the rest of his platoon by disorientation and heavy gunfire, discovered a telephone, and hid under cover while attempting to contact the local Seychellois police.”
PRIVATE GUY MONETA: “I was just trying to get a hold of the police. I had no idea what was going on… I didn’t know why I couldn’t even get into contact with the emergency forces at first. Finally, after two or three attempts, I got contact, and I told them “there’s a situation going on at the Maison du Peuple… you need every police officer available on the scene.” And all the operator said was:
"All the police on the island are engaged.""
The 1981 Seychelles coup d'état attempt, sometimes referred to as the Seychelles affair or Operation Angela, was a failed South African-orchestrated mercenary takeover attempt in the Seychelles.
South African officials organized the coup very quickly after leftist and anti-Apartheid President France-Albert René ousted President James Mancham in a 1978 coup, and the deposed Mancham approached the South African government through Seychelles exiles to garner support for a counter-coup. As plans developed, the South African government was willing to set aside a small number of special forces for a plot, but directed Mancham's representative to “Mad” Mike Hoare, a former mercenary in the Congo Crisis and a stock broker living in South Africa at the time.
Hoare managed to assemble a force of 54 white putschists (himself included). Of these, 27 were members of the South African Defence Force. The majority of the revolutionaries arrived on a chartered Royal Swazi National Airways plane in the afternoon of the 25th of November, 1981 disguised as vacationing rugby players and members of a charitable beer drinking club. As part of their cover, the mercenaries filled their baggage with toys that were to be supposedly distributed to local orphanages. In reality, these were meant to conceal the weight of rifles hidden under the false bottoms of each item of luggage. The mercenaries passed through security without any incident.
On the 28th of November, 1981, the coup begun. The group attempted to seize the government by forcibly taking over government buildings, the Seychelles International Airport, local radio broadcast centers, police stations, the army camp at Pointe La Rue and other strategic locations on the island of Mahé, while President René was attending a cabinet meeting at the Maison du Peuple. The putschists, although managing to inflict numerous casualties against the local defense forces, including injuring President René, were ultimately unsuccessful, with all 54 mercenaries either killed or captured by the Seychellois military.
South Africa immediately denied all responsibility for the unsuccessful coup, with Minister of Foreign Affairs Pik Botha declaring that it was “neither discussed, nor approved, by the South African cabinet, or the State Security Council,” however a joint U.N.-Seychelles investigation later discovered that the coup was orchestrated by the South African Defense - Intelligence Division (SADF-ID).
The plot, and subsequent later controversies involving South Africa, including the Uitenhage Massacre and the sentences of the Sharpeville Six, helped to spread international dissent and activism against Apartheid and the Republic of South Africa, and the subsequent backlash and threats of sanctions later led to the Botha Reforms.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
On the exact same day, the 1981 New Zealand general election, was held. The election was a nationwide vote to determine the shape of the 40th New Zealand Parliament. It saw the opposition Labour Party, led by Bill Rowling, oust the governing National Party, led by Robert Muldoon.
Before the election, the National Party governed with 50 seats, while the opposition Labour Party held 40 seats. The Social Credit Party held two (one of which had been taken from National in a recent by-election). The National Party had won a landslide victory in the 1975 election, but in the 1978 election, although remaining in office, had lost significant ground. The style of Robert Muldoon's leadership was growing rapidly unpopular, both with his party and with the public. However, the disastrous 1981 Springbok Tour and Molesworth Street Massacre severely jeopardized both the reputation of Prime Minister Muldoon and the reputation of National Party as a whole nationwide, even amongst the most pro-Tour New Zealanders. In fact, images of injured protestors dressed as clowns were infamously used in Labour attack ads, and “Clown Ad” has since been established as a common New Zealand term for a negative advertisement campaign. Whilst Rowling had performed poorly against Muldoon in 1975, and was generally viewed by the public as weak, he had gradually recovered a measure of public respect, and his opposition to the Springbok Tour made him a popular leader.
The 1981 election saw the Labour Party win 50 of the 92 seats in parliament, a massive gain of ten from before the election (National lost Clutha, Eden, Gisborne, Helensville, Hunua, Kapiti, Miramar and Wellington Central). The Social Credit Party managed to gain two seats in addition to retaining its own two seats, gaining Bay of Islands and Pakuranga, while holding East Coast Bays and Rangitikei. This meant that National lost its majority by twelve seats, their worst performance since 1972, where they lost 15 seats.
Member of Parliament (MP) shifts:
Bay of Islands: Les Hunter (Social Credit) defeats Neill Austin (National)
Clutha: Clive Matthewson (Labour) defeats Robin Gray (National)
Eden: Ian Scott (Labour) defeats Aussie Malcolm (National)
Fendalton: Philip Burdon (National) succeeds Eric Holland (National)
Gisborne: Alan Wallbank (Labour) defeats Bob Bell (National)
Hauraki: Graeme Lee (National) succeeds Leo Schultz (National)
Helensville: Jack Elder (Labour) defeats Dail Jones (National)
Heretaunga: Bill Jeffries (Labour) succeeds Ron Bailey (Labour)
Horowhenua: David Page (Labour) defeats Geoff Thompson (National)
Hunua: Colin Moyle (Labour) defeats Winston Peters (National)
Kapiti: Margaret Shields (Labour) defeats Barry Brill (National)
Miramar: Peter Neilson (Labour) defeats Bill Young (National)
Mount Albert: Helen Clark (Labour) succeeds Warren Freer (Labour)
Napier: Geoff Braybrooke (Labour) succeeds Gordon Christie (Labour)
Nelson: Philip Woollaston (Labour) defeats Mel Courtney (Independent)
Palmerston North: Trevor de Cleene (Labour) succeeds Joe Walding (Labour)
Pakuranga: Neil Morrison (Social Credit) defeats Pat Hunt (National)
Roskill: Phil Goff (Labour) succeeds Arthur Faulkner (Labour)
St. Kilda: Michael Cullen (Labour) succeeds Bill Fraser (Labour)
Selwyn: Ruth Richardson (National) succeeds Colin McLachlan (National)
Waikato: Simon Upton (National) succeeds Lance Adams-Schneider (National)
Wallace: Derek Angus (National) succeeds Brian Talboys (National)
Wellington Central: Fran Wilde (Labour) defeats Ken Comber (National)
Whangarei: John Banks (National) succeeds John Elliott (National)
MĀORI ELECTORATES:
Eastern Maori: Peter Tapsell (Labour) succeeds Paraone Reweti (Labour)
(Sourced from Nupedia, the Online Encyclopedia, 2018)
Last edited:
"Former Corporal Troy G. Ennis asked me to assist him with lighting a single cigarette, gripped in between his teeth, before his interview.
'I know we won the battle, but we're fighting a losing war,' he says, a flame in his eyes. 'Once we'd got rid of Gaddafi, our job was simple: 'keep the peace,' or whatever there was left of it.'
'Those Libyans aren't a very peaceful bunch.'
He looks at me forlornly from his wheelchair. Ennis was shot by a pro-Gaddafi terrorist in the spine, resulting in the total loss of the use of anything below his neck. He survives on nothing more than a meager benefit check."
-From Fear, Loathing and Irresponsibility: How Politics Trumped Truth In The Libyan-American Conflict by Ramsey Clark, 1989
“President Bush refuses, and I do mean, refuses, to condemn the actions of the rouge, racist state of South Africa, and their attempts to destroy a democratically-elected government through violence and hatred! Meanwhile, he chooses to invade the nation of Libya, absolutely against the law, killing thousands of innocent civilians every day!
I absolutely detest Mr. Gaddafi’s reign of communism and terror, but if you are to tell me that this was all about the downing of our jets, and that this wasn’t just an excuse to fulfill America’s quest for foreign intervention, you are not only wrong, but you are lying to both yourself and the American people!”
-Excerpt from a sermon delivered by Reverend Jesse Jackson, dated 1 December, 1981
“We come here to announce the merger of the Third Force loyalist group, and all 20,000 faithful servants belonging to our group, into the union of the Ulster Freedom Forces! Our order of God is to serve one purpose: to defend our people, our families and our Ulster, against the satanic taigs and papist Republican invaders!”
-Statement by MEP Ian Paisley (DUP-Northern Ireland) in a remote hill outside Ballymena, Northern Ireland, December 7, 1981
From: Jim Baker, Chief of Staff
To: The President
“Mr. President,
I know we’ve briefed this a little bit already in the National Security meeting last Sunday but still: what are we to do about the Nicuraguans [sic]? You said you’d think about it, and I was just wondering if you’ve make your mind up. Al’s still wanting a second Vietnam.
Jim.”
----------------------------
From: The President
To: James Baker, Chief of Staff
“In response to your question on the Contras, I’m realistically looking at one option, that we can’t do anything for them right now, sans giving the rebels lip service, of course. I realise we need to aid our friends in the worldwide battle against communism, but in our current state we’re barely able to keep the peace in Libya, for Christ’s sake (!)
If we were to sell weapons to these rebels, or even flat-out invade like Al wants, we could end-up re-visiting 1968 on this. Currently, we’ve been sowing some division between the liberals and the moderates over the Libyan intervention. This kind of thing could reunite them around a common cause.
Yours,
GB.
PS: Don’t wear the tie with the mustard stain on it next time.”
-Memorandums posted between President Bush and Chief of Staff James “Jim Baker, 3-4 December, 1981
“This Sunday, on This Week with David Brinkley: live from Cuba, the ousted dictator of Libya speaks!”
-Television ad for This Week with David Brinkley, December 5, 1981
“Mr. Gaddafi, is it true that you, or at least loyalists of your government, have sent a ‘hit squad’ to assassinate President Bush?
-What?
A U.S. State Department report dated just a few weeks ago stated that you apparently sent a squadron of assassins to kill President Bush and high-ranking figures of governm…
-How you are silly people! You are superpower, how you are afraid? Oh, it is silly this administration, and this president. We are absolutely sure we haven't sent any people to kill George Bush… or any other people in the world... if they have evidence, we are ready to see this evidence.”
-Conversation between David Brinkley and former Brotherly Leader and Guide of the Revolution of Libya Muammar Gaddafi on This Week with David Brinkley, December 6, 1981
“OFFICER DEAD IN DOWNTOWN TRAFFIC STOP SHOOTING”
-The Philadelphia Inquirer, 9 December, 1981
“This man… who killed Officer Faulkner, Mr. Wesley Cook… was a Black Panther, a… rebel who wanted to kill white people and, specifically white police officers…”
-Statement from Governor-Elect Robert Bork (R-PA) during a press conference, 11 December, 1981, sampled on Rage Against the Machine’s “Rise Against,” 1995
“STATE DEPARTMENT BANS US TRAVEL TO LIBYA, WARNS TOURISTS IN THE MAGHREB REGION”
-CNN, 12 December, 1981
“The cases of terror, threats and moral vendetta, of even direct violence are on the rise. A wave of impudent crimes, robberies and burglaries is running across the country. The underground business sharks' fortunes, already reaching millions, are growing. Chaos and demoralization have reached the magnitude of a catastrophe. People have reached the limit of psychological toleration. Many people are struck by despair. Not only days, but hours as well are bringing forth the all-national disaster…
Citizens!
The load of responsibility that falls on me on this dramatic moment in the Polish history is huge. It is my duty to take this responsibility - concerning the future of Poland, that my generation fought for on all the fronts of the war and for which they sacrificed the best years of their life. I declare, that today the Military Council of National Salvation has been formed. In accordance with the Constitution, the State Council has imposed martial law all over the country. I wish that everyone understood the motives of our actions. A military coup, military dictatorship is not our goal…
In longer perspective, none of Poland's problems can be solved with the use of violence. The Military Council of National Salvation does not replace constitutional organs of power. Its only purpose is to keep the legal balance of the country, to create guarantees that give a chance to restore order and discipline. This is the ultimate way to bring the country out of the crisis, to save the country from collapse!”
-General Wojciech Jaruzelski, informing the people of Poland that martial law has been put in place, 13 December, 1981
“HUNDREDS OF WORKERS ARRESTED IN POLISH ‘KRISTALLNACHT’”
-The Washington Post, 14 December, 1981
“The 1981 Iraqi embassy bombing, taking place on the 15th of December, 1981, was the first true suicide bombing, the presage to the United States embassy bombing and the Beirut barracks bombing plot in Beirut just two years later.”
-From Terrorism Pre-’91: A History of Violence and Terror by Lloyd Pettiford and David Harding, 2014
“GENERAL KIDNAPPED IN ITALY”
-The New York Times, 17 December, 1981
“We’re not having another Fred Kroesen on our hands. Get him back at any cost!”
-Excerpt from a telephone conversation between Secretary of State Alexander Haig and Italian President Alessandro Pertini, 19 December, 1981
“DEAR MR. PRESIDENT,
THE RECENT EVENTS IN POLAND HAVE FILLED THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES, AND MYSELF SPECIFICALLY, WITH BOTH SHOCK AND DISMAY. SINCE THE IMPOSITION OF MARTIAL LAW ON DECEMBER 13TH, THE MOST ELEMENTARY RIGHTS OF THE POLISH PEOPLE HAVE BEEN VIOLATED DAILY: MASSIVE ARRESTS WITHOUT ANY LEGAL PROCEDURES; INCARCERATIONS OF TRADE UNION LEADERS AND INTELLECTUALS IN OVERCROWDED JAILS AND FREEZING INTERNMENT CAMPS; SUSPENSION OF THE RIGHT TO ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATION; AND, LAST BUT NOT LEAST, BRUTAL ASSAULTS ON INNOCENT CIVILIANS BY POLICE FORCES.
[...]
OUR TWO COUNTRIES HAVE HAD MOMENTS OF ACCORD AND MOMENTS OF DISAGREEMENT BUT SINCE AFGHANISTAN NOTHING HAS SO OUTRAGED OUR PUBLIC OPINION AS THE PRESSURES AND THREATS THAT HAVE BEEN EXERTED ONTO THE INNOCENT CIVILIANS OF POLAND IN ORDER TO STIFLE THE FREEDOMS OF THE PEOPLE. ATTEMPTS TO SUPPRESS THE POLISH PEOPLE — EITHER BY THE POLISH POLICE AND MILITARY ACTING UNDER SOVIET PRESSURE, OR THROUGH EVEN MORE DIRECT USE OF SOVIET MILITARY FORCE — CERTAINLY WILL NOT BRING ABOUT LONG-TERM STABILITY IN THE REGION AND COULD POSSIBLY UNLEASH A SITUATION THAT NEITHER YOURSELF NOR US ARE ABLE TO CONTROL. WE ARE WILLING TO ASSIST IN BROKERING A CEASEFIRE AND RETURN TO NORMALCY IN POLAND, BUT WE SEE THE ONLY SENSIBLE OPTION TO BRING STABILITY BACK TO THE POLISH REPUBLIC IS TO ALLOW THE POLISH GOVERNMENT AND PEOPLE TO BEGIN A PROCESS OF RECONCILIATION, AND TO DO SO BEFORE THE SITUATION ESCALATES FURTHER.
[...]
SOVIET ACTIONS, OR RATHER THE ACTIONS OF PARTIES UNDER THE PRESSURE OF SOVIET INFLUENCE, WILL DETERMINE OUR DECISIONS. AS LEADERS OF TWO GREAT AND POWERFUL NATIONS IN THESE DARK TIMES, WE BEAR A MUTUAL OBLIGATION TO DEMONSTRATE WISDOM, MODERATION AND RESTRAINT. LET ME ASSURE YOU THAT WE ARE PREPARED TO JOIN IN THE PROCESS OF HEALING POLAND’S WOUNDS AND TO MEET ITS NEEDS IF YOU ARE WILLING TO RECIPROCATE. I CALL UPON YOU TO MAKE IT CLEAR THAT YOU UNDERSTAND AND AGREE THAT THE FIRST STEP FOR PEACE AND STABILITY IN THE POLISH REGION IS NATIONAL RECONCILIATION. THE ALTERNATIVE IS NOT IN THE INTEREST OF ANY PARTY.
I LOOK FORWARD TO HEARING FROM YOU IN THE FOLLOWING DAYS.
SINCERELY,
GEORGE BUSH”
-Letter from President Bush to Soviet Premier Leonid Brezhnev, sent December 23, 1981
“SHOCK ANNOUNCEMENT BAFFLES STATE
In a bizarre announcement, Governor Scranton has announced that the results of the special election held last November are void, and that Governor-Elect Bork will not be eligible for his term until January 20, 1983. The abrupt decision, which has reportedly been declared as a result of rumoured voter fraud in the election, has been justified by the Governor, who has called the decision “legitimate” under a loophole in the Pennsylvania Constitution. The Governor-Elect was reportedly left “outraged” by what he sees as a “flagrant dismissal of the democratic system,” and has said he plans to file a civil lawsuit to the Pennsylvania Supreme Court. A recall election has been announced but not confirmed.”
-The Pittsburgh Tribune-Review, 24 December, 1981
“This is just more absurdity from the liberal elites and Rockefeller Republicans attempting to censure my gubernatorial run. I won the election, fair and square, and the citizens of Pennsylvania know that as well as I.”
-Statement from Governor-Elect Robert Bork (R-PA), 25 December, 1981
“The Virgin Mary gave birth to her firstborn son and wrapped him in bands of cloth, and laid him in a manger, because there was no place for them in the inn.” In these plain and clear words, Luke brings us to the heart of that holy night: Mary gave birth; she gave us the gift of Jesus, the Light of the world. A simple story that plunges us into the event that changes our history forever. Everything, that night, became a source of hope.
Let us go back a few verses. By decree of the Emperor, Mary and Joseph found themselves forced to set out. They had to leave their people, their home and their land, and to undertake a journey in order to be registered in the census. This was no comfortable or easy journey for a young couple about to have a child: they had to leave their land. At heart, they were full of hope and expectation because of the child about to be born; yet their steps were weighed down by the uncertainties and dangers that attend those who have to leave their home behind.
So many other footsteps are hidden in the footsteps of Joseph and Mary. We see the tracks of entire families forced to set out in our own day. We see the tracks of millions of persons who do not choose to go away but, driven from their land, leave behind their dear ones. In many cases this departure is filled with hope, hope for the future; yet for many others this departure can only have one name: survival. Surviving the Herods of today, who, to impose their power and increase their wealth, see no problem in shedding innocent blood. To the East, human beings are subjected to state brutality while economies flounder in stagnation. Critics of communist power often proclaim that the desire to control by the rulers strangles the economy. Well, the desire to dominate by the rulers strangles the soul of our brothers and sisters behind the Iron Curtain. Even today in Poland, our brothers and sisters are kept from the House of the Lord in their quest to worship Him on this most Holy of days.
But let those to the West not take smug refuge in the belief that they have the answers: we live in a society so often intoxicated by consumerism and hedonism, wealth and extravagance, appearances and narcissism. Yet, this Child, our Heavenly Father’s gift to us, calls us to act soberly. This Child, whose face radiates the goodness, mercy and love of God the Father, trains us, his disciples, as Saint Paul says, “to reject godless ways” and the richness of the world, in order to live “temperately, justly and devoutly.”
Amid a culture of indifference which not infrequently turns ruthless, our style of life should instead be devout, drawn daily from the wellspring of prayer and gospel.
May there be peace and joy in the hearts and minds of all now and forever.”
-Pope Gregory XVII’s Christmas Homily, 25 December, 1981
“DEAR MR. PRESIDENT,
YOUR ADDRESS ON THE DIRECT COMMUNICATIONS LINK HAS MADE ALL THE MORE PRESSING THE NECESSITY OF CALLING UPON YOU AND THE USA TO END AT LAST THE INTERFERENCE IN THE INTERNAL AFFAIRS OF A FOREIGN STATE — NAMELY THE POLISH PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC.
[...]
ESSENTIALLY, IN YOUR DIRECT COMMUNICATION, YOU HAVE PLACED YOUR PERSONAL SIGNATURE UPON THE FACT THAT GROSS AND PASSIVE-AGGRESSIVE INTERFERENCE IN THE INTERNAL AFFAIRS OF POLAND IS THE OFFICIAL POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES. WE HAVE CONDEMNED AND CONTINUE TO CONDEMN SUCH A POLICY. WE CONSIDER IT UNACCEPTABLE.
[...]
IT SEEMS THAT IT MUCH MORE USEFUL IF THE LEADERS OF BOTH THE SOVIET UNION AND UNITED STATES RESPONSIBLY AND WITH COMPOSURE DISCUSSED PROBLEMS WHICH FOR THE PEOPLES ARE TRULY OF VITAL IMPORTANCE — HOW TO SLOW DOWN AND STOP THE ARMS RACE WHICH FOR A LONG TIME ALREADY HAS ASSUMED A SENSELESS INTENSITY AND SCOPE, AND HOW TO PRESERVE PEACE ON EARTH. WE FAVOR PLACING PRECISELY THESE PROBLEMS IN THE CENTER OF ATTENTION OF THE LEADERSHIP OF OUR TWO COUNTRIES AND HAVING THEM FIND AN INTELLIGENT SOLUTION. I ASSUME, AND AM CONVINCED, THAT THE AMERICAN PEOPLE NEED THIS NO LESS THAN THE SOVIET PEOPLE AND THE PEOPLE OF OTHER NATIONS.
RESPECTFULLY,
L. BREZHNEV.”
-Letter from Soviet General-Secretary Leonid Brezhnev (or someone acting in his name) to President George Bush, sent December 25, 1981
“PENNSYLVANIA COLLEGE STUDENTS FIRE TOY ROCKETS OUTSIDE WHITE HOUSE IN PROTEST OF WAR, GIVEN CHARGES OF TERRORISM”
-The Washington Post, 25 December, 1981
“CAR BOMB DESTROYS FALLS ROAD STRIP MALL, KILLING 8, LOYALIST TERRORISTS SUSPECTED”
-The Irish Times, 25 December, 1981
“Just three weeks after formally forming, the UFF had committed their first terrorist attack. They detonated a bomb made out of explosive jelly and guncotton, hidden inside a stolen Morris Ital, outside of the crowded Park Centre shopping arcade, on Christmas Eve. The bomb killed 8 shoppers. This would be just the beginning of what has been called referred to as “Ulster’s Volksfront," a terrifying mixture of Ulster fraternal order, loyalist paramilitary and terrorist group that had support from radical politicians, including its founder and de facto leader, Ian Paisley."
-Larry Mullen Jr., narrator of the 2003 BBC Panorama special This Is Ireland: A Short History of The Troubles
“On the 29th of December, 1981, Ceausescu ordered demolition to begin in Bucharest in order to make way for construction of the massive Boulevard of the Victory of Socialism Complex. Thousands of homes, apartment buildings, churches and other buildings were razed to satisfy Ceaușescu's obsession to build the world's largest governmental building and the Boulevard itself.
Although his rule had spanned nearly two decades, his reign of terror seemed to begin on the 29th, as the Iron Curtain began to deteriorate. The reign of terror would result in what has been called ‘Europe’s Killing Fields’ by the end of the decade, and the brutal fall of Communism in Romania.”
-From Europe’s Pol Pot: Nicolae Ceausescu's Reign of Blood by Ben Kiernan, 2005
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
1981: A (Very) Brief Post-Script
The United States ended 1981 in an economic slump. While markets began a recovery, investor confidence was not strong as it appeared that it could crash like it did in the face of Reagan’s assassination. In fact, the political wrangling that resulted from President Reagan’s death caused much uncertainty in the financial markets for the rest of the year.
Despite this, however, optimism in Americans still was high. In face of the (healing, but still present) recession, sabre rattling and foreign adventures, public opinion polls showed Bush at an approval rating of 61%, and, despite a war in Libya and economic stagnation, people were more hopeful for a new decade, with a strong leader to usher them in. And this decade, although no dystopia, was certainly one that needed hope.
'I know we won the battle, but we're fighting a losing war,' he says, a flame in his eyes. 'Once we'd got rid of Gaddafi, our job was simple: 'keep the peace,' or whatever there was left of it.'
'Those Libyans aren't a very peaceful bunch.'
He looks at me forlornly from his wheelchair. Ennis was shot by a pro-Gaddafi terrorist in the spine, resulting in the total loss of the use of anything below his neck. He survives on nothing more than a meager benefit check."
-From Fear, Loathing and Irresponsibility: How Politics Trumped Truth In The Libyan-American Conflict by Ramsey Clark, 1989
“President Bush refuses, and I do mean, refuses, to condemn the actions of the rouge, racist state of South Africa, and their attempts to destroy a democratically-elected government through violence and hatred! Meanwhile, he chooses to invade the nation of Libya, absolutely against the law, killing thousands of innocent civilians every day!
I absolutely detest Mr. Gaddafi’s reign of communism and terror, but if you are to tell me that this was all about the downing of our jets, and that this wasn’t just an excuse to fulfill America’s quest for foreign intervention, you are not only wrong, but you are lying to both yourself and the American people!”
-Excerpt from a sermon delivered by Reverend Jesse Jackson, dated 1 December, 1981
“We come here to announce the merger of the Third Force loyalist group, and all 20,000 faithful servants belonging to our group, into the union of the Ulster Freedom Forces! Our order of God is to serve one purpose: to defend our people, our families and our Ulster, against the satanic taigs and papist Republican invaders!”
-Statement by MEP Ian Paisley (DUP-Northern Ireland) in a remote hill outside Ballymena, Northern Ireland, December 7, 1981
From: Jim Baker, Chief of Staff
To: The President
“Mr. President,
I know we’ve briefed this a little bit already in the National Security meeting last Sunday but still: what are we to do about the Nicuraguans [sic]? You said you’d think about it, and I was just wondering if you’ve make your mind up. Al’s still wanting a second Vietnam.
Jim.”
----------------------------
From: The President
To: James Baker, Chief of Staff
“In response to your question on the Contras, I’m realistically looking at one option, that we can’t do anything for them right now, sans giving the rebels lip service, of course. I realise we need to aid our friends in the worldwide battle against communism, but in our current state we’re barely able to keep the peace in Libya, for Christ’s sake (!)
If we were to sell weapons to these rebels, or even flat-out invade like Al wants, we could end-up re-visiting 1968 on this. Currently, we’ve been sowing some division between the liberals and the moderates over the Libyan intervention. This kind of thing could reunite them around a common cause.
Yours,
GB.
PS: Don’t wear the tie with the mustard stain on it next time.”
-Memorandums posted between President Bush and Chief of Staff James “Jim Baker, 3-4 December, 1981
“This Sunday, on This Week with David Brinkley: live from Cuba, the ousted dictator of Libya speaks!”
-Television ad for This Week with David Brinkley, December 5, 1981
“Mr. Gaddafi, is it true that you, or at least loyalists of your government, have sent a ‘hit squad’ to assassinate President Bush?
-What?
A U.S. State Department report dated just a few weeks ago stated that you apparently sent a squadron of assassins to kill President Bush and high-ranking figures of governm…
-How you are silly people! You are superpower, how you are afraid? Oh, it is silly this administration, and this president. We are absolutely sure we haven't sent any people to kill George Bush… or any other people in the world... if they have evidence, we are ready to see this evidence.”
-Conversation between David Brinkley and former Brotherly Leader and Guide of the Revolution of Libya Muammar Gaddafi on This Week with David Brinkley, December 6, 1981
“OFFICER DEAD IN DOWNTOWN TRAFFIC STOP SHOOTING”
-The Philadelphia Inquirer, 9 December, 1981
“This man… who killed Officer Faulkner, Mr. Wesley Cook… was a Black Panther, a… rebel who wanted to kill white people and, specifically white police officers…”
-Statement from Governor-Elect Robert Bork (R-PA) during a press conference, 11 December, 1981, sampled on Rage Against the Machine’s “Rise Against,” 1995
“STATE DEPARTMENT BANS US TRAVEL TO LIBYA, WARNS TOURISTS IN THE MAGHREB REGION”
-CNN, 12 December, 1981
“The cases of terror, threats and moral vendetta, of even direct violence are on the rise. A wave of impudent crimes, robberies and burglaries is running across the country. The underground business sharks' fortunes, already reaching millions, are growing. Chaos and demoralization have reached the magnitude of a catastrophe. People have reached the limit of psychological toleration. Many people are struck by despair. Not only days, but hours as well are bringing forth the all-national disaster…
Citizens!
The load of responsibility that falls on me on this dramatic moment in the Polish history is huge. It is my duty to take this responsibility - concerning the future of Poland, that my generation fought for on all the fronts of the war and for which they sacrificed the best years of their life. I declare, that today the Military Council of National Salvation has been formed. In accordance with the Constitution, the State Council has imposed martial law all over the country. I wish that everyone understood the motives of our actions. A military coup, military dictatorship is not our goal…
In longer perspective, none of Poland's problems can be solved with the use of violence. The Military Council of National Salvation does not replace constitutional organs of power. Its only purpose is to keep the legal balance of the country, to create guarantees that give a chance to restore order and discipline. This is the ultimate way to bring the country out of the crisis, to save the country from collapse!”
-General Wojciech Jaruzelski, informing the people of Poland that martial law has been put in place, 13 December, 1981
“HUNDREDS OF WORKERS ARRESTED IN POLISH ‘KRISTALLNACHT’”
-The Washington Post, 14 December, 1981
“The 1981 Iraqi embassy bombing, taking place on the 15th of December, 1981, was the first true suicide bombing, the presage to the United States embassy bombing and the Beirut barracks bombing plot in Beirut just two years later.”
-From Terrorism Pre-’91: A History of Violence and Terror by Lloyd Pettiford and David Harding, 2014
“GENERAL KIDNAPPED IN ITALY”
-The New York Times, 17 December, 1981
“We’re not having another Fred Kroesen on our hands. Get him back at any cost!”
-Excerpt from a telephone conversation between Secretary of State Alexander Haig and Italian President Alessandro Pertini, 19 December, 1981
“DEAR MR. PRESIDENT,
THE RECENT EVENTS IN POLAND HAVE FILLED THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES, AND MYSELF SPECIFICALLY, WITH BOTH SHOCK AND DISMAY. SINCE THE IMPOSITION OF MARTIAL LAW ON DECEMBER 13TH, THE MOST ELEMENTARY RIGHTS OF THE POLISH PEOPLE HAVE BEEN VIOLATED DAILY: MASSIVE ARRESTS WITHOUT ANY LEGAL PROCEDURES; INCARCERATIONS OF TRADE UNION LEADERS AND INTELLECTUALS IN OVERCROWDED JAILS AND FREEZING INTERNMENT CAMPS; SUSPENSION OF THE RIGHT TO ASSEMBLY AND ASSOCIATION; AND, LAST BUT NOT LEAST, BRUTAL ASSAULTS ON INNOCENT CIVILIANS BY POLICE FORCES.
[...]
OUR TWO COUNTRIES HAVE HAD MOMENTS OF ACCORD AND MOMENTS OF DISAGREEMENT BUT SINCE AFGHANISTAN NOTHING HAS SO OUTRAGED OUR PUBLIC OPINION AS THE PRESSURES AND THREATS THAT HAVE BEEN EXERTED ONTO THE INNOCENT CIVILIANS OF POLAND IN ORDER TO STIFLE THE FREEDOMS OF THE PEOPLE. ATTEMPTS TO SUPPRESS THE POLISH PEOPLE — EITHER BY THE POLISH POLICE AND MILITARY ACTING UNDER SOVIET PRESSURE, OR THROUGH EVEN MORE DIRECT USE OF SOVIET MILITARY FORCE — CERTAINLY WILL NOT BRING ABOUT LONG-TERM STABILITY IN THE REGION AND COULD POSSIBLY UNLEASH A SITUATION THAT NEITHER YOURSELF NOR US ARE ABLE TO CONTROL. WE ARE WILLING TO ASSIST IN BROKERING A CEASEFIRE AND RETURN TO NORMALCY IN POLAND, BUT WE SEE THE ONLY SENSIBLE OPTION TO BRING STABILITY BACK TO THE POLISH REPUBLIC IS TO ALLOW THE POLISH GOVERNMENT AND PEOPLE TO BEGIN A PROCESS OF RECONCILIATION, AND TO DO SO BEFORE THE SITUATION ESCALATES FURTHER.
[...]
SOVIET ACTIONS, OR RATHER THE ACTIONS OF PARTIES UNDER THE PRESSURE OF SOVIET INFLUENCE, WILL DETERMINE OUR DECISIONS. AS LEADERS OF TWO GREAT AND POWERFUL NATIONS IN THESE DARK TIMES, WE BEAR A MUTUAL OBLIGATION TO DEMONSTRATE WISDOM, MODERATION AND RESTRAINT. LET ME ASSURE YOU THAT WE ARE PREPARED TO JOIN IN THE PROCESS OF HEALING POLAND’S WOUNDS AND TO MEET ITS NEEDS IF YOU ARE WILLING TO RECIPROCATE. I CALL UPON YOU TO MAKE IT CLEAR THAT YOU UNDERSTAND AND AGREE THAT THE FIRST STEP FOR PEACE AND STABILITY IN THE POLISH REGION IS NATIONAL RECONCILIATION. THE ALTERNATIVE IS NOT IN THE INTEREST OF ANY PARTY.
I LOOK FORWARD TO HEARING FROM YOU IN THE FOLLOWING DAYS.
SINCERELY,
GEORGE BUSH”
-Letter from President Bush to Soviet Premier Leonid Brezhnev, sent December 23, 1981
“SHOCK ANNOUNCEMENT BAFFLES STATE
In a bizarre announcement, Governor Scranton has announced that the results of the special election held last November are void, and that Governor-Elect Bork will not be eligible for his term until January 20, 1983. The abrupt decision, which has reportedly been declared as a result of rumoured voter fraud in the election, has been justified by the Governor, who has called the decision “legitimate” under a loophole in the Pennsylvania Constitution. The Governor-Elect was reportedly left “outraged” by what he sees as a “flagrant dismissal of the democratic system,” and has said he plans to file a civil lawsuit to the Pennsylvania Supreme Court. A recall election has been announced but not confirmed.”
-The Pittsburgh Tribune-Review, 24 December, 1981
“This is just more absurdity from the liberal elites and Rockefeller Republicans attempting to censure my gubernatorial run. I won the election, fair and square, and the citizens of Pennsylvania know that as well as I.”
-Statement from Governor-Elect Robert Bork (R-PA), 25 December, 1981
“The Virgin Mary gave birth to her firstborn son and wrapped him in bands of cloth, and laid him in a manger, because there was no place for them in the inn.” In these plain and clear words, Luke brings us to the heart of that holy night: Mary gave birth; she gave us the gift of Jesus, the Light of the world. A simple story that plunges us into the event that changes our history forever. Everything, that night, became a source of hope.
Let us go back a few verses. By decree of the Emperor, Mary and Joseph found themselves forced to set out. They had to leave their people, their home and their land, and to undertake a journey in order to be registered in the census. This was no comfortable or easy journey for a young couple about to have a child: they had to leave their land. At heart, they were full of hope and expectation because of the child about to be born; yet their steps were weighed down by the uncertainties and dangers that attend those who have to leave their home behind.
So many other footsteps are hidden in the footsteps of Joseph and Mary. We see the tracks of entire families forced to set out in our own day. We see the tracks of millions of persons who do not choose to go away but, driven from their land, leave behind their dear ones. In many cases this departure is filled with hope, hope for the future; yet for many others this departure can only have one name: survival. Surviving the Herods of today, who, to impose their power and increase their wealth, see no problem in shedding innocent blood. To the East, human beings are subjected to state brutality while economies flounder in stagnation. Critics of communist power often proclaim that the desire to control by the rulers strangles the economy. Well, the desire to dominate by the rulers strangles the soul of our brothers and sisters behind the Iron Curtain. Even today in Poland, our brothers and sisters are kept from the House of the Lord in their quest to worship Him on this most Holy of days.
But let those to the West not take smug refuge in the belief that they have the answers: we live in a society so often intoxicated by consumerism and hedonism, wealth and extravagance, appearances and narcissism. Yet, this Child, our Heavenly Father’s gift to us, calls us to act soberly. This Child, whose face radiates the goodness, mercy and love of God the Father, trains us, his disciples, as Saint Paul says, “to reject godless ways” and the richness of the world, in order to live “temperately, justly and devoutly.”
Amid a culture of indifference which not infrequently turns ruthless, our style of life should instead be devout, drawn daily from the wellspring of prayer and gospel.
May there be peace and joy in the hearts and minds of all now and forever.”
-Pope Gregory XVII’s Christmas Homily, 25 December, 1981
“DEAR MR. PRESIDENT,
YOUR ADDRESS ON THE DIRECT COMMUNICATIONS LINK HAS MADE ALL THE MORE PRESSING THE NECESSITY OF CALLING UPON YOU AND THE USA TO END AT LAST THE INTERFERENCE IN THE INTERNAL AFFAIRS OF A FOREIGN STATE — NAMELY THE POLISH PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC.
[...]
ESSENTIALLY, IN YOUR DIRECT COMMUNICATION, YOU HAVE PLACED YOUR PERSONAL SIGNATURE UPON THE FACT THAT GROSS AND PASSIVE-AGGRESSIVE INTERFERENCE IN THE INTERNAL AFFAIRS OF POLAND IS THE OFFICIAL POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES. WE HAVE CONDEMNED AND CONTINUE TO CONDEMN SUCH A POLICY. WE CONSIDER IT UNACCEPTABLE.
[...]
IT SEEMS THAT IT MUCH MORE USEFUL IF THE LEADERS OF BOTH THE SOVIET UNION AND UNITED STATES RESPONSIBLY AND WITH COMPOSURE DISCUSSED PROBLEMS WHICH FOR THE PEOPLES ARE TRULY OF VITAL IMPORTANCE — HOW TO SLOW DOWN AND STOP THE ARMS RACE WHICH FOR A LONG TIME ALREADY HAS ASSUMED A SENSELESS INTENSITY AND SCOPE, AND HOW TO PRESERVE PEACE ON EARTH. WE FAVOR PLACING PRECISELY THESE PROBLEMS IN THE CENTER OF ATTENTION OF THE LEADERSHIP OF OUR TWO COUNTRIES AND HAVING THEM FIND AN INTELLIGENT SOLUTION. I ASSUME, AND AM CONVINCED, THAT THE AMERICAN PEOPLE NEED THIS NO LESS THAN THE SOVIET PEOPLE AND THE PEOPLE OF OTHER NATIONS.
RESPECTFULLY,
L. BREZHNEV.”
-Letter from Soviet General-Secretary Leonid Brezhnev (or someone acting in his name) to President George Bush, sent December 25, 1981
“PENNSYLVANIA COLLEGE STUDENTS FIRE TOY ROCKETS OUTSIDE WHITE HOUSE IN PROTEST OF WAR, GIVEN CHARGES OF TERRORISM”
-The Washington Post, 25 December, 1981
“CAR BOMB DESTROYS FALLS ROAD STRIP MALL, KILLING 8, LOYALIST TERRORISTS SUSPECTED”
-The Irish Times, 25 December, 1981
“Just three weeks after formally forming, the UFF had committed their first terrorist attack. They detonated a bomb made out of explosive jelly and guncotton, hidden inside a stolen Morris Ital, outside of the crowded Park Centre shopping arcade, on Christmas Eve. The bomb killed 8 shoppers. This would be just the beginning of what has been called referred to as “Ulster’s Volksfront," a terrifying mixture of Ulster fraternal order, loyalist paramilitary and terrorist group that had support from radical politicians, including its founder and de facto leader, Ian Paisley."
-Larry Mullen Jr., narrator of the 2003 BBC Panorama special This Is Ireland: A Short History of The Troubles
“On the 29th of December, 1981, Ceausescu ordered demolition to begin in Bucharest in order to make way for construction of the massive Boulevard of the Victory of Socialism Complex. Thousands of homes, apartment buildings, churches and other buildings were razed to satisfy Ceaușescu's obsession to build the world's largest governmental building and the Boulevard itself.
Although his rule had spanned nearly two decades, his reign of terror seemed to begin on the 29th, as the Iron Curtain began to deteriorate. The reign of terror would result in what has been called ‘Europe’s Killing Fields’ by the end of the decade, and the brutal fall of Communism in Romania.”
-From Europe’s Pol Pot: Nicolae Ceausescu's Reign of Blood by Ben Kiernan, 2005
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1981: A (Very) Brief Post-Script
The United States ended 1981 in an economic slump. While markets began a recovery, investor confidence was not strong as it appeared that it could crash like it did in the face of Reagan’s assassination. In fact, the political wrangling that resulted from President Reagan’s death caused much uncertainty in the financial markets for the rest of the year.
Despite this, however, optimism in Americans still was high. In face of the (healing, but still present) recession, sabre rattling and foreign adventures, public opinion polls showed Bush at an approval rating of 61%, and, despite a war in Libya and economic stagnation, people were more hopeful for a new decade, with a strong leader to usher them in. And this decade, although no dystopia, was certainly one that needed hope.
Last edited:
Do you really need to tell touristst that going to Libya is a bad idea? Given their current "in" in fashion is a flak jacket?
1982 State of the Union Address
1982 State of the Union Address *
Delivered on January 3, 1982
"Mr. Speaker, Chief Justice Burger, Members of the House and Senate, my fellow Americans: today marks my first State of the Union address to you, a constitutional duty as old as our Republic itself.
I never expected myself to be in these hallowed halls. All of us have lived through a year that none of us will ever forget. We are not given the divine wisdom to answer why this has been, but we are given the human duty of determining what is to be, what is to be for America, for the world, for the cause we lead, for all the hopes that live in our hearts. So tonight, on this night, I come before you to ask your help, to ask your strength, to ask your prayers that God may guard this Republic and guide my every labor.
A great leader, and to me, a great friend, is dead. I understand Mrs. Reagan is here with us tonight, and I hope only the best for her and her family that are currently going through a tremendous amount of pain that I couldn’t even begin to comprehend. But, as much as it pains me to say this, a great Nation must move on. Yesterday is not ours to recover, but tomorrow is ours to win or to lose. I am resolved that we shall win the tomorrows before us. So I ask you to join me in that resolve, determined that from this midnight of tragedy, we shall move toward a new American greatness - prosperity for our nation, peace for the world, and the blessings of individual liberty for our children and, someday, for all of humanity.
It's my duty to report to you tonight on the progress that we have made in our relations with other nations, on the foundation we've carefully laid for our economic recovery, and finally, on the bold and spirited initiatives that I believe can change the face of American government and make it again a tool to serve the people, rather than something for the people to serve.
Seldom have the stakes been higher for America. What we do and say here will make all the difference to the autoworkers in Detroit, the lumberjacks in the Northwest, the oil workers in Texas; to black teenagers in Newark and Chicago; to hard-pressed farmers and small businessmen; and to millions of everyday Americans who harbor the simple wish of a safe and financially secure future for them and their children. To understand the state of the Union, we must look not only at where we are and where we’re going but where we’ve been. The situation at the beginning of this year was truly ominous, truly tragic. Just after the cusp of the previous decade has seen a series of recessions. There was a recession in 1970, in 1974, and again in the spring of 1980. And it appeared to many of us that a man with a new plan to put the stagflation that reigns over our nation away for good had been snuffed out too soon.
However, I wish everyone, both in the audience tonight and the American people watching this address from the comfort of their homes, to know that Mr. Reagan’s torch still burns brightly.
Yes, we may be still not out of the woods, so to speak. We’re still in a recession exacerbated by the economic shock caused by President Reagan’s death. But this time, things are different.
We will have an economic program in place, completely different from the artificial quick fixes of the past. Earlier this year, congress championed an act to slightly raise taxes to a fair amount for each American. When I announced them, I made it very clear that those taxes were not to be, nor will they ever be, permanent. Indeed, I plan to phase these taxes out once our inflation has been properly cured, optimistically between the next year and in two year’s time, because I believe that no nation can simply tax their way into prosperity. Likewise, our plan for a new, better economy calls for a need to stimulate the American economy to rid ourselves of the recession and failures of the previous administrations.
Over the year, I plan to introduce an economic stimulus program to better ourselves as a nation. America’s infrastructure is in dire need of being helped. America's roads and highways are crumbling beneath our feet. Our dams and power plants are breaking down. The pipes that carry America's drinking water are in critical need of attention. But, if we increase government funding of maintaining our infrastructure, we could, and would, be able to create both private sector and federal jobs, as well and upgrade national infrastructure.
We can create new jobs, and make our economy great again, by increasing our subsidies for research and development programs. Together, this year, we have created an effective Federal strike force to combat waste and fraud in government. In just 6 months it has saved the taxpayers more than $2 billion, and it's only getting started. We can boost consumer spending by allowing refinancing of mortgage plans for the responsible homeowners of America. But most of all, we can save our nation and support a strong, productive nation to be the leader of the free world.
A year ago, Americans' faith in their governmental process was steadily declining. Six out of ten Americans were saying they were pessimistic about their future. A new kind of defeatism was heard. Some said our domestic problems were uncontrollable, that we had to learn to live with this seemingly endless cycle of high inflation and high unemployment. However, I am here tonight to say that Americans can put those fears to rest!
That's part of the future we want to see, the future we can make for ourselves, but dreams alone won't get us there. We need to extend our horizon, commit to the long view. And our mission for the future starts today.
In the tough competitive markets around the world, America faces the great challenges and great opportunities. And we know that we can succeed in the global economic arena of the eighties, but to meet that challenge, we must make some fundamental changes — some crucial investment in ourselves.
Yes, we are going to invest in America. This administration, from the beginning, was, and still is, determined to encourage the creation of capital. Capital of all kinds: physical capital — everything from our farms and factories to our workshops and production lines, all that is needed to produce and deliver quality goods and quality services; intellectual capital — the source of ideas that spark tomorrow's products; and of course our human capital — the talented workforce that we'll need to compete in the global market.
Let me tell you, if we ignore human capital, if we lose the spirit of American ingenuity, the spirit that is the hallmark of the American worker, that would be bad. The American worker is the most productive worker in the world.
We need to save more. We need to expand the pool of capital for new investments that need more jobs and more growth. If we are to succeed, we must encourage risk-takers, especially those in our small businesses, to take those steps that translate into economic reward, jobs, and a better life for all of us. We'll do what it takes to invest in America's future. The budget commitment is there.
Speaking of risk-takers, it is my belief that we must support and champion new forms of energy. By deregulating oil, we could come closer to achieving energy independence. By increasing federal funding for the construction and maintenance of public, large-scale solar, hydroelectric and nuclear power programs, we could generate cheap and easy electrical power for all Americans, and bring down the extortionately high prices of gasoline and heating fuel. Both would open up new prospects for American jobs.
But, above all, we must champion the interests of the little man, the interests of the American people. Our nation's long journey towards civil rights for all our citizens — once a source of contentious discord, now a source of pride — must continue with no backsliding or slowing down. We must and shall see that those basic laws that guarantee equal rights are preserved and, when necessary, strengthened.
Our concern for equal rights for women is firm and unshakable. We launched a new Task Force on Legal Equity for Women and a project that will examine State laws for discriminatory language. And for the first time in our history, a woman sits on the highest court in the land.
So, too, the problem of crime, one as real and deadly serious as any in America today. It demands that we seek transformation of our legal system, which overly protects the rights of criminals while it leaves society and the innocent victims of crime without justice.
We also look forward to the introduction of strengthened public transportation systems in the United States, including the introduction of upgraded rapid transit services in American cities, and a high-speed rail service that travels from the Redwood Forest to the Gulf Stream waters.
Our main goal, as I’ve specified countless times, is to build on America's pioneer spirit — America's next frontier — and that's to develop that frontier. A sparkling economy spurs initiatives, sunrise industries, and makes older ones more competitive. Nowhere is this more important than our next frontier: space.
Nowhere do we so effectively demonstrate our technological leadership and ability to make life better on Earth. The Space Age is barely a quarter of a century old. But already we've pushed civilization forward with our advances in science and technology. The Space Shuttle project, which has been under rigorous development for over a decade, has finally borne its fruits. And I am elated to announce the project has, for all we can see, been a total success for both science and the United States. Opportunities and jobs will multiply as we cross new thresholds of knowledge and reach deeper into the unknown.
Our progress in space — taking giant steps for all mankind — is a tribute to American teamwork and excellence. Our finest minds in government, industry, and academia have all pulled together. And we can be proud to say: We are the first! We are the best! And we are because we're free.
America has always been greatest when we dared to be great. We can reach for greatness again. We can follow our dreams to distant stars, living and working in space for peaceful, economic, and scientific gain.
Just as the oceans opened up a new world for clipper ships and Yankee traders, space holds enormous potential for commerce today. The market for space transportation could surpass our capacity to develop it. Companies interested in putting payloads into space must have ready access to private sector launch services. The Department of Transportation will help an expendable launch services industry to get off the ground. We'll soon implement a number of executive initiatives, develop proposals to ease regulatory constraints, and, with NASA's help, promote private sector investment in space.
And as we develop the frontier of space, let us remember our responsibility to preserve our older resources here on Earth. Preservation of our environment is not a liberal or conservative challenge, it's common sense. We look forward to the enactment of a responsible clean air act to increase jobs while continuing to improve the quality of our air. We’re encouraged by the bipartisan initiative of the House and are hopeful of further progress as the Senate continues its deliberations.
So far, I've concentrated largely, now, on domestic matters. To view the state of the Union in perspective, we must not ignore the rest of the world. There isn't time tonight for a lengthy treatment of foreign policy, a subject I eagerly intend to address in detail in the near future, but A few words, however, are in order on the progress we've made over the past year.
I have tried to reestablish respect for our nation around the globe and some of the challenges and goals that we will approach in the year ahead. And I see, from our peacekeeping operation successes in Libya to our meetings in Cancun and Ottawa, that we have been successful in our endeavors in keeping America as the bastion of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, which are the tenets on which the free world depends on. I believe lasting friendships were made there, and the foundation was laid for future cooperation.
In the vital region of the Caribbean Basin, we're developing a program of aid, trade, and investment incentives to promote self-sustaining growth and a better, more secure life for our neighbors to the south. Toward those who would export terrorism and subversion in the Caribbean and elsewhere, especially Cuba, which continues to shelter the war criminal and beastly former dictator Muammar Gaddafi, and Lebanon, as well as possible threats coming from the newly-liberated Maghreb Region.
As for our situation in Libya: the answer is simple. We intend to keep the peace. We will also keep the freedom. A democratic government will be put in power by the end of the year.
Our foreign policy is a policy of strength, fairness, and balance, but above all: peace. By restoring America's military credibility, and by pursuing peace at the negotiating table wherever both sides are willing to sit down in good faith, and by regaining the respect of America's allies and adversaries alike, we have strengthened our country's position as a force for peace and progress in the world.
When action is called for, we will be willing taking it. Our sanctions against the military dictatorship that has attempted to crush basic human rights in Poland — and against the Soviet regime behind that military dictatorship has clearly demonstrated to the world that America will not conduct "business as usual" with the forces of oppression. If the events in Poland continue to deteriorate, further measures will follow. Because a bully will only respond to strength, we must prepare ourselves to be much stronger in the future. Our foreign policy must be rooted in realism, not naivete or self-delusion.
Now, let me also note that numerous American groups have taken the lead in making January 30th a day of solidarity with the people of Poland. So, too, the European Parliament has called for March 21st to be an international day of support for Afghanistan. Well, I urge all peace-loving peoples to join together on those days, to raise their voices, to speak and pray for freedom.
When radical forces threaten our friends, when economic misfortune creates conditions of instability, when strategically vital parts of the world fall under the shadow of Soviet power, our response can make the difference between peaceful change or disorder and violence. That's why we've laid such stress not only on our own defense but on our vital foreign assistance program. The combined efforts of both our Foreign Assistance Act and our military intervention efforts in Libya sent a signal to the world that America will not back down or shrink from making the investments necessary for both world peace and world security.
Meanwhile, we're working for reduction of arms and military activities. We have proposed to the Soviet Union a far-reaching agenda for mutual reduction of military forces and have already initiated negotiations with them in Geneva on intermediate-range nuclear forces. In those talks it is essential that we negotiate from a position of balance, understanding and balance. There must be a real incentive for the Soviets to take these talks seriously. This requires that we rebuild our defenses. The protection of our national security has required that we undertake a substantial program to enhance our military forces.
We have made pledges of a new frankness in our public statements and worldwide broadcasts. In the face of a climate of falsehood and misinformation, we've promised the world a season of truth—the truth of our great civilized ideas: individual liberty, representation under a free government and the rule of law under God. We've never needed walls or minefields or barbed wire to keep our people in. Nor do we declare martial law to keep our people from voting for the kind of government they want.
Yes, we have our problems; yes, we're in a time of recession. And it's true, there's no quick fix, as I said, to instantly end the tragic pain of unemployment. But we will end it. The process has already begun, and we'll see its effect as the year goes on.
I’m sure that there are some doubters and naysayers in this very chamber. But tonight, let me say again to all the Members of the Congress: The American people did not send us here to bicker. There is work to do, and they sent us here to get it done. And once again, in the spirit of cooperation, I offer my hand to all of you. Let's work together to do the will of the people: clean air, new jobs for the American people, good education, crime, and a better economy. It's time to act. An agricultural improvement Act, rejuvenating our infrastructure, transportation policy, product-liability reform, enterprise zones — and it's time to act together.
The state of the Union depends on whether we help our neighbor — claim the problems of our community as our own. We've got to step forward when there's trouble, lend a hand, be what I call a point of light to a stranger in need. We've got to take the time after a busy day to sit down and read with our kids, help them with their homework, pass along the values we learned as children. That's how we sustain the state of the Union. Every effort is important. It all adds up. It's doing the things that give democracy meaning. It all adds up to who we are and who we will be.
Let me say that so long as we remember the American idea, so long as we live up to the American ideal, the state of the Union will remain sound and strong.
And to those who worry that we've lost our way — well, I want you to listen to parts of a letter written by Philip Sebastian Grenier, a 19-year-old Sergeant of the 2nd Battalion, 75th Rangers. It's dated October 29th, the night before our armed forces went into action in Libya. It's a letter servicemen write and hope will never be sent. And sadly, Sergeant Grenier’s mother did receive this letter. She passed it along to me in Massachusetts.
And here is some of what he wrote: 'I've never been afraid of death, but I know he is waiting at the corner. I've been trained to kill and to save, and so has everyone else. I am frightened what lays beyond the fog, and yet do not mourn for me. Revel in the life that I have died to give you. But most of all, don't forget the Army was my choice. Something that I wanted to do. Remember I joined the Army to serve my country and ensure that you are free to do what you want and live your lives freely.'
Let me add that Sergeant Grenier was among the first to see battle in Panama, and one of the first to fall. But he knew what he believed in. He carried the idea we call America in his heart.
I began tonight speaking about the changes we've seen this past year. There is a new world of challenges and opportunities before us, and there's a need for leadership that only America can provide.
We are in a period of great transition, great hope, and yet great uncertainty.
On this snowing, windy night, as we gather in this Chamber — the symbolic home of democracy — in the mutual love and respect which we have for one another, and as we bow our heads in submission to divine providence, let us also thank God for the time, both as Governor, and as President, that He gave us inspiration through His servant, Ronald Reagan.
And, finally, to you as your President, I ask that you remember your country and remember me each day in your prayers, and I pledge to you the best within me to work for a new American greatness, a new day when peace is more secure, when justice is more universal, when freedom is more strong in every home of all mankind.
God bless all of you, and may God bless this great nation, the United States of America."
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
* - Secretary of Energy and Former Governor of South Carolina James B. Edwards, the designated survivor, was not present
Delivered on January 3, 1982
"Mr. Speaker, Chief Justice Burger, Members of the House and Senate, my fellow Americans: today marks my first State of the Union address to you, a constitutional duty as old as our Republic itself.
I never expected myself to be in these hallowed halls. All of us have lived through a year that none of us will ever forget. We are not given the divine wisdom to answer why this has been, but we are given the human duty of determining what is to be, what is to be for America, for the world, for the cause we lead, for all the hopes that live in our hearts. So tonight, on this night, I come before you to ask your help, to ask your strength, to ask your prayers that God may guard this Republic and guide my every labor.
A great leader, and to me, a great friend, is dead. I understand Mrs. Reagan is here with us tonight, and I hope only the best for her and her family that are currently going through a tremendous amount of pain that I couldn’t even begin to comprehend. But, as much as it pains me to say this, a great Nation must move on. Yesterday is not ours to recover, but tomorrow is ours to win or to lose. I am resolved that we shall win the tomorrows before us. So I ask you to join me in that resolve, determined that from this midnight of tragedy, we shall move toward a new American greatness - prosperity for our nation, peace for the world, and the blessings of individual liberty for our children and, someday, for all of humanity.
It's my duty to report to you tonight on the progress that we have made in our relations with other nations, on the foundation we've carefully laid for our economic recovery, and finally, on the bold and spirited initiatives that I believe can change the face of American government and make it again a tool to serve the people, rather than something for the people to serve.
Seldom have the stakes been higher for America. What we do and say here will make all the difference to the autoworkers in Detroit, the lumberjacks in the Northwest, the oil workers in Texas; to black teenagers in Newark and Chicago; to hard-pressed farmers and small businessmen; and to millions of everyday Americans who harbor the simple wish of a safe and financially secure future for them and their children. To understand the state of the Union, we must look not only at where we are and where we’re going but where we’ve been. The situation at the beginning of this year was truly ominous, truly tragic. Just after the cusp of the previous decade has seen a series of recessions. There was a recession in 1970, in 1974, and again in the spring of 1980. And it appeared to many of us that a man with a new plan to put the stagflation that reigns over our nation away for good had been snuffed out too soon.
However, I wish everyone, both in the audience tonight and the American people watching this address from the comfort of their homes, to know that Mr. Reagan’s torch still burns brightly.
Yes, we may be still not out of the woods, so to speak. We’re still in a recession exacerbated by the economic shock caused by President Reagan’s death. But this time, things are different.
We will have an economic program in place, completely different from the artificial quick fixes of the past. Earlier this year, congress championed an act to slightly raise taxes to a fair amount for each American. When I announced them, I made it very clear that those taxes were not to be, nor will they ever be, permanent. Indeed, I plan to phase these taxes out once our inflation has been properly cured, optimistically between the next year and in two year’s time, because I believe that no nation can simply tax their way into prosperity. Likewise, our plan for a new, better economy calls for a need to stimulate the American economy to rid ourselves of the recession and failures of the previous administrations.
Over the year, I plan to introduce an economic stimulus program to better ourselves as a nation. America’s infrastructure is in dire need of being helped. America's roads and highways are crumbling beneath our feet. Our dams and power plants are breaking down. The pipes that carry America's drinking water are in critical need of attention. But, if we increase government funding of maintaining our infrastructure, we could, and would, be able to create both private sector and federal jobs, as well and upgrade national infrastructure.
We can create new jobs, and make our economy great again, by increasing our subsidies for research and development programs. Together, this year, we have created an effective Federal strike force to combat waste and fraud in government. In just 6 months it has saved the taxpayers more than $2 billion, and it's only getting started. We can boost consumer spending by allowing refinancing of mortgage plans for the responsible homeowners of America. But most of all, we can save our nation and support a strong, productive nation to be the leader of the free world.
A year ago, Americans' faith in their governmental process was steadily declining. Six out of ten Americans were saying they were pessimistic about their future. A new kind of defeatism was heard. Some said our domestic problems were uncontrollable, that we had to learn to live with this seemingly endless cycle of high inflation and high unemployment. However, I am here tonight to say that Americans can put those fears to rest!
That's part of the future we want to see, the future we can make for ourselves, but dreams alone won't get us there. We need to extend our horizon, commit to the long view. And our mission for the future starts today.
In the tough competitive markets around the world, America faces the great challenges and great opportunities. And we know that we can succeed in the global economic arena of the eighties, but to meet that challenge, we must make some fundamental changes — some crucial investment in ourselves.
Yes, we are going to invest in America. This administration, from the beginning, was, and still is, determined to encourage the creation of capital. Capital of all kinds: physical capital — everything from our farms and factories to our workshops and production lines, all that is needed to produce and deliver quality goods and quality services; intellectual capital — the source of ideas that spark tomorrow's products; and of course our human capital — the talented workforce that we'll need to compete in the global market.
Let me tell you, if we ignore human capital, if we lose the spirit of American ingenuity, the spirit that is the hallmark of the American worker, that would be bad. The American worker is the most productive worker in the world.
We need to save more. We need to expand the pool of capital for new investments that need more jobs and more growth. If we are to succeed, we must encourage risk-takers, especially those in our small businesses, to take those steps that translate into economic reward, jobs, and a better life for all of us. We'll do what it takes to invest in America's future. The budget commitment is there.
Speaking of risk-takers, it is my belief that we must support and champion new forms of energy. By deregulating oil, we could come closer to achieving energy independence. By increasing federal funding for the construction and maintenance of public, large-scale solar, hydroelectric and nuclear power programs, we could generate cheap and easy electrical power for all Americans, and bring down the extortionately high prices of gasoline and heating fuel. Both would open up new prospects for American jobs.
But, above all, we must champion the interests of the little man, the interests of the American people. Our nation's long journey towards civil rights for all our citizens — once a source of contentious discord, now a source of pride — must continue with no backsliding or slowing down. We must and shall see that those basic laws that guarantee equal rights are preserved and, when necessary, strengthened.
Our concern for equal rights for women is firm and unshakable. We launched a new Task Force on Legal Equity for Women and a project that will examine State laws for discriminatory language. And for the first time in our history, a woman sits on the highest court in the land.
So, too, the problem of crime, one as real and deadly serious as any in America today. It demands that we seek transformation of our legal system, which overly protects the rights of criminals while it leaves society and the innocent victims of crime without justice.
We also look forward to the introduction of strengthened public transportation systems in the United States, including the introduction of upgraded rapid transit services in American cities, and a high-speed rail service that travels from the Redwood Forest to the Gulf Stream waters.
Our main goal, as I’ve specified countless times, is to build on America's pioneer spirit — America's next frontier — and that's to develop that frontier. A sparkling economy spurs initiatives, sunrise industries, and makes older ones more competitive. Nowhere is this more important than our next frontier: space.
Nowhere do we so effectively demonstrate our technological leadership and ability to make life better on Earth. The Space Age is barely a quarter of a century old. But already we've pushed civilization forward with our advances in science and technology. The Space Shuttle project, which has been under rigorous development for over a decade, has finally borne its fruits. And I am elated to announce the project has, for all we can see, been a total success for both science and the United States. Opportunities and jobs will multiply as we cross new thresholds of knowledge and reach deeper into the unknown.
Our progress in space — taking giant steps for all mankind — is a tribute to American teamwork and excellence. Our finest minds in government, industry, and academia have all pulled together. And we can be proud to say: We are the first! We are the best! And we are because we're free.
America has always been greatest when we dared to be great. We can reach for greatness again. We can follow our dreams to distant stars, living and working in space for peaceful, economic, and scientific gain.
Just as the oceans opened up a new world for clipper ships and Yankee traders, space holds enormous potential for commerce today. The market for space transportation could surpass our capacity to develop it. Companies interested in putting payloads into space must have ready access to private sector launch services. The Department of Transportation will help an expendable launch services industry to get off the ground. We'll soon implement a number of executive initiatives, develop proposals to ease regulatory constraints, and, with NASA's help, promote private sector investment in space.
And as we develop the frontier of space, let us remember our responsibility to preserve our older resources here on Earth. Preservation of our environment is not a liberal or conservative challenge, it's common sense. We look forward to the enactment of a responsible clean air act to increase jobs while continuing to improve the quality of our air. We’re encouraged by the bipartisan initiative of the House and are hopeful of further progress as the Senate continues its deliberations.
So far, I've concentrated largely, now, on domestic matters. To view the state of the Union in perspective, we must not ignore the rest of the world. There isn't time tonight for a lengthy treatment of foreign policy, a subject I eagerly intend to address in detail in the near future, but A few words, however, are in order on the progress we've made over the past year.
I have tried to reestablish respect for our nation around the globe and some of the challenges and goals that we will approach in the year ahead. And I see, from our peacekeeping operation successes in Libya to our meetings in Cancun and Ottawa, that we have been successful in our endeavors in keeping America as the bastion of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, which are the tenets on which the free world depends on. I believe lasting friendships were made there, and the foundation was laid for future cooperation.
In the vital region of the Caribbean Basin, we're developing a program of aid, trade, and investment incentives to promote self-sustaining growth and a better, more secure life for our neighbors to the south. Toward those who would export terrorism and subversion in the Caribbean and elsewhere, especially Cuba, which continues to shelter the war criminal and beastly former dictator Muammar Gaddafi, and Lebanon, as well as possible threats coming from the newly-liberated Maghreb Region.
As for our situation in Libya: the answer is simple. We intend to keep the peace. We will also keep the freedom. A democratic government will be put in power by the end of the year.
Our foreign policy is a policy of strength, fairness, and balance, but above all: peace. By restoring America's military credibility, and by pursuing peace at the negotiating table wherever both sides are willing to sit down in good faith, and by regaining the respect of America's allies and adversaries alike, we have strengthened our country's position as a force for peace and progress in the world.
When action is called for, we will be willing taking it. Our sanctions against the military dictatorship that has attempted to crush basic human rights in Poland — and against the Soviet regime behind that military dictatorship has clearly demonstrated to the world that America will not conduct "business as usual" with the forces of oppression. If the events in Poland continue to deteriorate, further measures will follow. Because a bully will only respond to strength, we must prepare ourselves to be much stronger in the future. Our foreign policy must be rooted in realism, not naivete or self-delusion.
Now, let me also note that numerous American groups have taken the lead in making January 30th a day of solidarity with the people of Poland. So, too, the European Parliament has called for March 21st to be an international day of support for Afghanistan. Well, I urge all peace-loving peoples to join together on those days, to raise their voices, to speak and pray for freedom.
When radical forces threaten our friends, when economic misfortune creates conditions of instability, when strategically vital parts of the world fall under the shadow of Soviet power, our response can make the difference between peaceful change or disorder and violence. That's why we've laid such stress not only on our own defense but on our vital foreign assistance program. The combined efforts of both our Foreign Assistance Act and our military intervention efforts in Libya sent a signal to the world that America will not back down or shrink from making the investments necessary for both world peace and world security.
Meanwhile, we're working for reduction of arms and military activities. We have proposed to the Soviet Union a far-reaching agenda for mutual reduction of military forces and have already initiated negotiations with them in Geneva on intermediate-range nuclear forces. In those talks it is essential that we negotiate from a position of balance, understanding and balance. There must be a real incentive for the Soviets to take these talks seriously. This requires that we rebuild our defenses. The protection of our national security has required that we undertake a substantial program to enhance our military forces.
We have made pledges of a new frankness in our public statements and worldwide broadcasts. In the face of a climate of falsehood and misinformation, we've promised the world a season of truth—the truth of our great civilized ideas: individual liberty, representation under a free government and the rule of law under God. We've never needed walls or minefields or barbed wire to keep our people in. Nor do we declare martial law to keep our people from voting for the kind of government they want.
Yes, we have our problems; yes, we're in a time of recession. And it's true, there's no quick fix, as I said, to instantly end the tragic pain of unemployment. But we will end it. The process has already begun, and we'll see its effect as the year goes on.
I’m sure that there are some doubters and naysayers in this very chamber. But tonight, let me say again to all the Members of the Congress: The American people did not send us here to bicker. There is work to do, and they sent us here to get it done. And once again, in the spirit of cooperation, I offer my hand to all of you. Let's work together to do the will of the people: clean air, new jobs for the American people, good education, crime, and a better economy. It's time to act. An agricultural improvement Act, rejuvenating our infrastructure, transportation policy, product-liability reform, enterprise zones — and it's time to act together.
The state of the Union depends on whether we help our neighbor — claim the problems of our community as our own. We've got to step forward when there's trouble, lend a hand, be what I call a point of light to a stranger in need. We've got to take the time after a busy day to sit down and read with our kids, help them with their homework, pass along the values we learned as children. That's how we sustain the state of the Union. Every effort is important. It all adds up. It's doing the things that give democracy meaning. It all adds up to who we are and who we will be.
Let me say that so long as we remember the American idea, so long as we live up to the American ideal, the state of the Union will remain sound and strong.
And to those who worry that we've lost our way — well, I want you to listen to parts of a letter written by Philip Sebastian Grenier, a 19-year-old Sergeant of the 2nd Battalion, 75th Rangers. It's dated October 29th, the night before our armed forces went into action in Libya. It's a letter servicemen write and hope will never be sent. And sadly, Sergeant Grenier’s mother did receive this letter. She passed it along to me in Massachusetts.
And here is some of what he wrote: 'I've never been afraid of death, but I know he is waiting at the corner. I've been trained to kill and to save, and so has everyone else. I am frightened what lays beyond the fog, and yet do not mourn for me. Revel in the life that I have died to give you. But most of all, don't forget the Army was my choice. Something that I wanted to do. Remember I joined the Army to serve my country and ensure that you are free to do what you want and live your lives freely.'
Let me add that Sergeant Grenier was among the first to see battle in Panama, and one of the first to fall. But he knew what he believed in. He carried the idea we call America in his heart.
I began tonight speaking about the changes we've seen this past year. There is a new world of challenges and opportunities before us, and there's a need for leadership that only America can provide.
We are in a period of great transition, great hope, and yet great uncertainty.
On this snowing, windy night, as we gather in this Chamber — the symbolic home of democracy — in the mutual love and respect which we have for one another, and as we bow our heads in submission to divine providence, let us also thank God for the time, both as Governor, and as President, that He gave us inspiration through His servant, Ronald Reagan.
And, finally, to you as your President, I ask that you remember your country and remember me each day in your prayers, and I pledge to you the best within me to work for a new American greatness, a new day when peace is more secure, when justice is more universal, when freedom is more strong in every home of all mankind.
God bless all of you, and may God bless this great nation, the United States of America."
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* - Secretary of Energy and Former Governor of South Carolina James B. Edwards, the designated survivor, was not present
“Although by today’s standards, it looks like a fairly unimpressive keyboard-like box, the Commodore 64 was incredibly popular. More C64s have been sold than any other single computer system, even to this day, and it helped launch an icon in the computing world, that, even to this day, is one of the leading names in Personal Computing.
The Commodore 64 began its design life in January of 1981 when MOS Technology engineers decided they needed a new chip project. MOS’ Albert Charpentier had been responsible for several of the highly successful VIC-20 chips. He said: ‘We were fresh out of ideas for whatever chips the rest of the world might want us to do. So we decided to produce a state-of-the-art video and sound chips for the world’s next great video game.’
By November of 1981, the chips were completed but Commodore’s president Jack Tramiel decided against using them in the faltering arcade game market. Instead, he tasked the engineers with developing a 64 kilobyte home computer for show at the Winter Consumer Electronics Show (CES) the second week of January 1982; just 6 weeks away.
Two days after Jack’s request, the basic design was completed and by the end of December 1981, the hardware for five VIC-30 (the C64’s development name) prototypes were assembled. The computer was announced at the CES on the 7th of December, 1982. With an estimated retail price of just $595 ($1,550 in 2017), it was the buzz of the show. It did not hurt that there were no other new powerful computers shown at CES by Commodore’s competitors that year. The Commodore 64 was alive: it was immediately ordered into production which hit full stride by August 1982.”
-Excerpt from Bits and Bobs: A Short History of Computers by Brian Bagnall, 2017
“FIRST OFFICER ROGER PETTIT: God, look at that thing. That don't seem right, does it? Uh, that's not right.
CAPTAIN LARRY WHEATON: Yes it is, there's eighty.
PETTIT: Naw, I don't think that's right. Ah, maybe it is.
WHEATON: Hundred and twenty.
PETTIT: I don't know
WHEATON: Vee-one. Easy, vee-two.
ATC TOWER: Palm 90 contact departure control.
WHEATON: Forward, forward, easy. We only want five hundred.
WHEATON: Come on forward....forward, just barely climb.
WHEATON: Stalling, we're falling!
PETTIT: Larry, we're going down, Larry....
WHEATON: I know it!”
-Segment from Air Emergency Investigation (Episode: “Potomac Disaster”), aired 20 December, 2013
“That day on January the 13th, 1982, saw many acts of heroism. Congressional worker Lenny Skutnik leapt into the frozen Potomac River to help guide survivor Priscilla Tirado to the banks of the river after she was too weak to take hold of a rope dropped by helicopter. Passenger Arland D. Williams passed the rope to the five other survivors, and sadly succumbed to hypothermia and drowned. Both were awarded the Presidential Citizens’ Medal.”
-From The Potomac Disaster: A Documentary, aired 1989
“RECORD BREAKING COLD FREEZES NATION”
-The New York Times, January 17, 1982
“Super Bowl XVI was an American football game between the National Football Conference (NFC) champion San Francisco 49ers and the American Football Conference (AFC) champion Cincinnati Bengals to decide the National Football League (NFL) champion for the 1981 season. The 49ers defeated the Bengals by the score of 26–21 to win their first Super Bowl.
The game was played on January 24, 1982, at the Pontiac Silverdome in Pontiac, Michigan, a suburb of Detroit. It marked the first time that a Super Bowl was held at a cold-weather city. The domed stadium saved the crowd at the game from the very cold and snowy weather, but the weather did affect traffic and other logistical issues related to the game. Super Bowl XVI also became one of the most watched broadcasts in American television history, with more than 85 million viewers, and a final national Nielsen rating of 49.1 (a 73 share).”
-Nupedia article for Super Bowl XVI, accessed 2019
“Unemployment rate ‘worst since WWII’”
-The Guardian, January 26, 1982
“PENNSYLVANIA SUPREME COURT VOTES 5-2 IN FAVOR OF GOV. SCRANTON”
-The Philadelphia Inquirer, January 30, 1982
“The Democrats think they can push me down? Well, fuck them! I can and will take this to the big fields!”
-Overheard statement from former Attorney-General Robert Bork (R-PA)
“Pioneering budget airliner Laker Airways has collapsed owing £270 million to banks and other creditors. After a four-hour board meeting at London's Gatwick Airport, company chairman Sir Freddie Laker asked Clydesdale Bank to appoint a receiver. All 17 Laker aircraft have been ordered to return to the UK by tonight and the British Airports Authority has impounded a DC10 at Gatwick to cover the company's landing and parking costs.
Stranded passengers - numbering 6,000 - will have the return half of their tickets honoured by British Airways, Pan American Airways, Air Florida and British Caledonian.
The receiver Bill Mackey, partner of Ernst and Whinney, told the media: 'There is no way that Sir Freddie Laker can carry on with this business in its present form. It has to be sold.'
He said the Civil Aviation Authority had given six days' notice for the withdrawal of the operating licence for the fleet of Laker aircraft.
The company's 2,500 staff will continue to be paid until liquidators have finalised their decisions about redundancies.
Earlier in the week Sir Freddie was optimistic he had put together a £60 million rescue package for the company he established in 1966.
Talks with his creditors - and the close involvement of the Bank of England - have been underway since the autumn but they broke down when new figures showed ticket sales and bookings were lower than expected.
The government has also taken a keen interest in the fortunes of Laker - Mrs Thatcher is a personal admirer of Sir Freddie - but yesterday afternoon the Department of Trade confirmed once and for all there could be no state assistance.”
-BBC Radio News, February 5, 1982
“We Shall Go Backwards is the second studio album by San Francisco punk band the Dead Kennedys, released on the 7th of February, 1982 by RCA Records. The album was produced by Craig Leon and guitarist East Bay Ray, and recorded mainly in Plaza Sound Studios in New York and Sound City Studios in Van Nuys between June 1981 and January 1982. Although met with mediocre critical reviews at the time, the album became a cult hit, breaking the band from their obscure hardcore punk roots into international stardom [citation needed], and, as a result, the album is seen by many [whom?] as helping propel the Dead Kennedys, and even punk rock music as a genre, into mainstream popularity.
Personnel
Jello Biafra – lead vocals
East Bay Ray – guitar, synthesizer, backing vocals
Klaus Flouride – bass, backing vocals
D.H. Peligro – drums, percussion
Track Listing
All songs written and composed by Jello Biafra, except where noted.
No., Title, Length
SIDE ONE
1. “Rawhide,” 2:47 (Ned Washington and Dimitri Tiomkin)
2. “We Shall Go Backwards,” [1] 3:37
3. “Below the Belt,” 3:02
4. “Let’s Lynch the Landlord,” 2:13
5. “Police Truck,” 2:24 (East Bay Ray, Jello Biafra)
6. “Pull My Strings,” 5:01 (Biafra, Bruce Slesinger)
Length: 19:03
SIDE TWO
7. “Bleed for Me” 3:24
8. “TV Party” 3:32 (Greg Ginn)
9. “Consumer Guide” 3:00
10. “Exmilitary” 3:47
11. “Halloween” 3:35
12. “Moon Over Marin,” 4:29 (Biafra, Ray)
Length: 21:47
Total Length: 40:51
Packaging
The album’s original cover art was a picture of then-President George Bush bursting into flames, drawn by Biafra. The image was deemed “too graphic” by their record company, who later agreed to the more famous cover, showing a punk watching a smaller version of the ‘immolating Bush cover’ on a giant TV screen across the San Francisco skyline. The back cover features a sculpture of Jesus Christ crucified on a cross of money across a metallic background, originally designed by Winston Smith. Biafra had seen the work at a local art exhibition, and was quoted in an interview as saying “ was just floored by it and thought, ‘There's got to be a way to use this.’”
The album’s liner notes drew controversy for the inclusion of the message “Fuck you, Jesse Helms; Fuck you, Jerry Falwell; Fuck you, James Dobson,” which were originally lyrics from the unreleased song “Moral Majority.” The passage was later removed and replaced by the text of the First Amendment in later editions of the album.
Song Information
Rawhide
The album opener, a cover of the Frankie Laine track, described by MP3.com as “beginning the album on a fast, but fun and kicking note.” The song, although not released as a single, was used to open shows during their 1982-1983 Tour and is a staple of Kennedys concerts to this day.
We Shall Go Backwards
Main article: We Shall Go Backwards
The title track is a “reworking” of the band’s first single, California Über Alles. The song, originally about then-Governor (and future Senator) Jerry Brown creating a hippy fascist dictatorship, was retooled after, according to Biafra, “...I realized I was wrong about my conspiracy theory about [Brown]. Sure, I’d made it up all by myself and it turned out not to be true, so it was updated with Reagan lyrics for a bit, until finally Bush came along, and we released the track we now know as ‘We Shall Go Backwards.’”
The song is noted for its lounge-influenced intro, which, according to Biafra, “[came about after] we goofed off at sound check wound up.” The song was the album’s second single, and has become regarded as one of their ‘better tracks’ [citation needed].
Below the Belt
Written as a protest about the situation of the United States at the time, “Below the Belt” criticizes the economic-driven influence of American meddling in other countries, corruption in United States politics and the insidious influence of “bland” American TV. East Bay Ray described it as “an anthemic exploration of the societal disillusionment that made up America in the early-‘80s.”
Let’s Lynch the Landlord
An alternate version of the track that appeared on their previous album, Fresh Fruit for Rotting Vegetables, “Let’s Lynch the Landlord” has been described [by whom?] as surf rock-influenced, and is a scathing attack on slumlords and their corrupt and extortionate doings. The song was only released as a promotional single, but has been performed frequently at live shows.
The song had a short resurgence in 1987 after Governor Evan Mecham of Arizona used it as an example of “Maoist agitation infecting our popular culture” and attempted to have the band and their music banned from the state. The measure was unsuccessful.
Police Truck
“Police Truck” puts the listener in the perspective of a corrupt cop and his fellow officer as they plan and brag about their graveyard shift activities.
According to Biafra, this song was inspired by an incident in Los Angeles in the late 1970s in which two police officers were caught drinking on the job, harassing drunks, and assaulting prostitutes whilst also functioning as a “blanket attack on the general state of police corruption and brutality.”
Pull My Strings
Main article: Pull My Strings
The first single off the album, “Pull My Strings” is an upbeat song mocking new wave bands and music industry. Biafra said of the song “it’s about soulless pop garbage the record industry polluted, and still continues to pollute, the airwaves with.”
An interesting aspect [how?] is the song’s bridge, played to the tune of the 1979 hit by The Knacks, “My Sharona.” The track is the longest on the album, and was the highest charting single off the album, reaching #19 on the Billboard Hot 100.
Bleed for Me
“Bleed for Me” opens up the second side to the album, and is a stark difference to the musically upbeat sound of the first side. The music is cold and intimidating, and the lyrics describe kidnappings and torture carried out by a secret police (presumably the Central Intelligence Agency). After a bridge, then the music becomes light and almost cheerful as the lyrics describe US foreign policy as utilizing murderous dictatorships to secure economic concessions that favor American corporations. Due to the song’s dark lyrical content, the song was not released as a single, but was performed many times on tours and performances.
TV Party
“TV Party” was a song originally written by Black Flag guitarist Greg Ginn that was handed to the band in early 1981, which the band later covered in their 1984 album My War. The song criticizes people's dependence on television. Black Flag vocalist Henry Rollins later said of the song: “it’s about people who stay inside their house and live in a TV kinda world.”
Consumer Guide
“Consumer Guide,” which the band has denied is a reference to the popular Robert Christgau column of the same name, is primarily a song criticizing consumerism and corporatism in American culture, picturing a world where people get news from advertisements, and commit acts that, although unacceptable for average people, are totally fine by business standards (including changing their name to evade association and selling poisoned food in ‘small print’).
The song was very rarely performed live and never released as a single.
Exmilitary
“Exmilitary” is a politically charged song that criticizes the brutality of the United States military, as well as the country’s hypocritical treatment of veterans. The song was infamously played during a USO benefit performance for United States servicemen in Libya in 1983.
Halloween
The penultimate song on the album, “Halloween” is a track lyrically about the celebration of Halloween (where, in the band’s hometown of San Francisco, it is a large celebration [citation needed]) and questions why people don’t celebrate it every day, tying it to overbearing social regulations. The song was used in the end credits of the 1991 film Nightmare on Elm Street 6: The Dream Weaver.
Moon Over Marin
Main Article: Moon Over Marin
Set in the near future, the song is narrated by a smugly confident jogger in Marin County, the wealthy enclave connected to the band’s hometown of San Francisco by the Golden Gate Bridge. It imagines a rapid environmental decline, accelerated by an oil spill, which the main character blithely ignores, stating at the end of the song “there will always be a moon over Marin.”
The song is known as one of the band’s greatest tracks, being later ranked as #499 on Rolling Stone's 500 Greatest Songs of All Time list in 2006. The track features a much cleaner sound, guitar solos and progressive rock influences closing off the album with Biafra’s semi-apocalyptic vision of the Bay Area.
Singles
Year, Single, Chart, Position
1982, “Pull My Strings,” Billboard Hot 100, #19
1982, “Moon Over Marin,” Billboard Hot 100, #23
1982, “We Shall Go Backwards,” Billboard Hot 100, #41
Sales, Certifications, and Awards
We Shall Go Backwards debuted at #84 on the Billboard 200 Album chart on February 15, 1982. It reached number twelve on March 13, 1982, where it peaked. Overall, it would spend a total of 19 weeks on the Billboard 200. The album reached #1 on the British Official Albums Chart on the March 27, 1982, where it stayed for two weeks before being ousted by Iron Maiden’s The Number of the Beast.
In 1989, Rolling Stone named We Shall Go Backwards the second-best punk album of the 1980s, only behind The Clash’s Rat Patrol from Fort Bragg. In 2006, the magazine would rank it as the 107th-best album of all time on their list of the 500 Greatest Albums of All Time.
We Shall Go Backwards was certified platinum by the RIAA in the United States, x2 gold by the BPI in the United Kingdom and gold in Canada (Music Canada), West Germany (BVMI) and France (SNEP).”
-Nupedia article for We Shall Go Backwards, accessed 2019
“I had said in my previous review of the San Francisco quartet that I wanted ‘more left-wing new wave.’ And it appears that I have gotten what I wanted, for the most part: darkly satirical political-punk that, at times, seems halfway between the Ramones and the no-bullshit, raw and frantic energy of, say, Black Flag. B+”
-Robert Christgau’s review of We Shall Go Backwards in Consumer Guide, published in the Village Voice, 9 February, 1982
“Arguably their most popular and most critically acclaimed album, We Shall Go Backwards is a sprawling punk pastiche of proto-indie rock, hardcore punk, as well as brutal and scathing wit and Juvenalian satire. The Dead Kennedys’ 1982 album transcended the San Francisco band’s underground punk roots, and it also broke the underground quartet into stardom.
The band began to take the recording sessions seriously, and would spend long hours in the studio working on each track. Motivated to remain true to a Punk Rock aesthetic while branching out toward newer styles, singer Jello Biafra and guitarist East Bay Ray drew from more personal accounts and dynamic musicality rather than the signature thrash and grunge with which they had been associated in the Hardcore Punk Movement. This led to an album that, although angering many of their original fanbase, who perceived their fresher sound as ‘selling out,’ gained the attention of music magazines and up-and-coming music video channel MTV. By the end of the year, the album had sold nearly 100,000 copies.
The second wave of punk was here, and here to stay.”
-Excerpt from a 2015 StreamIT video by user "Culture Overload," titled: "We Shall Go Backwards: A Retrospective"
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It Took Seconds of Your Time to Take His Life
County Leitrim, Ireland
Patrick waited at the end of a dirt road in a grassy paddock outside of the Vauxhall Cavalier he had stolen earlier that afternoon. The cigarette he held between his four fingers and occasionally puffed brought little warmth to him as he stood in the brisk February dusk.
He saw the headlights bounding over the horizon, following the straight path the country road set closer and closer until Patrick could clearly see the features of the lone car, and the single person inside. Patrick walked over to the Mercedes as it came to a halt, and knocked on the driver-side window. The figure inside cranked down the window.
“Kennedy,” was all Patrick said to the man.
“Kavanaugh,” the man in the car replied in a Belfast accent, with a smile.
He had given the correct code word.
The man in the vehicle opened the door of his silver Mercedes sedan and stepped out of the car and onto the dirt road. “So, how is it?” he said, putting on a pair of gloves he produced from his trenchcoat.
“It’s fucking cold,” Patrick responded, stamping out the remains of his cigarette.
“Nice car,” the main said, gesturing towards the Cavalier. “Didjer get the plates removed?”
“Yep. Swapped ‘em in Kinlough.”
The two paused for a moment. Finally, the mysterious figure with a Belfast accent broke the silence.
“Didjer want t’ see it?”
The man opened the trunk of his car to reveal a large metal box, sporting an alarm clock at the front of it and wires coming in and out of the contraption.
“Thirty kilos worth of gelignite, TNT, plastic explosives and a whole heap of other shit, made by our finest engineers. Breathtaking, isn’t it?” He pointed to the clock, a rather small model with the words: “CORK - IRELAND” printed in the middle, obviously a souvenir or trinket of some kind somebody in the organization had bought. “From here, you can set it off for as long as twelve hours.”
The two men remained in silence and awe at the contraption that lay ahead of them.
“So, how are you gonna get it to Britain?”
“There’s a safe house and garage just a few minutes’ drive outside Sligo. I’m getting a secret compartment added ‘neath the back seats. Nobody’ll suspect a thing. Nobody’ll need to. Now give me a hand putting this into the car, why won’t you?”
Usual attacks by the Irish Republican Army would have a proceeding warning sent to either the press or police, especially so in “the Mainland.” This was because most of the bombings in the United Kingdom outside of Ulster were less about causing civilian casualties as they were about sending a message to the British people, government, Crown and the world. And they would be sending such a message.
But this was not by any stretch of the word a usual IRA attack.
There would be no warning call.
Bobby Leach would have his revenge.
Buenos Aires, Argentina
The scene in the war room of General Galtieri looked more akin to a Turkish market than the bunker underneath the Casa Rosada it usually was. Generals, secretaries and trusted pro-government journalists were scrambling around the darkened room, clutching papers and loudly arguing. Every so often another corporal would run in and dump another pile of papers onto the already cluttered table. It was this intense scene that allowed President Galtieri to slip in without anyone noticing.
“Silence!” the General called. The military brass in the room stopped shouting into their telephones as the room collectively turned to the man dressed in white. The tense atmosphere in the crowded room seemed to dissipate.
“What is going on?” Galtieri spoke to the silent room.
A secretary from the back of the room spoke up. “Major Dowling killed a civilian last night. He was driving drunk. The morning news has the story and rebel journalists are threatening to release the story either in the Buenos Aires Herald or in a foreign newspaper.”
“Well, what do they want?”
“They are asking for better protections for journalists in the nation and heightened freedom of the press.”
The room fell silent. The President stepped into his seat and procured a cigar from the box left on top of a particularly thick dossier, lighting it with a leftover lighter. He puffed on it, leaving a cloud of smoke that lingered in front of him. Nobody dared speak or move. Suddenly, the President raised his finger and began to speak orders to his men.
“Listen to me. Find anything you can on these people. Affairs, scandals, anything. Make sure to check medical records as well. Send direct threats for them to stand down from this protest, use the secret service if you must, but do not get violent with them. If they refuse to shut up, fire them; or tell their bosses to fire them. Let their problems be known and aired to the people before the story breaks if we need damage control. We absolutely cannot have these mental defectives ransoming our administration, is that clear?”
“Yes, President,” one of the corporals in the back spoke up.
“As for Major Dowling… we cannot have such degenerate and problematic behaviors such as that he exhibits... Drunkenness, was it? We cannot have any such behaviors tolerated in our military, let alone our military high command. He must see before a court martial at once. Make sure not a single person outside of this room knows about this or will be able to let others outside of this room know about this, am I correct?”
The President paused.
“As for our future plans…”
The room once again seemed to pause under the might of the fiery general, a demagogue amongst his cabinet and military command, who sat or stood patiently, awaiting further instructions.
“...we will be forced to make some… minor accommodations. Nonetheless, all should be going according to the plan. Let you all and soon the whole world know that the leaders of the world will never threaten our national sovereignty again. Prosperity and patriotism will return to our fair fatherland. Operation Rosario will still continue, so help me God.”
Bushveld outside Thohoyandou, Venda, South Africa
The car ride was rough and bumpy. The beat-up 1960 Chevrolet Biscayne was quite unsuited to the rough terrain that comprised the majority of the South African bushveld. Kenny Motsamai tried and failed to get a wink of rest while on the ride, which was a shame - it was quite late outside, how late only God knew, and it was so dark outside that one could only see five feet ahead of their headlights. Kenny trusted the man who was following the directions laid out on a large map would get him to where he needed to be.
Other than the constant rumbling of the car as it drove across the back roads of rural South Africa - driving across the main roads would have caught the attention of the boers, and neither of the men had a pass - the ride from Rustenberg to Venda bantustan was quiet. The driver apparently only spoke Tsonga, so Kenny could only understand a few words, and it was not adamant that he needed to speak with the man anyway. He knew why he was here.
Through the pitch-black savanna dusk, Kenny could make out the ground they seemed to be travelling on got flatter. The shaking and rumbling stopped. The driver in the front laughed softly to himself. And he could make out two pools of light in the distance, in front of them.
The lights grew brighter until Kenny could very clearly make out the outline of another car, a Morris Oxford Series III, similarly beaten up, parked in front of them. The driver smiled as he began to slow down, until the car came to a stop just ahead of the other car. The driver pulled the key out of the ignition and flicked the headlights once, twice, three times.
The other car did the same. The back door opened and a man, dressed in military slacks and sunglasses and smoking a cigarette, walked out of the car. Kenny followed suit and walked up to the man.
“Good evening, Kenny,” the man spoke.
“Alright.”
“You know, maybe ten… twenty kilometres from here, lies the border with Zimbabwe. They say 5,000 boers defend it. Make sure nobody gets in. Or out.”
He stamped out his cigarette on the dirt ground and chuckled to himself.
“Commander Qweta…”
“Please. Call me Sabelo Phama.”
“...I know why I’m here. Why you brought me here.”
Commander Phama smiled.
“Is that right? Because Chairman Pokela tells me you’re the best shot in the lands west of Pretoria. Is that true?”
“I would say so.”
Phama looked at the lanky Setswana teenager in front of him, dressed in a ripped red t-shirt that was obviously too big for him. An unlikely hero for the fight for Azania, yes, but a hero in the making nonetheless.
“I’ve already done three jobs. Police informants, they were. All of them.”
“I assume you know how to use rifles?”
“That is correct.”
Sabelo Phama smiled yet again. He clapped his hands and a man, also dressed in military garb, walked out of the car, clutching a rifle.
Phama spoke up as the man handed him the rifle. “This… is the SKS, a Semi-Automatic Carbine. Soviet-made. Used in the Angolan Bush War and smuggled into here from Botswana, or so my merchant tells me.”
Phama handed the gun to Kenny. His expression began to turn from that of a happy nature to a matter-of-fact and stern one.
“Listen here, because I will only say this once. In two weeks time, exactly two weeks, on Saturday the 27th, our target will visit the Supreme Court in Bloemfontein. You will be driven there in the early morning. The driver will drop you off a couple of blocks from the destination. You get the rifle and wait for the boer to arrive on one of the rooftops. You will shoot once, you will shoot right. I want no funny business going on. You are not to shoot the rifle, even to test it. You are not to show it to anyone, not your friends or family. Do I make myself clear?”
“Yes.”
“Good."
Kenny turned back to return to the car and make the long drive home. As he opened the back door, Sabelo Phama called out to him one last time.
“For Azania!” he said as he held out his fist in the air.
Kenny smiled, and raised his free hand in the air to salute him back.
“For Azania!”
Patrick waited at the end of a dirt road in a grassy paddock outside of the Vauxhall Cavalier he had stolen earlier that afternoon. The cigarette he held between his four fingers and occasionally puffed brought little warmth to him as he stood in the brisk February dusk.
He saw the headlights bounding over the horizon, following the straight path the country road set closer and closer until Patrick could clearly see the features of the lone car, and the single person inside. Patrick walked over to the Mercedes as it came to a halt, and knocked on the driver-side window. The figure inside cranked down the window.
“Kennedy,” was all Patrick said to the man.
“Kavanaugh,” the man in the car replied in a Belfast accent, with a smile.
He had given the correct code word.
The man in the vehicle opened the door of his silver Mercedes sedan and stepped out of the car and onto the dirt road. “So, how is it?” he said, putting on a pair of gloves he produced from his trenchcoat.
“It’s fucking cold,” Patrick responded, stamping out the remains of his cigarette.
“Nice car,” the main said, gesturing towards the Cavalier. “Didjer get the plates removed?”
“Yep. Swapped ‘em in Kinlough.”
The two paused for a moment. Finally, the mysterious figure with a Belfast accent broke the silence.
“Didjer want t’ see it?”
The man opened the trunk of his car to reveal a large metal box, sporting an alarm clock at the front of it and wires coming in and out of the contraption.
“Thirty kilos worth of gelignite, TNT, plastic explosives and a whole heap of other shit, made by our finest engineers. Breathtaking, isn’t it?” He pointed to the clock, a rather small model with the words: “CORK - IRELAND” printed in the middle, obviously a souvenir or trinket of some kind somebody in the organization had bought. “From here, you can set it off for as long as twelve hours.”
The two men remained in silence and awe at the contraption that lay ahead of them.
“So, how are you gonna get it to Britain?”
“There’s a safe house and garage just a few minutes’ drive outside Sligo. I’m getting a secret compartment added ‘neath the back seats. Nobody’ll suspect a thing. Nobody’ll need to. Now give me a hand putting this into the car, why won’t you?”
Usual attacks by the Irish Republican Army would have a proceeding warning sent to either the press or police, especially so in “the Mainland.” This was because most of the bombings in the United Kingdom outside of Ulster were less about causing civilian casualties as they were about sending a message to the British people, government, Crown and the world. And they would be sending such a message.
But this was not by any stretch of the word a usual IRA attack.
There would be no warning call.
Bobby Leach would have his revenge.
Buenos Aires, Argentina
The scene in the war room of General Galtieri looked more akin to a Turkish market than the bunker underneath the Casa Rosada it usually was. Generals, secretaries and trusted pro-government journalists were scrambling around the darkened room, clutching papers and loudly arguing. Every so often another corporal would run in and dump another pile of papers onto the already cluttered table. It was this intense scene that allowed President Galtieri to slip in without anyone noticing.
“Silence!” the General called. The military brass in the room stopped shouting into their telephones as the room collectively turned to the man dressed in white. The tense atmosphere in the crowded room seemed to dissipate.
“What is going on?” Galtieri spoke to the silent room.
A secretary from the back of the room spoke up. “Major Dowling killed a civilian last night. He was driving drunk. The morning news has the story and rebel journalists are threatening to release the story either in the Buenos Aires Herald or in a foreign newspaper.”
“Well, what do they want?”
“They are asking for better protections for journalists in the nation and heightened freedom of the press.”
The room fell silent. The President stepped into his seat and procured a cigar from the box left on top of a particularly thick dossier, lighting it with a leftover lighter. He puffed on it, leaving a cloud of smoke that lingered in front of him. Nobody dared speak or move. Suddenly, the President raised his finger and began to speak orders to his men.
“Listen to me. Find anything you can on these people. Affairs, scandals, anything. Make sure to check medical records as well. Send direct threats for them to stand down from this protest, use the secret service if you must, but do not get violent with them. If they refuse to shut up, fire them; or tell their bosses to fire them. Let their problems be known and aired to the people before the story breaks if we need damage control. We absolutely cannot have these mental defectives ransoming our administration, is that clear?”
“Yes, President,” one of the corporals in the back spoke up.
“As for Major Dowling… we cannot have such degenerate and problematic behaviors such as that he exhibits... Drunkenness, was it? We cannot have any such behaviors tolerated in our military, let alone our military high command. He must see before a court martial at once. Make sure not a single person outside of this room knows about this or will be able to let others outside of this room know about this, am I correct?”
The President paused.
“As for our future plans…”
The room once again seemed to pause under the might of the fiery general, a demagogue amongst his cabinet and military command, who sat or stood patiently, awaiting further instructions.
“...we will be forced to make some… minor accommodations. Nonetheless, all should be going according to the plan. Let you all and soon the whole world know that the leaders of the world will never threaten our national sovereignty again. Prosperity and patriotism will return to our fair fatherland. Operation Rosario will still continue, so help me God.”
Bushveld outside Thohoyandou, Venda, South Africa
The car ride was rough and bumpy. The beat-up 1960 Chevrolet Biscayne was quite unsuited to the rough terrain that comprised the majority of the South African bushveld. Kenny Motsamai tried and failed to get a wink of rest while on the ride, which was a shame - it was quite late outside, how late only God knew, and it was so dark outside that one could only see five feet ahead of their headlights. Kenny trusted the man who was following the directions laid out on a large map would get him to where he needed to be.
Other than the constant rumbling of the car as it drove across the back roads of rural South Africa - driving across the main roads would have caught the attention of the boers, and neither of the men had a pass - the ride from Rustenberg to Venda bantustan was quiet. The driver apparently only spoke Tsonga, so Kenny could only understand a few words, and it was not adamant that he needed to speak with the man anyway. He knew why he was here.
Through the pitch-black savanna dusk, Kenny could make out the ground they seemed to be travelling on got flatter. The shaking and rumbling stopped. The driver in the front laughed softly to himself. And he could make out two pools of light in the distance, in front of them.
The lights grew brighter until Kenny could very clearly make out the outline of another car, a Morris Oxford Series III, similarly beaten up, parked in front of them. The driver smiled as he began to slow down, until the car came to a stop just ahead of the other car. The driver pulled the key out of the ignition and flicked the headlights once, twice, three times.
The other car did the same. The back door opened and a man, dressed in military slacks and sunglasses and smoking a cigarette, walked out of the car. Kenny followed suit and walked up to the man.
“Good evening, Kenny,” the man spoke.
“Alright.”
“You know, maybe ten… twenty kilometres from here, lies the border with Zimbabwe. They say 5,000 boers defend it. Make sure nobody gets in. Or out.”
He stamped out his cigarette on the dirt ground and chuckled to himself.
“Commander Qweta…”
“Please. Call me Sabelo Phama.”
“...I know why I’m here. Why you brought me here.”
Commander Phama smiled.
“Is that right? Because Chairman Pokela tells me you’re the best shot in the lands west of Pretoria. Is that true?”
“I would say so.”
Phama looked at the lanky Setswana teenager in front of him, dressed in a ripped red t-shirt that was obviously too big for him. An unlikely hero for the fight for Azania, yes, but a hero in the making nonetheless.
“I’ve already done three jobs. Police informants, they were. All of them.”
“I assume you know how to use rifles?”
“That is correct.”
Sabelo Phama smiled yet again. He clapped his hands and a man, also dressed in military garb, walked out of the car, clutching a rifle.
Phama spoke up as the man handed him the rifle. “This… is the SKS, a Semi-Automatic Carbine. Soviet-made. Used in the Angolan Bush War and smuggled into here from Botswana, or so my merchant tells me.”
Phama handed the gun to Kenny. His expression began to turn from that of a happy nature to a matter-of-fact and stern one.
“Listen here, because I will only say this once. In two weeks time, exactly two weeks, on Saturday the 27th, our target will visit the Supreme Court in Bloemfontein. You will be driven there in the early morning. The driver will drop you off a couple of blocks from the destination. You get the rifle and wait for the boer to arrive on one of the rooftops. You will shoot once, you will shoot right. I want no funny business going on. You are not to shoot the rifle, even to test it. You are not to show it to anyone, not your friends or family. Do I make myself clear?”
“Yes.”
“Good."
Kenny turned back to return to the car and make the long drive home. As he opened the back door, Sabelo Phama called out to him one last time.
“For Azania!” he said as he held out his fist in the air.
Kenny smiled, and raised his free hand in the air to salute him back.
“For Azania!”
“A SHOOTING OCCURRED THIS MORNING AT THE FRIDAY MARKET IN TRIPOLI, LIBYA TODAY. THE SHOOTING WAS BLAMED ON LOCAL TERRORISTS WITH ALLEGIANCE TO PRO-GADDAFI FORCES. TWO UNITED STATES SERVICEMEN WERE KILLED IN THE ATTACK AND A THIRD WAS INJURED”
-News bulletin printed out at Voice of America’s local broadcasting station in Valletta, Malta, 10 March, 1982. The story was censored by the United States Armed Forces for "morale reasons"
“The President announced today he would begin the phasing out of peacekeeping marines and foot units currently involved in Lebanon. President Bush stated he wanted to focus efforts in the region on a single area and stated that ‘the more recent mission in Libya is a more pressing issue to us as Americans and as world leaders and peacemakers than our current efforts in the Lebanese Civil War.’ President Bush has been criticized by liberals and conservatives alike for his great expanding of the military budget, although the majority of the nation supports the current mission in Libya, with 66% of Americans believing the mission was at least ‘justified.’”
-News story printed in The New York Times, 15 March, 1982
“Constantino Davidoff was a scrap-metal merchant. He gained a contract with the European transport company Christian Salvesen based in Scotland, to dismantle an old whaling station at Leith harbor on the island of South Georgia. It took him some time to find a ship that would transport his group of around forty workers over from the mainland – he earlier asked the captain of HMS Endurance, who declined. Finally, he gained permission and notified the British Embassy and The Crown of his visit, and on 19th March 1982, he and his workers landed at Grytviken.”
-Excerpt from the Silkin Report, published in 1986
“The 1982 Libyan Presidential Election re-elected military general and anti-Muammar al-Gaddafi rebel leader Abdessalam Jalloud as President of Libya. Jalloud had been confirmed as de facto president after the Fall of Tripoli and subsequent exile of Gaddafi in 1981. The elections included Abdullah Senussi, Gaddafi’s brother-in-law who ran under a platform of islamic socialism, anti-Americanism and Ba’athism, and Issa Abdel Majid Mansour, the former leader of a Toubou rebel army who ran on a platform of rights and increased literacy for the Toubou people who live in the south of the country, near the border with Chad. Numerous other candidates contested the election, but none gained more than 5% of the vote.”
-Excerpt from a Nupedia.com article on the 1982 Libyan Presidential Election, accessed 16 August, 2019
“ARGENTINES HOIST A FLAG ON FALKLANDS!”
-Headline from a story published in The Times, released 23 March, 1982
“Reports that an Argentine flag had been hoisted up on South Georgia and that gunshots had been heard on the island were furiously spun by both members of the media and frantic members of the public who used such rumours to put forth the idea that the island had been invaded by Argentine forces. However, eyewitness testimony from the workers present on Leith Harbour recall the only shots fired were that to hunt wild deer, and the raising of an Argentine flag was simply to notify that the scrap-mining expedition were of Argentine descent.
However, the idea of British sovereign territory being invaded by troops and suspicious civilians proved much too tantalising for the voices who helped to spin the trouble into a full-blown conflict.”
-Excerpt from the Silkin Report, published in 1986
“I am warning you, sir, that, from where this situation looks from Buenos Aires, the British Government’s reaction to Sr. Davidoff’s ‘trivial and low-level misbehaviour’ could do lasting damage to the whole structure of bilateral relations. Mark my words, you do not want to make an enemy, especially with our…
-With what? Hello?
*LINE CUT*”
-Excerpt from a telephone conversation between Argentine Foreign Minister Costa Méndez and British Ambassador to Argentina Anthony Williams, 24 March, 1982
“Juan
Thank you, yes I would like to view the plans from your office.
Although I would also like my missing fingernails back too. It really hurts to write this and bandages they put on my fingers are useless.
Coffee sometime?
-C”
-Translated memo from Argentine Foreign Minister Costa Méndez to diplomat and former Senator Juan Ramón Aguirre Lanari, sent 25 March, 1982
“ARGENTINE MILITARY PERSONNEL SPOTTED IN SOUTH GEORGIA”
-The Daily Mail, 25 March, 1982
“This is absolutely our chance!
-Our chance? What are you talking about?!? We won’t have our shipments of Exocet missiles or our planes by the end of the year! The Brits haven’t even scraped their aircraft carriers!”
-Overheard conversation between Navy Commander Alfredo Astiz and Secretariat Carlos Bloomer-Reeve, 28 March, 1982
“General,
I strongly suggest removing Commodore Bloomer-Reeve from his position on Operation Rosario.
I believe his history with the British in the Islas Malvinas makes him susceptible of a conflict of interests between our fatherland and the United Kingdom. As a result I believe it is unwise to put him in a position of power where he could possibly give up our secrets to the pirates like Mendez nearly did.
Much obliged,
Astiz.”
-Translated memo from Navy Commander Alfredo Astiz to President of Argentina Leopoldo Galtieri, sent 29 March, 1982
54rd Academy Awards
Dorothy Chandler Pavilion, Los Angeles, CaliforniaBest Picture: On Golden Pond
Best Director: Warren Beatty, Reds
Best Actor: Henry Fonda - Norman Thayer, Jr. in On Golden Pond
Best Actress: Katharine Hepburn - Ethel Thayer in On Golden Pond
Best Supporting Actor: John Gielgud - Hobson in Arthur
Best Supporting Actress: Maureen Stapleton - Emma Goldman in Reds
Best Screenplay Written Directly for the Screen: Arthur – Steve Gordon
Best Screenplay Based on Material from Another Medium: On Golden Pond – Ernest Thompson based on his play
Best Original Score: Vangelis - Chariots of Fire
Best Original Song: "Arthur's Theme (Best That You Can Do)" from Arthur – Music by Burt Bacharach; Lyrics by Carole Bayer Sager, Christopher Cross and Peter Allen
Best Sound: Raiders of the Lost Ark – Bill Varney, Steve Maslow, Gregg Landaker and Roy Charman
Best Makeup: An American Werewolf in London – Rick Baker
Best Costume Design: Chariots of Fire – Milena Canonero
Best Art Direction: The French Lieutenant's Woman – Art Direction: Assheton Gorton; Set Decoration: Ann Mollo
Best Cinematography: On Golden Pond – Billy Williams
Best Film Editing: Raiders of the Lost Ark – Michael Kahn
Best Visual Effects: Raiders of the Lost Ark – Richard Edlund, Kit West, Bruce Nicholson and Joe Johnston
“Some people have stated that Raiders was snubbed by the Oscars, in addition to a whole bunch of other more violent films or films with more… shocking material. Personally, I don’t think that’s true, and I’m certainly not complaining about it. I believe that the public may have been more put off by more violent and gory films in the early 1980s, but that doesn’t mean my film was deliberately ignored by the Academy. Besides, I would win big next year, so, I mean, does it even matter? Do I think this film will be nominated for an Academy Award? Well, I am a very humble man and I prefer not to hype up or be a braggart, and I would rather prefer the Academy, as well as the filmgoers and critics of the world to decide. However, it would be really cool to see Michael Jackson win an Oscar, I must admit!”
-Statement by film director Stephen Spielberg on the premiere of The Phantom of the Opera at the Venice Film Festival, September 1, 1999
“Diarmada, Mary. Diarmada, Mary.”
-Shortwave radio transmission picked up by a radio communications surveillance officer in RAF Menwith Hill, March 31, 1982
“Sir, you’ve got to have to take a look at this. I found something really weird.”
-Excerpt from a telephone call from lighthouse keeper Reg Silvey to Governor Rex Hunt, April 1, 1982
-News bulletin printed out at Voice of America’s local broadcasting station in Valletta, Malta, 10 March, 1982. The story was censored by the United States Armed Forces for "morale reasons"
“The President announced today he would begin the phasing out of peacekeeping marines and foot units currently involved in Lebanon. President Bush stated he wanted to focus efforts in the region on a single area and stated that ‘the more recent mission in Libya is a more pressing issue to us as Americans and as world leaders and peacemakers than our current efforts in the Lebanese Civil War.’ President Bush has been criticized by liberals and conservatives alike for his great expanding of the military budget, although the majority of the nation supports the current mission in Libya, with 66% of Americans believing the mission was at least ‘justified.’”
-News story printed in The New York Times, 15 March, 1982
“Constantino Davidoff was a scrap-metal merchant. He gained a contract with the European transport company Christian Salvesen based in Scotland, to dismantle an old whaling station at Leith harbor on the island of South Georgia. It took him some time to find a ship that would transport his group of around forty workers over from the mainland – he earlier asked the captain of HMS Endurance, who declined. Finally, he gained permission and notified the British Embassy and The Crown of his visit, and on 19th March 1982, he and his workers landed at Grytviken.”
-Excerpt from the Silkin Report, published in 1986
“The 1982 Libyan Presidential Election re-elected military general and anti-Muammar al-Gaddafi rebel leader Abdessalam Jalloud as President of Libya. Jalloud had been confirmed as de facto president after the Fall of Tripoli and subsequent exile of Gaddafi in 1981. The elections included Abdullah Senussi, Gaddafi’s brother-in-law who ran under a platform of islamic socialism, anti-Americanism and Ba’athism, and Issa Abdel Majid Mansour, the former leader of a Toubou rebel army who ran on a platform of rights and increased literacy for the Toubou people who live in the south of the country, near the border with Chad. Numerous other candidates contested the election, but none gained more than 5% of the vote.”
-Excerpt from a Nupedia.com article on the 1982 Libyan Presidential Election, accessed 16 August, 2019
“ARGENTINES HOIST A FLAG ON FALKLANDS!”
-Headline from a story published in The Times, released 23 March, 1982
“Reports that an Argentine flag had been hoisted up on South Georgia and that gunshots had been heard on the island were furiously spun by both members of the media and frantic members of the public who used such rumours to put forth the idea that the island had been invaded by Argentine forces. However, eyewitness testimony from the workers present on Leith Harbour recall the only shots fired were that to hunt wild deer, and the raising of an Argentine flag was simply to notify that the scrap-mining expedition were of Argentine descent.
However, the idea of British sovereign territory being invaded by troops and suspicious civilians proved much too tantalising for the voices who helped to spin the trouble into a full-blown conflict.”
-Excerpt from the Silkin Report, published in 1986
“I am warning you, sir, that, from where this situation looks from Buenos Aires, the British Government’s reaction to Sr. Davidoff’s ‘trivial and low-level misbehaviour’ could do lasting damage to the whole structure of bilateral relations. Mark my words, you do not want to make an enemy, especially with our…
-With what? Hello?
*LINE CUT*”
-Excerpt from a telephone conversation between Argentine Foreign Minister Costa Méndez and British Ambassador to Argentina Anthony Williams, 24 March, 1982
“Juan
Thank you, yes I would like to view the plans from your office.
Although I would also like my missing fingernails back too. It really hurts to write this and bandages they put on my fingers are useless.
Coffee sometime?
-C”
-Translated memo from Argentine Foreign Minister Costa Méndez to diplomat and former Senator Juan Ramón Aguirre Lanari, sent 25 March, 1982
“ARGENTINE MILITARY PERSONNEL SPOTTED IN SOUTH GEORGIA”
-The Daily Mail, 25 March, 1982
“This is absolutely our chance!
-Our chance? What are you talking about?!? We won’t have our shipments of Exocet missiles or our planes by the end of the year! The Brits haven’t even scraped their aircraft carriers!”
-Overheard conversation between Navy Commander Alfredo Astiz and Secretariat Carlos Bloomer-Reeve, 28 March, 1982
“General,
I strongly suggest removing Commodore Bloomer-Reeve from his position on Operation Rosario.
I believe his history with the British in the Islas Malvinas makes him susceptible of a conflict of interests between our fatherland and the United Kingdom. As a result I believe it is unwise to put him in a position of power where he could possibly give up our secrets to the pirates like Mendez nearly did.
Much obliged,
Astiz.”
-Translated memo from Navy Commander Alfredo Astiz to President of Argentina Leopoldo Galtieri, sent 29 March, 1982
54rd Academy Awards
Dorothy Chandler Pavilion, Los Angeles, California
Best Director: Warren Beatty, Reds
Best Actor: Henry Fonda - Norman Thayer, Jr. in On Golden Pond
Best Actress: Katharine Hepburn - Ethel Thayer in On Golden Pond
Best Supporting Actor: John Gielgud - Hobson in Arthur
Best Supporting Actress: Maureen Stapleton - Emma Goldman in Reds
Best Screenplay Written Directly for the Screen: Arthur – Steve Gordon
Best Screenplay Based on Material from Another Medium: On Golden Pond – Ernest Thompson based on his play
Best Original Score: Vangelis - Chariots of Fire
Best Original Song: "Arthur's Theme (Best That You Can Do)" from Arthur – Music by Burt Bacharach; Lyrics by Carole Bayer Sager, Christopher Cross and Peter Allen
Best Sound: Raiders of the Lost Ark – Bill Varney, Steve Maslow, Gregg Landaker and Roy Charman
Best Makeup: An American Werewolf in London – Rick Baker
Best Costume Design: Chariots of Fire – Milena Canonero
Best Art Direction: The French Lieutenant's Woman – Art Direction: Assheton Gorton; Set Decoration: Ann Mollo
Best Cinematography: On Golden Pond – Billy Williams
Best Film Editing: Raiders of the Lost Ark – Michael Kahn
Best Visual Effects: Raiders of the Lost Ark – Richard Edlund, Kit West, Bruce Nicholson and Joe Johnston
“Some people have stated that Raiders was snubbed by the Oscars, in addition to a whole bunch of other more violent films or films with more… shocking material. Personally, I don’t think that’s true, and I’m certainly not complaining about it. I believe that the public may have been more put off by more violent and gory films in the early 1980s, but that doesn’t mean my film was deliberately ignored by the Academy. Besides, I would win big next year, so, I mean, does it even matter? Do I think this film will be nominated for an Academy Award? Well, I am a very humble man and I prefer not to hype up or be a braggart, and I would rather prefer the Academy, as well as the filmgoers and critics of the world to decide. However, it would be really cool to see Michael Jackson win an Oscar, I must admit!”
-Statement by film director Stephen Spielberg on the premiere of The Phantom of the Opera at the Venice Film Festival, September 1, 1999
“Diarmada, Mary. Diarmada, Mary.”
-Shortwave radio transmission picked up by a radio communications surveillance officer in RAF Menwith Hill, March 31, 1982
“Sir, you’ve got to have to take a look at this. I found something really weird.”
-Excerpt from a telephone call from lighthouse keeper Reg Silvey to Governor Rex Hunt, April 1, 1982