Chapter 3: Battle of the Fatherlands
“Death to Strasserism! Long live the New Fatherland!” – Slogan of the Bavarian Fascist Corps
The Descent: A history of the Second German Civil War by Thomas Scott
From a historian’s perspective, the frequent destruction of official documentation (even before the intervention) and the slow decay of formal bureaucracy presents a large obstacle in cataloguing the events going on following the outbreak of hostilities in Germany, but there are a number of reliable sources that allow us to construct a somewhat detailed picture. Perhaps the most reliable are the reports by foreigners to the international news, but another valuable source is the communications between the Bremen commune and Moscow which presents a somewhat accurate look of the tactical situation in Germany up until 1935 with the onset of the soviet power struggle. One of the significant players outside Germany at this time was Austria, functioning as both a key ally and a gateway for Italian support in both men and supplies which played a key role in sustaining the Bavarian fascists as well as other catholic militias in southern Germany. By the winter of 1934 clear “sides” had taken shape with the primary players being the Brauchitsch-led Wehrstaat, Hess’ party government, the Strasser Brothers’ Volksrepublik and the communists in Bremen and the Ruhr. Initially, it was only the Wehrstaat and the Party government that had any real chances of territorial expansion as the more ideologically-aligned (as opposed to claiming to be the continuation government) factions were largely confined to their territories of ideological support.
This largely explains the reasons behind “black December”; the factions not actively trying to expand instead turned inward, embarking on mass campaigns of ideological purges, each with their own horrifying bent: the Volksrepublik killed not only ideological opponents but also most “non-aryans”, whilst the executions of the Ruhr army are exceptional for their sheer scale. The revelation of these atrocities in January 1935 finally spurred the rest of Europe to action and the first session of the London conference openly floating the idea of an international intervention, which in turn likely spurred on the pro-intervention camp in Poland to pursue unilateral involvement in the conflict. By this time Italy and Austria had already intervened semi-directly with the deployment of the auxiliary Legionary Airforce and Corps of Volunteer Troops in service of the Bavarian Republic as well as the Second Catholic League as a whole. There were also a collection of international volunteers travelling to Bremen on their own accord, but the aftermath of the Ruhr purges dampened the calls for any large-scale organized efforts to participate amongst socialists and communists. Whilst the news emerging from Germany was a cause for concern amongst the European powers, the war-weary populace of the continent did not yet provide enough support for a decisive intervention.