Vive le Roi!
On Wednesday, April 23rd, Charles Maurras staged his coup d’état.
Initially all went well, Raymond Poincaré was arrested and transported to an “undisclosed locality”. The parliament had been summoned routinely for that day, but most Socialists failed to show up, being successfully detained or delayed by the Camelots du Roi. In the session, the right wing majority – a great number of more moderate deputies had been talked, bribed or threatened into accepting Maurras’ ideas – with more than two thirds of the votes accepted the proposed new constitution that made France a monarchy again.
Army and police stood by and watched with sympathy.
Early reactions in most foreign countries were moderate or even welcoming.
But then all hell broke loose.
The socialists and the trade unions called for a general strike. Left newspapers called for public resistance. Committees popped up, called “conseils” – the Russian translation being: Soviets – which forcefully organised civil disobedience and public resistance.
Most rural areas remained completely untouched by this resistance, but all urban centres were heavily affected.
Charles Maurras was too young to remember the horrors of the Paris Commune, but – like every Frenchman – he had heard and read a lot about it, had even talked to participants and eyewitnesses.
He sincerely intended to avoid a repetition of this terrible experience.
About one fifth of the French voters supported his views, another fifth actively supported the Socialists. But his followers were dispersed and inhomogeneous, those of the Socialists concentrated in the urban areas.
Maurras was no pacifist, he didn’t completely disregard the use of force. But a civil war had to be avoided. France was already at the bottom, further violence would utterly wreck her.
The army provided the answer: Not as suppressor of strikes and protest marches, but as supplier of essential services. Not with ultimate expertise and efficiency but generally reliable, soldiers operated power stations, trains, water works and other important facilities.
This was Marshal Pétain’s vital contribution.
Not that the Socialists had any intention to let that happen. Frequently, soldiers were harassed or even attacked. When that didn’t work, sabotage was executed. But all that cost the Socialists sympathies, especially with the three fifth of voters that stood between the extreme wings.
Slowly and painfully, Maurras’ government gained acceptance from the majority of the Frenchmen, who – after all – preferred law, order and personal safety over wild political ideas.
Maurras had no problem in introducing universal suffrage. He had believed since long time that women would vote far more in favour of king and church than most men.
His moderate course of action brought him wide acceptance abroad. Frenchmen that had access to foreign newspapers could see that his government was widely accepted and appreciated in Europe and the world.
Even the US Americans clearly favoured a constitutional monarchy over socialist anarchy.
Behind the scenery, pourparlers between left and right took place all the time. The Socialists gained important commitments regarding social security, old age pensions, hours of work and workers’ participation.
In the end, the French “Royaume Nouveau” – as it was to become known – contained far more socially advanced features than the 3rd Republic had ever possessed.
By the end of May, resistance had died down. Not completely, some districts of Paris, Lyon and Marseille still proved rather virulent, but sufficiently so to invite the Duke of Orléans to France and to schedule the coronation for Sunday, June 8th, 1919.
It would take place at Reims (Rheims for some English), the ancient coronation place of the French Kings. The Arch Bishop of Reims would conduct the spiritual part, representing the French Catholic Church. The crown would be put on Philippe VIII.’s head jointly by the Arch Bishop and Maurras, symbolising the union of church and people in France.
Unavoidably, the event required foreign majesties and statesmen to attend. Reluctantly, Maurras sent invitations to Germany, Great Hungary and their puppets. That was the most disgusting part of it, to have the German Kaiser attend the ceremony…
On Wednesday, April 23rd, Charles Maurras staged his coup d’état.
Initially all went well, Raymond Poincaré was arrested and transported to an “undisclosed locality”. The parliament had been summoned routinely for that day, but most Socialists failed to show up, being successfully detained or delayed by the Camelots du Roi. In the session, the right wing majority – a great number of more moderate deputies had been talked, bribed or threatened into accepting Maurras’ ideas – with more than two thirds of the votes accepted the proposed new constitution that made France a monarchy again.
Army and police stood by and watched with sympathy.
Early reactions in most foreign countries were moderate or even welcoming.
But then all hell broke loose.
The socialists and the trade unions called for a general strike. Left newspapers called for public resistance. Committees popped up, called “conseils” – the Russian translation being: Soviets – which forcefully organised civil disobedience and public resistance.
Most rural areas remained completely untouched by this resistance, but all urban centres were heavily affected.
Charles Maurras was too young to remember the horrors of the Paris Commune, but – like every Frenchman – he had heard and read a lot about it, had even talked to participants and eyewitnesses.
He sincerely intended to avoid a repetition of this terrible experience.
About one fifth of the French voters supported his views, another fifth actively supported the Socialists. But his followers were dispersed and inhomogeneous, those of the Socialists concentrated in the urban areas.
Maurras was no pacifist, he didn’t completely disregard the use of force. But a civil war had to be avoided. France was already at the bottom, further violence would utterly wreck her.
The army provided the answer: Not as suppressor of strikes and protest marches, but as supplier of essential services. Not with ultimate expertise and efficiency but generally reliable, soldiers operated power stations, trains, water works and other important facilities.
This was Marshal Pétain’s vital contribution.
Not that the Socialists had any intention to let that happen. Frequently, soldiers were harassed or even attacked. When that didn’t work, sabotage was executed. But all that cost the Socialists sympathies, especially with the three fifth of voters that stood between the extreme wings.
Slowly and painfully, Maurras’ government gained acceptance from the majority of the Frenchmen, who – after all – preferred law, order and personal safety over wild political ideas.
Maurras had no problem in introducing universal suffrage. He had believed since long time that women would vote far more in favour of king and church than most men.
His moderate course of action brought him wide acceptance abroad. Frenchmen that had access to foreign newspapers could see that his government was widely accepted and appreciated in Europe and the world.
Even the US Americans clearly favoured a constitutional monarchy over socialist anarchy.
Behind the scenery, pourparlers between left and right took place all the time. The Socialists gained important commitments regarding social security, old age pensions, hours of work and workers’ participation.
In the end, the French “Royaume Nouveau” – as it was to become known – contained far more socially advanced features than the 3rd Republic had ever possessed.
By the end of May, resistance had died down. Not completely, some districts of Paris, Lyon and Marseille still proved rather virulent, but sufficiently so to invite the Duke of Orléans to France and to schedule the coronation for Sunday, June 8th, 1919.
It would take place at Reims (Rheims for some English), the ancient coronation place of the French Kings. The Arch Bishop of Reims would conduct the spiritual part, representing the French Catholic Church. The crown would be put on Philippe VIII.’s head jointly by the Arch Bishop and Maurras, symbolising the union of church and people in France.
Unavoidably, the event required foreign majesties and statesmen to attend. Reluctantly, Maurras sent invitations to Germany, Great Hungary and their puppets. That was the most disgusting part of it, to have the German Kaiser attend the ceremony…
Last edited: