Travailler pour le Roi de Prusse
Elections for the Prussian Landtag were held on Sunday, October 1st, 1922. These were the second elections in Prussia with equal vote. From a total of 402, the SPD won 186 seats and the FVP 31, while the Zentrum arrived at 87, the GDNP at 83 and the National Liberals at 23.
This meant that Prussia would be ruled by a coalition of SPD and FVP led by Otto Braun (SPD) for the next four years.
Braun had – so far – successfully warded off all attempts to reform Prussia. These attempts mainly originated from an association of Rhenish separatists directed by the Lord Mayor of Cologne, Konrad Adenauer (Zentrum). Adenauer argued that Prussia was far too big to fit into the federal structure of the German Empire.
If the Prussian Rhine Province and Catholic Westphalia were allowed to form a Rhenish Republic, the federal structure would become much more balanced.
Braun, a stubborn East Prussian, born at Königsberg, stoically defended Prussia as it had grown historically. Today, after the affiliation of the Catholic Arch Duchies of Tyrolia and Austria, there was an adequate balance between Protestant Prussia and the Catholic South; a Catholic Rhenish Republic would only inverse the equilibrium into a dominance of Catholicism.
In this question, Braun could even count on the support of GDNP and NL.
The vote for the GDNP had grown considerably since the elections of October 1918. The right wing now – including the NL – held more seats than the moderate Zentrum, which – however – in Prussia could only score in the Catholic areas, i.e. Upper Silesia, Westphalia and the Rhine Province – and nowadays also in the Posen Province, where the Catholic Poles had been casting more votes for the Zentrum than for the traditional Polish Parties.
That many Poles were now giving their vote to the Zentrum was certainly due to the abolition of all attempts to germanise them. This had already been implemented under the first Prussian government led by Paul Hirsch. Under Hirsch’s successor Braun, an initiative to implement Polish as first language in the Polish speaking areas had led to vociferous protests – voiced by the Poles.
With low-wage jobs in Germany today going to Southern Italians, Serbs and Romanians, the German Poles had to compete for sophisticated jobs normally held by Germans. This meant that their command of the German language had to be impeccable.
Much to the despair of Polish chauvinists in the Rzeczpospolita Polska, many Poles in Germany were turning away from ardent Polish nationalism and came to regard themselves as normal German citizens of Polish origin. Like the Sorbs in Lusatia (German: Lausitz) had long done, they were beginning to make their peace with Germany.
This was even more pronounced in Westphalia, where the ‘Ruhrpolen’ formed a minority of approximately half a million people. They had contributed to the formation of a special ‘Ruhr-Idiom’, which held some peculiar elements of Polish grammar and pronunciation, but otherwise they considered themselves as Germans – although their names – Szymanski, Czerwinski, Przybylski, etc. – betrayed them as of Polish origin. And it was observed that many Germans were already accepting these names as a speciality of the Ruhr area – and not as something discriminating ‘Polacken’ from Germans.
If there was a racial question that did stir up emotions in Prussia, it was that of the ‘Ostjuden’. Many Jews from Poland and Russia tried to immigrate to Germany. But although speaking Yiddish, an idiom that most Germans could largely understand, these ‘Kaftanjuden’ were considered backward and uncivilised by a majority of Germans and German Jews. However, sending back these people to Poland and Russia, where their lifes might be in danger, was out of question.
Sending all of them on to the USA – as had been the custom before the Great War – did no longer work. Sending them to Palestine in greater numbers was barred by the Ottomans. Limited numbers were accepted by the USA, Australia, Argentina, Canada, the Ottoman Empire and Morocco, but this did not suffice to deal with the whole lot.
While Jews immigrating from France were welcome and usually blended into their new environment without problems, the ‘Ostjuden’ were – like Gypsies – liable to cause protests, riots and even violence when appearing somewhere in greater number inside Germany.
Finally, it were the German Jews of the ‘Jüdischer Reichsbund’ who came up with the proposal to admit ‘Ostjuden’ as settlers to Mittelafrika, Groß Togoland and Deutsch Südwest. This met with approval from the spokesmen of the ‘Ostjuden’ – after all the new environment would be German as well. Thus, starting in mid-1922, increasing numbers of ‘Ostjuden’ were allowed to move to Africa.
Elections for the Prussian Landtag were held on Sunday, October 1st, 1922. These were the second elections in Prussia with equal vote. From a total of 402, the SPD won 186 seats and the FVP 31, while the Zentrum arrived at 87, the GDNP at 83 and the National Liberals at 23.
This meant that Prussia would be ruled by a coalition of SPD and FVP led by Otto Braun (SPD) for the next four years.
Braun had – so far – successfully warded off all attempts to reform Prussia. These attempts mainly originated from an association of Rhenish separatists directed by the Lord Mayor of Cologne, Konrad Adenauer (Zentrum). Adenauer argued that Prussia was far too big to fit into the federal structure of the German Empire.
If the Prussian Rhine Province and Catholic Westphalia were allowed to form a Rhenish Republic, the federal structure would become much more balanced.
Braun, a stubborn East Prussian, born at Königsberg, stoically defended Prussia as it had grown historically. Today, after the affiliation of the Catholic Arch Duchies of Tyrolia and Austria, there was an adequate balance between Protestant Prussia and the Catholic South; a Catholic Rhenish Republic would only inverse the equilibrium into a dominance of Catholicism.
In this question, Braun could even count on the support of GDNP and NL.
The vote for the GDNP had grown considerably since the elections of October 1918. The right wing now – including the NL – held more seats than the moderate Zentrum, which – however – in Prussia could only score in the Catholic areas, i.e. Upper Silesia, Westphalia and the Rhine Province – and nowadays also in the Posen Province, where the Catholic Poles had been casting more votes for the Zentrum than for the traditional Polish Parties.
That many Poles were now giving their vote to the Zentrum was certainly due to the abolition of all attempts to germanise them. This had already been implemented under the first Prussian government led by Paul Hirsch. Under Hirsch’s successor Braun, an initiative to implement Polish as first language in the Polish speaking areas had led to vociferous protests – voiced by the Poles.
With low-wage jobs in Germany today going to Southern Italians, Serbs and Romanians, the German Poles had to compete for sophisticated jobs normally held by Germans. This meant that their command of the German language had to be impeccable.
Much to the despair of Polish chauvinists in the Rzeczpospolita Polska, many Poles in Germany were turning away from ardent Polish nationalism and came to regard themselves as normal German citizens of Polish origin. Like the Sorbs in Lusatia (German: Lausitz) had long done, they were beginning to make their peace with Germany.
This was even more pronounced in Westphalia, where the ‘Ruhrpolen’ formed a minority of approximately half a million people. They had contributed to the formation of a special ‘Ruhr-Idiom’, which held some peculiar elements of Polish grammar and pronunciation, but otherwise they considered themselves as Germans – although their names – Szymanski, Czerwinski, Przybylski, etc. – betrayed them as of Polish origin. And it was observed that many Germans were already accepting these names as a speciality of the Ruhr area – and not as something discriminating ‘Polacken’ from Germans.
If there was a racial question that did stir up emotions in Prussia, it was that of the ‘Ostjuden’. Many Jews from Poland and Russia tried to immigrate to Germany. But although speaking Yiddish, an idiom that most Germans could largely understand, these ‘Kaftanjuden’ were considered backward and uncivilised by a majority of Germans and German Jews. However, sending back these people to Poland and Russia, where their lifes might be in danger, was out of question.
Sending all of them on to the USA – as had been the custom before the Great War – did no longer work. Sending them to Palestine in greater numbers was barred by the Ottomans. Limited numbers were accepted by the USA, Australia, Argentina, Canada, the Ottoman Empire and Morocco, but this did not suffice to deal with the whole lot.
While Jews immigrating from France were welcome and usually blended into their new environment without problems, the ‘Ostjuden’ were – like Gypsies – liable to cause protests, riots and even violence when appearing somewhere in greater number inside Germany.
Finally, it were the German Jews of the ‘Jüdischer Reichsbund’ who came up with the proposal to admit ‘Ostjuden’ as settlers to Mittelafrika, Groß Togoland and Deutsch Südwest. This met with approval from the spokesmen of the ‘Ostjuden’ – after all the new environment would be German as well. Thus, starting in mid-1922, increasing numbers of ‘Ostjuden’ were allowed to move to Africa.