Chapter 15
Taiwan, 1953. 2 years after the invasion, the island is still recovering from the episode. With its cities still under reconstruction, the populace tries to move forwards….. But due to the anger over the losses of Kinmen, Mitsu, and the rest, and the paranoia of a second invasion, things have gotten more violent than they already were. The Taiwanese government, even in spite of the deposition of Chiang, has increased the White Terror, and with Sun Li-jen’s reign, the number of American troops on the island has only expanded. American troops patrol alongside Taiwanese soldiers and policemen, and they aid them with the crackdowns on Taiwanese leftists. But the KMT has a special target now: Taiwan’s indigenous population.
Due to some Taiwanese aborigines supporting the PRC’s invasion, the KMT’s suppression of them has only increased, with the indigenous, regardless of who they are, all being lumped in with supporters of the mainland. Movements to increase their rights are violently suppressed, and leaders of the movement are specifically targeted. Although Sun is less extreme than Chiang, he still supports the crackdowns, as he still believes leftism is a “scourge” upon the Taiwanese nation.
Uyongʉ Yata'uyungana (1908-1954)
One specific target is Uyongʉ Yata'uyungana, a Tsou musician, former mayor of the Wufeng Township in Chiayi, and an educator for the Tfuya tribe. 44 years old, the man will turn 45 on July 5th, and he has a daughter, Kikuko, waiting for him at home. But Uyongʉ isn’t as mild mannered as he seems: in 1947, while still mayor of Wufeng, he was one of the leaders of the Tsou who took part in the 228 Incident, where anywhere between 18-000-28,000 Taiwanese civilians were killed in the ensuing massacre by Taiwanese soldiers. Uyongʉ had been jailed for his participation in the attempt to seize Chiayi Airport, but thanks to the lobbying of Atayal leader Losing Watan, Uyongʉ was released, and allowed to return to his family.
But the government has kept a close eye on him ever since. Declared a traitor for his support for indigenous Taiwanese rights, Uyongʉ is seized by soldiers on his way home, while walking through Chiayi. Put through torture, sleep deprivation, and psychological manipulation by his captors, Uyongʉ is sentenced to death by the government, along with Watan, and is imprisoned.
This is only part of the KMT culturally genocidal actions against the Taiwanese aborigines. The Educational Office-ran schools showed an emphasis in teaching Mandarin, Chinese history, and citizenship, with a nice tinge of KMT propaganda to go with it. In 1951, a major political socialization program began, which greatly encouraged the aborigines to adopt Han customs. Part of the “Shandi Pingdi Hua” policy, the goal was to “make the mountains like the plains”. An aura of shame surrounds the aborigines, even in spite of the heavy intermarriage between soldiers and aborigine women.
A US Army officer training a young group of KMT soldiers
Speaking of Taiwan’s soldiers, due to both the invasion, the paranoia towards China, and the better relations with Sun Li-jen, the US begins to put in a lot more effort into reforming the Taiwanese military. Sun, an alumni of the Virginia Military Institute, uses his own knowledge of the US army to mold it more in line with it.
ROC Cadets bayonet training on the beach, 1952
Top: an example of PRC leaflets dropped on Taiwan, featuring Zhang Baoxing, niece of Zhang Xkngyuan, the former vice-commander of the Kinmen Defence Command. An appeal to Taiwanese people on blood relations.
Bottom: a much more aggressive example of PRC leaflets, it warns KMT officers that their lives are coming to a close, and will soon perish, it is only meant to frighten those who read it.
But the war isn’t fully over, you see. While the PRC now realizes their chance at military conquest of Taiwan to be impossible, they believe the Taiwanese people can still surrender via psychological warfare. The PRC drops leaflets onto Taiwanese shores, trying to appeal to the Taiwanese people through “family ties”, though not all are cordial, with some threatening the lives of KMT politicians, soldiers, and generals, and some declaring that if the ROC continues to remain free of Beijing's grasp, “Kinmen is only a warning”, and declaring that further resistance will only lead to death. But the invasion of Taiwan only strengthens the hearts of the people, who petition for Kinmen to be retaken, a request the government only gives lip service to. Sun, unlike Chiang, has no delusions that the mainland can be retaken, and only wishes to build Taiwan into a powerful state that is safe from Beijing.
A heroic depiction of the Battle of Kinmen, in 1951
On the topic of Kinmen, the island has begun to gravitate towards the mainland, not due to choice, but due to necessity. Once the PRC took over the island, all mentions of their failure to take the island in 1949 are removed, and replaced with heroic depictions of its “liberation” in 1951. While many people on the island distrust the mainland, especially due to the destruction the conquest brought, they simply bite their lips and continue on with their lives, as although they hate the mainland, they also didn’t have much good to say about the KMT. So the people of Kinmen live in sort of a quasi relationship with the two China’s, not exactly caring for either one. Many Kinmenese mothers and fathers fear their sons will be used as cannon fodder if there is another war in the Strait, and a question people whisper in restaurants and bars is, “why should my son die for two governments who don’t care about them?”
A homeless woman rests with her baby in Taipei.
As mentioned earlier, Sun’s main focus is to rebuild the Taiwanese economy, which was essentially destroyed by the invasion. Homelessness and displacement are rampant on both Taiwan proper and Penghu, and it’s estimated that around 60% of the populace is impoverished. Sun knows he needs a little help, and as part of the defensive pact with Washington, Taipei is given plenty of money. But Sun’s economic development doesn’t come without blood[2]. But with Washington now seeing Taiwan as the legitimate China, and being fully committed to its defense, a minor Marshall Plan is initiated by the Eisenhower administration, and with Chiang out of the picture, “the odds of that money going into his pocket is slightly less likely”.
But the greater cooperation with the United States does come with its consequences. The cultural behemoth quickly begins to assert its dominance over the Taiwanese populace, with American culture quickly spreading throughout the islands. While plenty of US servicemen are respectful towards the local culture, many are not, with many servicemen being overbearing towards KMT officers, and American racism also comes along for the ride. Taiwanese women are often treated as if they’re prostitutes, and like in other Asian countries, children born with a Taiwanese mother and a US serviceman father are subject to discrimination. It is through this cultural imperialism, overbearing arrogance, and racism that the seeds of discontent begin to sow among the Taiwanese people, especially among intellectuals. Sun Li-jen, though very accepting of America out of necessity, writes in private:
“We are slowly becoming their newest state. American culture is now everywhere you look. I fear that by the time I am dead, my grandchildren will be American citizens. But alas, we have no choice but to swallow our pride and accept it. It is not acceptable to go against what the West demands.”
A photo of KMT soldiers and their families, in temporary lodgings, after coming to Taiwan from Vietnam.
Finally, there is one final aspect to the ROC in the early 50s: refugees. Due to the KMT’s defeat at the hands of Mao, many KMT soldiers found themselves stranded in Indochina, Thailand, and Burma. As time goes on, several of these soldiers and their families arrive on Taiwan, many of them during the invasion, but several others don’t come until 1953. Welcomed as heroes by the KMT, they don’t live like heroes, as they’re immediately cast aside like trash to live in poverty with the rest. The US is angered by the choice to bring the soldiers home, but the KMT refuses to send them back, as they want every soldier available at home to fight.
Meanwhile, on the mainland. In response to the American troops in Taiwan, the remilitarization of Japan, and the UN’s intervention in Indochina, the Chinese realize they need a trump card. Calling a Politburo meeting after the conclusion of the Plain of Jars campaign, Mao discusses a new idea he has decided on: a nuclear weapons program. Mao believes that a nuclear weapons program will increase China’s diplomatic credibility, and make the US less likely to continue their interventions against Asia’s growing communist tide. While discussing the matter with a Politburo undergoing reshuffling, Mao proclaims the following:
“Now we're already stronger than we were in the past, and in the future we'll be even stronger than now. Not only are we going to have more airplanes and artillery, but also the atomic bomb. In today's world, if we don't want to be bullied, we have to have this thing.”
The Politburo is in agreement, and Mao requests the USSR aid the beginning of the program, which they accept, sending advisors to the PRC. The Soviets see a nuclear China as a necessity: with the UN intervention in Laos, it seems the Americans and their allies could soon be on China’s doorstep. The remilitarization of Japan also evokes worry within the Party, and the Soviets fear a major war between the US and the PRC to be inevitable….. Unless Mao gets his trump card. They agree that a nuclear weapons program is the best way to prevent another major Asian land war, but….. It takes a while to build a nuke. But in any case, the Chinese nuclear weapons program begins, and construction of research plants in Lop Nur and , and a new era dawns for China.
A PLA soldier.
Meanwhile, the Great Reforms continue on inside of the PLA. Under the guiding hands of Lin, Mao, and Soviet advisors, the PLA continues its transition from a peasant army to a professional one to be feared. In the two years since the failure of Operation Eternal Victory, the PLA has made significant gains in organization, armament, and tactics and strategy. However, at the same time, the changes are slow. Although much stronger and better armed than in 1951…. The PLA is still not up to the standards Mao demands.
Civilian troops on the coast of Xiamen. Written on the rocks is, "We will liberate Taiwan!"
But across the strait, there is still a strong spirit among people in China. The belief that Taiwan will still be “liberated”. Although many Chinese people couldn’t care less about the issue, many others hold a great deal of patriotism on the issue. But officially, the Party has no plans to attack Taiwan in the foreseeable future. With Kinmen under their control, the Taiwan Strait is ironically becoming somewhat more tame. With the closest piece of Taiwanese land being Penghu, many miles away from the mainland, the feeling of the two being at each other's throats begins to somewhat dissipate, though Mao is still wary of US troops on the island.