It is the way of the world, that when some tensions are sorted, some crises averted, there crop up new ones, new flashpoints to drag the attention of the newspapers and their readers to yet another part of the world, enlighten them with maps and background, then move one once there is a solution there and a new crisis springing afresh elsewhere. Of course, it is usually the case that these new crises have been rumbling along at a lower level for some time, that perhaps, even, previous eruptions have occurred but gone unnoticed such was public attention on other matters. But sometimes the eruption is so large, the build-up seemingly so insignificant, that the events of that morning's newspaper seem as if they have been entirely fabricated out of new material.
Such was the case in January 1883 in Paris. To be sure, the Radicals had risen up in 1876 already, forced a new constitution upon the king and taken the reins of parliamentary power. They had had noted successes in the repudiation of the Protocol of Saint Petersburg and the abolition of slavery across the French Empire, but they had had noted failures too, largest of all their inability to drag France into the Italian War on the side of Piedmont-Sardinia and the nationalists against the will of the king. Since the conclusion of that conflict, and the defeat for King Umberto I and his cause, relations between the King and his parliament had been dire, and intercourse had degenerated into running street battles between the rival supporters of King Louis Philippe II on the one hand, and the Radicals on the other.
But even this had begun to seem normal. The occasional political assassination, the occasional full-pitched battle between rival gangs, it had become commonplace by the start of 1883. Readers of the newspapers no longer remarked in horror upon the events in Paris, but instead spoke in wry amusement of the latest twists and turns. Partisans of the king assured their friends that Louis Philippe II would soon have his parliament under control once more. Partisans of the Radicals assured theirs that the parliament would soon have the King under their control. A solution to the power struggle, one way or the other, was expected in a traditional manner - one side would be forced to back down.
Thus, the assassination of King Louis Philippe II, his wife Queen Marie, and the Duke of Orleans, Prince Louis Philippe, heir to the French throne, caught the world in a moment of shock. The bloody nature of the killings, blown apart by a bomb thrown at their carriage, and the fact that they had been on the way to a New Year's mass at the cathedral of Notre Dame, outraged society. Nobody would claim responsibility in the weeks to come, but the suspicion fell by its very nature upon the Radical party, the king's enemies whose vitriole seemed almost to suggest that they would welcome his removal by force.
The new King was the Duke of Orleans' younger brother, Prince Charles, Duke of Montpensier, a mere child at seven years of age. The Regent for the new monarch, crowned King Charles XI, was Prince Robert of Orleans, Duke of Chartres and brother of the late King Louis Philippe II.
It was clear to all that the situation that had been in existence prior to the assassination could not be allowed to continue. The weekly battles and brawls between the two factions had become an embarassment to France and a danger to the stability of the kingdom. The Regent's first act was to prorogue the assembly and declare martial law throughout Paris and the other metropolitan districts. Curfew breakers, gang members of whatever affiliation, were summarily executed, and by the time that martial law was lifted in July of 1883 the situation in the streets had settled down once more.
Many amongst the more extreme Radical members of the assembly cried foul at this development. But public sympathy was on the side of the young king, and backed the actions of the Regency in acting to restore order and the rule of law. Marches and shows of support were organised by the government, and faced with a popular upswing in feeling towards the monarchy the majority of the Radicals backed down. Those who did not were arrested, and either imprisoned or exiled. Many of those who chose exile crossed the Atlantic to the independent federal republic of Lower Canada, where there was a substantial Francophone population.
Grey Wolf
Such was the case in January 1883 in Paris. To be sure, the Radicals had risen up in 1876 already, forced a new constitution upon the king and taken the reins of parliamentary power. They had had noted successes in the repudiation of the Protocol of Saint Petersburg and the abolition of slavery across the French Empire, but they had had noted failures too, largest of all their inability to drag France into the Italian War on the side of Piedmont-Sardinia and the nationalists against the will of the king. Since the conclusion of that conflict, and the defeat for King Umberto I and his cause, relations between the King and his parliament had been dire, and intercourse had degenerated into running street battles between the rival supporters of King Louis Philippe II on the one hand, and the Radicals on the other.
But even this had begun to seem normal. The occasional political assassination, the occasional full-pitched battle between rival gangs, it had become commonplace by the start of 1883. Readers of the newspapers no longer remarked in horror upon the events in Paris, but instead spoke in wry amusement of the latest twists and turns. Partisans of the king assured their friends that Louis Philippe II would soon have his parliament under control once more. Partisans of the Radicals assured theirs that the parliament would soon have the King under their control. A solution to the power struggle, one way or the other, was expected in a traditional manner - one side would be forced to back down.
Thus, the assassination of King Louis Philippe II, his wife Queen Marie, and the Duke of Orleans, Prince Louis Philippe, heir to the French throne, caught the world in a moment of shock. The bloody nature of the killings, blown apart by a bomb thrown at their carriage, and the fact that they had been on the way to a New Year's mass at the cathedral of Notre Dame, outraged society. Nobody would claim responsibility in the weeks to come, but the suspicion fell by its very nature upon the Radical party, the king's enemies whose vitriole seemed almost to suggest that they would welcome his removal by force.
The new King was the Duke of Orleans' younger brother, Prince Charles, Duke of Montpensier, a mere child at seven years of age. The Regent for the new monarch, crowned King Charles XI, was Prince Robert of Orleans, Duke of Chartres and brother of the late King Louis Philippe II.
It was clear to all that the situation that had been in existence prior to the assassination could not be allowed to continue. The weekly battles and brawls between the two factions had become an embarassment to France and a danger to the stability of the kingdom. The Regent's first act was to prorogue the assembly and declare martial law throughout Paris and the other metropolitan districts. Curfew breakers, gang members of whatever affiliation, were summarily executed, and by the time that martial law was lifted in July of 1883 the situation in the streets had settled down once more.
Many amongst the more extreme Radical members of the assembly cried foul at this development. But public sympathy was on the side of the young king, and backed the actions of the Regency in acting to restore order and the rule of law. Marches and shows of support were organised by the government, and faced with a popular upswing in feeling towards the monarchy the majority of the Radicals backed down. Those who did not were arrested, and either imprisoned or exiled. Many of those who chose exile crossed the Atlantic to the independent federal republic of Lower Canada, where there was a substantial Francophone population.
Grey Wolf
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