A New Reich

Well, this is my first attempt at making a fully complete timeline (I had a timeline over on Fandom AH which I abandoned). The POD is the Kapp Putsch (which was an attempt by Wolfgang Kapp and Walther von Luttwitz to overthrow the Weimar Republic) succeeds. Criticism and suggestions are welcome.
 
Well, this is my first attempt at making a fully complete timeline (I had a timeline over on Fandom AH which I abandoned). The POD is the Kapp Putsch (which was an attempt by Wolfgang Kapp and Walther von Luttwitz to overthrow the Weimar Republic) succeeds. Criticism and suggestions are welcome.

I heard a lot of people saying here that if it works, the French and the British would re invade Germany. You need to consider how many freikorps and paramilitaries can help the almost non existent German army on this case.
 
The Dominoes are Set
February 29, 1920 came cold and miserable. Sleet fell almost sideways as people rushed to get inside. Gustav Noske, the Minister of Defense, walked to the Bendlerblock with a brisk pace. It was time for Versailles to be enacted. The Reichswehr had to be restricted down to 100,000 men, which meant that it was finally time for the Freikorps to disband. Gustav didn't particularly want to disband them, since they had been crucible in putting down the Communist revolts last year, but his personal beliefs wouldn't outweigh the will of the victorious Entente. As he finally got out of the cold and entered the heated building, he knew he had to start from the top and work down. The two most powerful Freikorp units Marinebrigade Ehrhardt and Marinebrigade Loewenfeld would go first. Noske nodded to himself as he entered his office, things weren't ideal, but they were the best they could be.

March 1, 1920 was beautiful compared to yesterday. It was still cold, but the sun was shining. That alone would made everything better. Hermann Ehrhardt didn't care about the weather, he was pissed off as he walked towards the Bendlerblock. Yesterday, his unit had been ordered to disband. That order had been greeted with boos and jeers when he read it out loud, and so he was going to negotiate with Noske in lieu of doing something drastic. Hermann shook off the slush that was on his boots before he went inside the building. The inside was nice and warm, which Hermann was grateful for. He stomped his way to the front desk. The secretary looked up at him, "Yes..?" she questioned.
"Its Ehrhardt. I'm here to see Gustav Noske."
"All right then, just wait while I call him."
Hermann grumbled, but he sat down in one of the chairs in the lobby. The secretary spoke into the phone, nodded, and turned to face him. "Yes, Mr. Noske is free right now, and he said that you can see him," she explained.
Hermann got up and walked to Noske's office. He didn't bother knocking as he opened the door. Noske didn't even seemed fazed that Ehrhardt was here. He simply said, "Well, I guess I should have expected this. Sit down, we have a lot to talk about."
"Yeah we do," Ehrhardt replied, "Let's start with you ordering us to disband."
Noske spread his hands, "What can I do, Versailles orders our army to be 100,000 strong. The Freikorps exceed that limit, and so we have to disband them."
"Friekorps aren't formal military," Ehrhardt shot back.
Noske snorted, "Who do you think you're trying to fool? The Freikorps are a bunch of war veterans who the government has used to put down uprising after uprising. Look me in the eye and tell me that the Freikorps aren't military."
"But why are you doing this. I know you were behind us when we put down those uprisings. You may be a socialist, but you're still a German patriot."
"What I want doesn't mean anything. Versailles dictates and Berlin listens."
"Government of backstabbers and traitors. They've sold out Germany. Someone needs to do something about them."
"Are you suggesting a coup? "Korvettenkapitan, do you have any idea how many coups people have tried to involve me in? I've said no to every single one."
"What," Ehrhardt blurted in shock, "Why would you say no."
"Because, they tried to make me dictator after. I don't want to be dictator of Germany."
"Is that it? Well what if you didn't have to be dictator. I'll find someone who's willing to rule."
"Hermann," Noske began, but Ehrhardt wasn't listening. He stormed out of the office and out of the building. He had a plan, a purpose, now.

Ehrhardt's search for conspirators lead him up and down the chain of commend. He was able to convince Walther Von Luttwitz, commander of all regular troops in Berlin to defect to his cause. With Luttwitz's help Ehrhardt was able to bring in other people, such as Wolfgang Kapp, a member of the conservative Duestchnationale Volkspartei and the infamous Waldemar Pabst. Erhardt even got a note from Erich Ludendorff, who wrote that he would support that new government should the plan work. Even Noske seemed to be for the conspirators when he issued a new order for the Freikorps to be formally disbanded by the 15th. Erhardt intended to make a show of it, calling for a full military parade with all the trimmings before they sprung the plan. Noske agreed to this. And so the stage seemed to be set for a reckoning in Berlin.
 
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I heard a lot of people saying here that if it works, the French and the British would re invade Germany. You need to consider how many freikorps and paramilitaries can help the almost non existent German army on this case.

The French certainly, They would first invade the Rheinland area.
For the British in 1920 is another question.
 
I heard a lot of people saying here that if it works, the French and the British would re invade Germany. You need to consider how many freikorps and paramilitaries can help the almost non existent German army on this case.
... what doesn't make it more plausibel (pending actual actions of a Kapp/post-Kapp goverment).
 
Well, dear @MarchingThroughGeorgia , I'm interested, where you might take this. :)

I assume your POD here is making Ehrhardt activly searching and actually inducing the Kapp-Putsch, when IOTL the Putsch rather found him as it was mainly pursuited by at first Lüttwitz and with him the ... let's say "group" of Hergt, Hinze, Kapp and Pabst, the latter with rather loose ties to Lüttwitz, Ehrhardt and other militaries at this point of time.
But as said : that's OTL.
 
The military and industrial advantage was on the side of the Germans; there won't be an invasion but, if there is, it'll result in the Germans overcoming the French eventually.
 
How could the Putschists successfully defeat the leftist General Strike and conquer the Rhineland from the Red Ruhr Army and later a French intervention force?
Even if they imprison more members of the Government compared to OTL, they would still face massive civilian resistance.

First the Putschists need to gain the support of mid and low level government officials, that actually could control the state compared to OTL
Second they need to break the General Strike, that something resembling normal life is possible, and that the Society isn't in a total standstill.
Third they need to fight the Red Ruhr Army, which in this scenario would have far more public support.
Fourth they need to succeed in foreign diplomacy. A Kapp Government would want to abandon Versailles Treaty Army restrictions. Continuing to follow Versailles restrictions would make the Army unhappy with the new government, abandoning the Versailles restrictions (outside of some creative tricks and delays), would lead to a French intervention.

The military and industrial advantage was on the side of the Germans; there won't be an invasion but, if there is, it'll result in the Germans overcoming the French eventually.

In 1920, Germany was not able to fight a war against France. The Army was already in the process of getting reduced to Versailles treaty levels. People where still tired of war. Germany was politically unstable.
 
In 1920, Germany was not able to fight a war against France. The Army was already in the process of getting reduced to Versailles treaty levels. People where still tired of war. Germany was politically unstable.

400,000 men were still formally in the ranks and at least that many were in the Freikorps; France would have to mobilize to face down a force that size, which was absolutely not politically feasible at this point and would be lacking in Anglo-American support. Meanwhile, war weariness within Germany had receded as a result of events since November 11, 1918.
 
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A Takeover in Berlin
March 15th was a great day for a parade. Gunther Bohm smiled as he marched through the streets of Berlin. A tall, fair 20 year-old from Kiel, he'd just seen action in the Great War, and a lot of fighting in the Baltic. His smile faltered a little as bad memories came back up. Fighting in the Baltic was something he would wish on not even his worst enemy, the sheer brutality of the fighting, and his own repressed actions would haunt him the rest of his life. But now wasn't the time for that. Now, god willing, he'd be part of something great, something that his descendants could be proud of. The mood in the watching crowd was mixed. Some people waved flags and cheered, while still others stared in contempt. Other people just had a somber look as they looked on. The men of the Marinebrigade Ehrhardt marched down the Unter den Linden, stopping in front of the Brandenburg Gate. There was a podium with a microphones that had been put up the day before. The buzz of the crowd quieted as Ehrhardt walked up to speak.
"Well men, we knew this time would come eventually. For all the work we've done for them. For all the good we've done for them. This government of traitors and socialists have thrown us away like a dirty rag. They thrown away Germany like that too. Now, I know everyone in this crowd is a true German. Will you let the humiliation of our great nation continue?"
"NO!" The roar came from the throats of every Freikorp, and even from people in the crowd.
"Will you allow these people to continue to rule Germany?"
"NO!"
"Well then, rise. Rise up and take back your country!" Bohm shouldered his Mauser and spun to face the crowd. He saw a man reach into his coat, and all of a sudden, he was back in Latvia, enemies on all sides, trying to get to a safe zone. Gunther shot him without hesitation. People screamed as they all tried to escape the frenzy. People got trampled in the confusion, and Gunther wasn’t the only one shooting into crowd. It seemed the whole brigade was unloading into enemies real and imaginary. Gunther worked the bolt as he spread out into the city. Cops looked on in shock, but the few that tried to fight back were disposed of quickly.
Gunther put in a new clip as he saw a Freikorp man stop a pedestrian trying to escape. “Are you a Jew?” he questioned, and when the man nodded, the Freikorp shot him dead. Gunther rushed up to the shooter. “What did you do that for?” he asked
“That man was a Jew. The Jews stabbed us in the back at the end of the last war.” the guy answered. He couldn’t have been more than 19. Not old enough to fight in the war, but certainly old enough to go and fight in the Baltic. The hotshot 19 year-old continued, “We need to cleanse Berlin of traitors. This is our capital and it should be a city of true Germans.”
Gunther simply patted the guy on the shoulder and continued on. Then he saw a group of army men rolling up in a truck. For a second he wondered if the coup would collapse right then and there, but as the truck got closer, he saw that someone was waving the old imperial flag, and the men cheered at him as they passed. Gunther nodded at them. It seemed as if things were finally going right.

Gustav Noske took a shot of whiskey. Outside his office he could hear the occasional gunshot as the Freikorp continued to cement control over Berlin. Ehrhardt had already come to see him. He’d had a look of ecstasy on his face as his coup was succeeding. Ebert and most of the government had fled back to Weimar, but since Noske had stayed, many other SPD politicians had also stayed to try and negotiate with Ehrhardt and his conspirators. Pretty soon, they’d meet up in the Reichstag to discuss an potential end to the Putsch. Noske shook his head as he wondered just what he’d done it deserve this. But that wouldn’t matter soon. Soon he’d be called for a cause greater than him. A cause for Germany.
 
The military and industrial advantage was on the side of the Germans; there won't be an invasion but, if there is, it'll result in the Germans overcoming the French eventually.

France would have to mobilize...


You and the others, I don't know how to tell you this - the French were already occupying the Rhineland in 1920. They did not withdraw until 1930! They also occupied the Saarland, in 1920. And in 1923, the French, with Belgian support, entered the Ruhr and occupied it for two years. Yes, the industrial heartland of Germany, where the steel is produced. That happened because the Germans were slow with their reparations payments.

And nobody saw any German "military and industrial advantage" showing up to chase the Franco-Belgians out of the Ruhr.

Do look things up.
 
You and the others, I don't know how to tell you this - the French were already occupying the Rhineland in 1920. They did not withdraw until 1930! They also occupied the Saarland, in 1920. And in 1923, the French, with Belgian support, entered the Ruhr and occupied it for two years. Yes, the industrial heartland of Germany, where the steel is produced. That happened because the Germans were slow with their reparations payments.

And nobody saw any German "military and industrial advantage" showing up to chase the Franco-Belgians out of the Ruhr.

Do look things up.

Because Germany misjudged the military balance, simple as that.

Paris 1919: Six Months That Changed The World, Pg 158:

Among the Allied leaders only General Pershing, the top American military commander, thought the Allies should press on, beyond the Rhine if necessary. The French did not want anymore of their men to die. Their chief general, Marshal Foch, who was also the supreme Allied commander, warned that they ran the risk of stiff resistance and heavy losses. The British wanted to make peace before the Americans became too strong. And Smuts spoke for many in Europe when he warned gloomily that "the grim spectre of Bolshevist anarchy was stalking the front."

On Page 159:
And the Allied forces were shrinking were shrinking. In November 1918, there were 198 Allied Divisions; by June 1919, only 39 remained. And could they be relied upon? There was little enthusiasm for renewed fighting. Allied demobilization had been hastened by protests, occasionally outright mutiny. On the home fronts, there was a longing for peace, and lower taxes. The French were particularly insistent on the need to make peace while the Allies could still dictate terms.

While his pessimism was premature, it is true by the spring of 1919 Allied commanders were increasingly doubtful about their ability to successfully wage war on Germany. The German Army had been defeated on the battlefield, but its command structure, along with hundreds of thousands of trained men, had survived. There were 75 Million Germans and only 40 million French, as Foch kept repeating. And the German people, Allied observers noticed, were opposed to signing a harsh peace. Who knew what resistance there would be as Allied armies moved farther and farther into the country? They would face, warned the military experts, a sullen population, perhaps strikes, even gunfire. It was very unlikely the Allies could get as far as Berlin.
 
There are lots of interesting places this could go. The immediate post-war period OTL was marked by lots of fluidity and uncertainty; the final European post-war borders weren’t drawn until 1923 or so.

For any kind of coup to succeed at this point in time, the instigators would have to make sure to portray their coup as mainly directed against the Versailles treaty, and not as a general right-wing takeover. A collaboration with Social-Democrats like Noske will certainly help.

As for the allied reaction, a lot depends on the British. If Britain is unwilling to restart the war, then the French would be more or less on their own should they decide to intervene (it’s not like the Americans are going to start shipping back any forces to Europe). If the coup succeeds, and Germany doesn’t collapse into Civil War, but gets some kind of unified ‘government of national salvation’ (or something like that), and the striking workers of the Ruhr actually join up with the Freikorps instead of fighting them, then I’m not sure if France would be able (or willing) to defeat Germany on its own.

Another thing to take into account is the ongoing Polish-Soviet war. I think both the Germans and the Soviets would be open for an anti-Polish alliance, which might well be enough for a Polish defeat. Such an alliance might also work to prevent any trouble from the far left in Germany, if the Comintern tells the KPD to collaborate with the new German government. A bit like the Nationalist-Communist alliance in China at that time, basically. In that case the Comintern might also urge the far left in France and Britain to put pressure on their governments against any allied intervention against Germany.

Of course, it’s also possible (though probably less likely) that the Germans offer an alliance to the Poles, in exchange for a return of 1914 borders in the east (with the implicit threat to join up with the Soviets should the Poles refuse).

Should Germany manage to come out of this with any significant border revisions and a less harsh treaty of Versailles in general (never mind a full or partial rejection of the treaty), then all the politicians who supported the treaty (or at least were opposed to resistance against it) would be utterly discredited, whether they are on the left or the right. The ones who would get all the credit would be those who supported the coup and the new government – nationalists, Freikorps soldiers, possibly the communists etc.
 
Because Germany misjudged the military balance, simple as that.

Paris 1919: Six Months That Changed The World, Pg 158:

Exactly. It's not 1918 any more. The French (and the others) do not need to make their way, fighting, into the Rheinland. It's the other way around. The French are already there. It's the Germans that, if they want to, need to advance and attack the French. A hell of a difference with 1920 technology.
On top of that, the German army of 1918 still had all the artillery it had not lost on the battlefield. The German army of 1920 was well on the way of delivering most of its artillery to the winners, under the Treaty conditions. They were already trying to wiggle out of their obligations, yes, but at that time the winners were still rather insistent. The same applies, of course, to things like MGs, tanks and airplanes.
The German army of 1920 already was but a shadow of itself in 1918.

By the way, it's not just the French that are already in Germany. As of 1920, approximately, there are 13,000 British, 20,000 US, and 18,000 Belgian troops, in addition to the some 36,000 French troops. They occupy cities like Köln, Koblenz, Ludwigshafen and as far East as Wiesbaden.

Additionally, the military balance of 1918 is one thing, but the home front situation was another. The Germans had already faced the Winter of the Turnips, and by November 1918, the decision makers knew all too well that the following winter would be damn close to famine levels. They knew the battleship crews were ready to mutiny and the workers ready to go on strike. They made no mistake in choosing surrender.
 
Exactly. It's not 1918 any more. The French (and the others) do not need to make their way, fighting, into the Rheinland. It's the other way around. The French are already there. It's the Germans that, if they want to, need to advance and attack the French. A hell of a difference with 1920 technology.
On top of that, the German army of 1918 still had all the artillery it had not lost on the battlefield. The German army of 1920 was well on the way of delivering most of its artillery to the winners, under the Treaty conditions. They were already trying to wiggle out of their obligations, yes, but at that time the winners were still rather insistent. The same applies, of course, to things like MGs, tanks and airplanes.
The German army of 1920 already was but a shadow of itself in 1918.

By the way, it's not just the French that are already in Germany. As of 1920, approximately, there are 13,000 British, 20,000 US, and 18,000 Belgian troops, in addition to the some 36,000 French troops. They occupy cities like Köln, Koblenz, Ludwigshafen and as far East as Wiesbaden.

Additionally, the military balance of 1918 is one thing, but the home front situation was another. The Germans had already faced the Winter of the Turnips, and by November 1918, the decision makers knew all too well that the following winter would be damn close to famine levels. They knew the battleship crews were ready to mutiny and the workers ready to go on strike. They made no mistake in choosing surrender.

Yes, it's not 1918 anymore; the overall military balance had shifted into Germany's favor as Foch and others had predicted. And sitting in the Rhineland does absolutely nothing to the Kapp Putsch. The initial argument was that the French were going to attack to overthrow the new government. Ignoring all of that, however, is that in 1920 the Anglo-Americans aren't going to go in and it's just 36,000 French against 400,000 Germans on the official roosters; large amounts of artillery was still in German hands, especially in the Freikorps which could contribute another 400,000 professional, trained soldiers. Same for MGs, Tanks and the like.

As for the Home Front, by 1920 the Revolutionaries had long since been killed off while the ToV had brought about great nationalist unrest among all segments of society, from the Social Democrats/former November Rebels to the Right-Reactionaries that launched the Putsch IOTL. As it were relating to the specific matter of food, the situation had long since abated and French lacked the means of shutting down German trade.
 
The initial argument was that the French were going to attack to overthrow the new government.

Huh. Specifically, the claims were that the French would have to "invade": post #2, #4, and your own #7 mentions an invasion.

I just told you the fact you and the others did not know about: the French don't need to invade because they are already there, occupying the most industrialized part of Germany.

So they don't even need to go to Berlin and hunt an unfriendly German government down. They can just shut the taps and redirect all production to France, and it will be the Germans who have to "invade". Or give up the production of that area of Germany.

Now, if you don't like the fact, you can always propose an ATL where the French (and the British, the US, and Belgians) aren't already occupying the key part of Germany. Go ahead.
 
Huh. Specifically, the claims were that the French would have to "invade": post #2, #4, and your own #7 mentions an invasion.

I just told you the fact you and the others did not know about: the French don't need to invade because they are already there, occupying the most industrialized part of Germany.

So they don't even need to go to Berlin and hunt an unfriendly German government down. They can just shut the taps and redirect all production to France, and it will be the Germans who have to "invade". Or give up the production of that area of Germany.

Now, if you don't like the fact, you can always propose an ATL where the French (and the British, the US, and Belgians) aren't already occupying the key part of Germany. Go ahead.

They were literally already doing that; it does nothing to stop the Putsch and given the French are outnumbered 800,000 to 36,000 it's not going to be a winning strategy for them.
 
Settling Accounts
With Berlin under Freikorp hands, resistance rose almost immediately. Bomb blasts rocked Berlin, and so did Freikorp retaliation to suspected leftists. Reaction to the putsch across Germany was mixed. Most upper-level bureaucrats and army officials actually welcomed the putsch, as they still had nostalgia for pre-war Germany. Most mid-level officials though, they distrusted Ehrhardt and disliked his brutal methods of staying in power. Ebert and the government in Weimar was trying to figure out how to react, but with Noske and a lot of SPD men still in Berlin, they were waiting for something to come out of the Reichstag. Things in the Ruhr were reaching a boiling point though. 20,000 people turned out in protest in Bochum. The German Communist Party held a meeting in Elberfeid to decide their next move.

Gustav Noske hadn't quite wanted a Freikorp guard, but he'd gotten one anyway. The men marched with him as he made his way to the waiting armored car, armored truck really. A Freikorp man opened the door, and let Noske and his guards. The man closed the door, and the driver (still another Freikorp member) took off. It seemed that after 3 days of negotiations, Erhardt and his inner circle seemed to be softening to SPD proposals, and the SPD members seemed to warming to Erhardt's proposals. The man in the machine gun turret swiveled the gun around, but he didn't open fire. Things seemd to be calming down in Berlin. The will of the leftist protesters seemed to have been broken. Just as he thought that, something clanged off the side of the vehicle. The machine gun fired off a long burst. "Got the fucker," he spoke with joy. Something else hit the vehicle, and when the gun turret turned, something hit from the other side. "Bastards are throwing rocks at us," the driver swore.
"Let's just hope they don't throw anything worse," Noske said. One of his guards crossed himself, and the other one gulped in fear. The driver muttered to himself as he continued driving. And then an explosion rocked the car. They must have driven over a bomb. The car flipped to the side. "FUCK!" everyone swore as the aftershock hit. Noske drew away a bloody hand he touched his head. One of the guard's arm was bent at an awkward angle. The other one kicked open the unblocked door, and he scrambled out. The man then helped Noske out, and they in turn brought out the man with the broken arm. The driver had been caught in the bomb blast, and the gunner was also surely dead. Noske looked out at a gathering crowd. They all had shocked and dismayed looks as they watched the 3 men walk away from the burning car. A man in overalls rushed forward, pulling out a pistol. "This is what you deserve you traitor," he screamed at Noske as he pulled the trigger. The man got off two shots before he was tackled to the ground. Both shots slammed into Noske's chest. The last thing he heard was someone screaming in his ear, "Hold on, help's coming." Then blackness enveloped him.

Noske's death sent shockwaves across Germany. Ehrhardt's new media man, Adolf Hitler, screamed bloody murder at everything and everyone. The left claimed that it was Ehrhardt tying up loose ends. They couldn't ask the killer, since he’d been shot dead the same day. Some people claimed that since Franz Kollmann, the killer, had been an anarchist he'd been acting alone. With Noske's death, the SPD in Berlin fell in line with Ehrhardt. Now that there was a semblance of a united front from Berlin,the conservatives in Ebert's government been to quietly, and sometimes openly to declare support for the new government in Berlin. The Social Democrats, facing the assassination of one of their most prominent members, began to also support action against groups to the left of them. Because of that, they more or less tolerate Ehrhardt. With Freidrich Ebert's power collapsing around him, he made the decision to resign. Erhardt traveled to Weimar to meet Ebert as he openly resigned and it was decided that Wolfgang Kapp, the politician who'd supported the putsch from the beginning, would step in as emergency president. This mostly peaceful transition of power came at the right time, as the Ruhr rose up under the Red banner.
 
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