A New Frontier with New Challenges (JFK Survives)

[DCPritt]

(CREATOR'S NOTE: I hope you all will start replying and giving me feedback. I hope you have enjoyed it so far. ACP)

CHAPTER TWO - Lancer, Angus, Volunteer Down

Secretary of State Dean Rusk, Treasury Secretary Douglas Dillon, Interior Secretary Stewart Udall, Labor Secretary W.W. Wirtz, Secretary of the Commerce Luther Hodges, and Secretary of the Agriculture Orville Freeman as well as other administration officials like White House Press Secretary Pierre Salinger are on a Boeing 707 used for the Tokyo trip was Aircraft 86972, one of the presidential jets. Each of these planes had a White House code book for radio transmissions to and from Crown (the code name for the White House). Rusk was curious about one radio message, relayed by Salinger, from someone code-named Stranger, on the question of whether to proceed to Dallas or Washington. For about five minutes they searched for the plane's White House code book, but it was not to be found. "We have to know who Stranger is," Rusk said, as they didn't know at that point what was happening in Dallas or who the government was. The decision was made to break the code procedure and find out the identity of Stranger. It turned out to be Major Harold R. Patterson of the White House Communications Agency, an officer whom Salinger knew well.

Patterson looked at Rusk and said, "What do you say, Mr. Secretary?"

Rusk said, "Let's turn back for D.C. With the President and Vice President incapacitated, our government currently rests in the hands of two tottering octogenarians!" Rusk was referring to Speaker of the House John W. McCormack (D-MA.) and President Pro Tempore Carl Hayden (D-AZ.). Rusk was known to neither like nor be liked by either man.

McCormack, Hayden, along with U.S. Congressmen Carl Albert (D-OK.), Carl Vinson (D-GA.), and U.S. Senators Olin D. Johnston (D-S.C.) were entertaining newly appointed U.S. Senator Nancy Kefauver (D-TN) who had been appointed to succeed her late husband, Estes Kefauver, the corruption muckracker who had passed away of a ruptured aortic aneurysm. Governor Frank G. Clement (D-TN) wanted to appoint a placeholder and was going to appoint an ally so he could run for the seat. However, President Kennedy who initially planned to name her as the first head of the Art in Embassies Program. Instead Kennedy leaned on Clement to appoint Kefauver to the vacant Senate seat and appointed former New York First Lady, Mary Norton Harriman, wife of Kennedy's Ambassador to South Vietnam, former Governor Averell Harriman (D-NY). Kennedy felt the Scottish-born and bred Mrs. Kefauver would be more pliable to the New Frontier's goals then one of Clement's hacks. Privately, those close to Kennedy say he never forgave Clement for double crossing him and seeking the 1956 Vice Presidential Democratic nomination when Kennedy and Kefauver battled, so spectacularly. Dr. Martin Sweig, an administrative aide and Edmund Fitzgerald, the administrative assistant to the House, had joined them for lunch.

Suddenly, Secret Service Agents appeared in the House Cafeteria. An aide slipped McCormack a note that until the condition of the President and Vice President were determined, he was the de facto head of government. The frail Senator Hayden was his second in command. He was told the Cabinet was racing back to Andrews AFB. The agents suggested the entire group come with them to a secure location.

"My God, My God, what are we coming to," McCormack exclaimed. Nancy Kefauver sobbed suddenly into a lace handkerchief sobbing, "Keef...Keef...oh I need you so." Meanwhile Vinson chomped on an unlit cigar and said, "Olin, it almost feels like the day we heard about that dark day in Warm Springs." Johnston nodded his head saying, "I feel inadequate to comment on how I feel at this moment for myself and for our nation."

Meanwhile in Dallas it was sheer chaos.

The Presidential limousine screeched to a halt under the awning. Followed closely behind by the Vice President's convertible. The President, maybe due to loss of blood, had collapsed into his wife lap. Governor Connally had been lifted up and onto a stretcher and raced into the Trauma Room # 2. Mrs. Kennedy sat there trembling and looking down at the President's bloodied but still breathing body. Suddenly, she was stirred simultaneously by the words of Agent Hill saying, "Mrs. Kennedy....Mrs. Kennedy we need to get the President inside!" The urgency of his words were broken by the sudden flash of a second gurney rushing by. Mrs. Kennedy saw Lady Bird and heard her say, "Hang on Lyndon," and it broke her from her haze. "Get him inside now, Clint." said the First Lady suddenly firmly and with a strong voice. The President was lifted onto a stretcher and wheeled inside with the First Lady in tow.

As they were wheeling the President in, Agent Hill saw Agent Youngblood and said, "Rufus, what happened to Volunteer?" Youngblood looked shell shocked and said, "One minute he was talking and the next minute he turned blue in the face." He murmured something and I repositioned. It was when Mrs. Johnson screamed I knew something was wrong with the Vice President!" Agent Youngblood had broken protocol by not using the Secret Service codenames but in the moment it didn't matter. "When we got him out of the car, he wasn't breathing," said Youngblood trailing off.

"What are you saying, Rufus?"

"I'm saying he wasn't breathing, Clint!"

Julian Read, the Press Secretary to the Governor of Texas, joined by Governor Connally's son by his side, who was an aide to Read stepped up in a makeshift room to make an initial statement to the press.

As reporters were yelling questions, Read began his statement by saying, "At this time, President Kennedy and Governor Connally have sustained wounds from what we believe to be an attempted assassination...." As Read read the statement, the images come flooding back: the crowds lining the street; people hanging out of windows to catch a glimpse of the president and his wife; and then, as they drove past the School Book Depository, the pop, pop, pop of the rifle discharging from a sixth-floor window. Read continued on, "The first shot rang out and [Mrs Connally] feels quite sure it did hit the President. Governor Connally turned immediately to see what happened and as he turned he was struck. The President, according to Mrs Connally, tried to lean down but slumped and Mrs Kennedy grabbed him. A moment later Governor Connally slumped and Mrs Connally grabbed him."

Earlier, Read had arrived from the Trade Mart. When the bullets struck the motorcade he first thought it was a motorbike misfiring until he saw people rushing about on either side of the road, and a police motorcycle "scurrying up the grassy knoll". The presidential car disappeared and Read says he wasn't sure what had happened. "Everybody on the bus was asking what was going on." They pulled up to the Trade Mart but didn't see the Presidential car. Merriam Smith of the wire service United Press International [UPI] broke the news that the President and Governor Connally had been shot and potentially Vice President Johnson by commandeering a phone from a staff member in the press pool car. Sent through at 12.39pm, it read: "Dallas, Nov. 22 (UPI) -Three shots were fired at President Kennedy's motorcade in downtown Dallas." "But," Read says in his book, "[Smith's] initial report carried no detail of the seriousness of the injuries." When they arrived at Trade Mart, the reporters that had been travelling in the bus with Read descended on a bank of phones in the lobby. Read ran to the head table to talk to Erik Jonsson, founder of Texas Instruments, who was hosting the meal and who would later become the city's mayor. As he did so, he passed tables of guests, dressed in their business attire.

Read felt it was the eeriest, eeriest feeling, running into that room and hearing the anticipatory murmur of a crowd waiting for something to happen. He ran up to Erik and said I didn't know for sure but that we thought something had happened to the president - that he may have been shot. He was standing on the podium and he just stared down at me. It could have only been three or four seconds but it seemed like forever. And Jonsson said, 'I think we'll wait a few minutes.' I found out later that after I'd left he turned to the minister who was there to give an invocation and asked him to say a prayer. Read says the murmurs turned to whispers. Some people began crying as the news spread. Others, helpless, milled around. As he walked out of the room, Read noticed a waiter picking up the empty plate from the table where the president was to sit, and with a napkin, he wiped away a tear.

Read saw a friend in her car outside theTrade Mart building and asked her for a ride to Parkland Hospital which housed the nearest emergency room. He was surprised to find a back door to the hospital was unlocked. Read collared a nurse and asked her to take him to Gov Connally. That's when he found Nellie Connally sitting in the hallway outside the trauma room, her head in her hands. Just a few feet away from her sat Jackie Kennedy. Next to her was Lady Bird Johnson, tapping her feet, and staring down the hallways. Read says none of the women were speaking. Read could not overcome the unreal scene of the three wives, absolutely alone in the dark corridor, silently awaiting the fates of their husbands. Nellie and Read stood up and walked down the corridor, so they could talk quietly. She told him that she didn't think Lyndon Johnson would make it.

"Was he shot too," exclaimed Read.

Nellie bit her lip as she caught a glance of Lady Bird.

"No I think it's his heart. I think poor Lyndon heard those shots and in someway, in his state, in a trip he long fought for, his poor old heart just gave out," said Connally.

Then, Read and Nellie drew a rough sketch of the seating arrangement in the limousine. She looked away as she described the sickening experience of feeling blood splattering and sprinkle the interior of the limousine following the final shot at the President. He was also well aware that the press pack would descend on the hospital imminently and start asking questions.

Suddenly, Read was jarred back to reality when a reporter asked Read about the Vice President's condition. At that point, the Assistant White House Press Secretary Malcolm Kilduff walked into the room. Read stepped back as Kilduff stepped up and read a statement.

"President Kennedy has sustained serious wounds from an attempted assassination. One of the most serious wounds is to the President's subclavian artery as well as suffering a wound to the neck, fractured collarbone, a cracked rib, and a bruised lung. As Governor Connally's wounds go, a bullet entered the back of the Governor's chest to the left of his right armpit. This bullet struck the fifth rib and shattered it, actually stripping away about 10 cm. of bone starting immediately below the armpit. The right lung was severely lacerated. The bullet exited from the anterior chest, causing a large sucking wound about 5 cm. in diameter just below the right nipple. There was an atypical entrance wound on the dorsal (back of the hand) side of the Governor's wrist and an atypical exit wound on the volar (palm) side. The radius (wrist bone) had been broken into about seven or eight pieces from the passage of the bullet. There was a 1 cm. puncture wound located on the Governor's left thigh some five to six inches above the knee. X rays revealed a small metallic fragment embedded in the left thigh bone, the femur...." Kilduff then steeled himself for the next words he had to speak. "At approximately 1:00 PM, CST, Vice President Lyndon Baines Johnson died of an apparent coronary thrombosis. That's all the news I have to report at this time."

The shock was like a stun grenade going off and for a brief second, there was a moment of silence, and Read felt a tear form in his eye. Read went immediately to where he had seen the women before. Both were gathered around Lady Bird Johnson, sitting stunned in a white coat and matching hat, "Lyndon dead....it can't be. Lyndon oh not Lyndon." Meanwhile, Mrs. Kennedy held Mrs. Johnson's hand and said softly, "I can't imagine something worse," even though deep down she knew losing her husband would be more traumatic. Mrs. Connally who worried about her own husband half hugged Mrs. Johnson who was a fellow friend of many years. "We all loved him Bird. He was just Texas through and through," said Mrs. Connally.

As Mrs. Connally consoled her friend, Mrs. Kennedy stepped to the side and wrote something hastily. On it she wrote, "My thoughts have been with you constantly since being told the full truth today," it read. "I am overwhelmed beyond words. Jack and I grieve for you and your daughters and pray that God will sustain you and give all of us the courage and wisdom we need in this dark hour in our nation's history." Kennedy said to Read, "Give this to Mrs. Johnson at some point. Maybe it will give her some comfort." At that point, an aide came to gather Mrs. Kennedy and Mrs. Connally to take them to another room. As they walked away they heard sad shrieks as Mrs. Johnson began to wail. All of a sudden, she recovered, jumped up and started walking away. "I must go get the girls. I don't want them to hear it from anyone else other than me." And with that, surrounded by Secret Service Agents, Mrs. Johnson departed the hospital.

She paused only slightly when she saw a hearse draw up from Oneal Funeral Home. Lady Bird paused and thought, "What will I do?"

END OF CHAPTER TWO

 

[DCPritt]

U.S. Ambassador to South Viet'Nam, Averell Harriman, was sleeping in his quarters on the morning of November 21, 1963 when he heard the thud of artillery rounds. The aged diplomat opened his eyes and raised his head slightly. He heard more thuds. He slowly raised up. His wife, Mary, didn't seem too concerned.

"Ave...what do you think is going on, darling?"

"Probably some tin pot Colonel didn't receive the Grand Knight Cross of the National Order of Vietnam. So he's launched a coup to make himself President or something. At least things were quieter with the Nhu Brothers," said the Ambassador of the recently deposed and murdered despotic President Diem and his brother, Nhu, his closest advisor, who had been killed a little less than 20 days previously, with the covert support of Harriman and the Kennedy Administration.

"Maybe the Dragon Lady is back to breathe fire," said Mrs. Harriman rolling back over and pulling up the cover around her shoulder in an obvious snarky comment about Nhu's widow who was in exile but had vowed vengeance on the Kennedys and the Harrimans.

"Well my dear, do you wish me to be Saint George to your Margaret the Virgin," said the Ambassador as he padded to the window and lit a cigarette. He stared outside as he drew in breaths of the acrid smoke while staring out towards where the fighting seemed to be coming from. Harriman noticed it was in the direction of the Newport Bridge, (Cầu Tân Cảng), about three miles (five kilometers) from the city center. The Ambassador decided to pad into his office. There he had a secure line and he called Lucien Conein. Harriman knew this French-born C.I.A. agent would know what was going on.

"Bonsoir, monsieur l'ambassadeur. A quel plaisir dois-je cet appel?" said Conein smoothly in his French. Harriman, fluent in a number of languages replied, "Mon cher ami, j'essaie de m'adapter au tonnerre et aux éclairs que ces indigènes asiatiques semblent apprécier." Laughing at the response, Conein switchly just as smoothly into English and stated, "It's General(s) Khánh and Thieu who have decided to remove General(s) Đôn and Minh. Also the ARVN Special Forces is seeking revenge for the executions of General Tung along with his deputy and younger brother, Lê Quang Triệu." The Ambassador knew the Special Forces were specially trained by the United States and asked, "Will they succeed?" Conein replied dryly, "We shall see by tomorrow afternoon, but honestly, we must find a unifying force fast and soon. Or this nation will be the domino that topples the whole of Southeast Asia."

Before dawn on 30 January, Khánh surrounded the military headquarters at Tân Sơn Nhứt Air Base. Meanwhile, Generals Don and Minh had overslept and were unprepared. Despite this, by daybreak, Khánh had taken over the government without a shot having been fired. In his first radio broadcast on the same morning, Khánh assailed the MRC's performance during its three months at the top. He said, "The political, economic, and social situation in the countryside still offers no promising prospect. There has not been one single compensation worthy of the sacrifices accepted daily by the soldiers."

There were only two fatalities from the coup. General Trần Văn Đôn and Captain Nguyen Van Nhung, under whose care, Diem and his brother had been savagely executed and killed during the previous coup. There was initially confusion as various conflicting reports of Nhung's demise surfaced, one source telling journalists that Nhung lived in a cottage within the grounds of Minh's villa and shot himself outside his house.

Meanwhile, Nhung and Don had been arrested. Khánh enacted retribution against Đôn. Khánh arrested both, claiming that they were part of a neutralist plot with the Việt Cộng and taken to Đà Lạt. The generals were interrogated for five and a half hours, mostly about details of their coup which were already known, rather than the original charge of promoting neutralism. The court deliberated for nine hours, and when it reconvened for the verdict, Khánh stated, "We ask that once you begin to serve again in the army, you do not take revenge on anybody." The tribunal then "congratulated" the generals, but found that they were of "lax morality", unqualified to command, and "lack of a clear political concept".arrested both, claiming that they were part of a neutralist plot with the Việt Cộng and taken to Đà Lạt. The generals were interrogated for five and a half hours, mostly about details of their coup which were already known, rather than the original charge of promoting neutralism. The court deliberated for nine hours, and when it reconvened for the verdict, Khánh stated, "We ask that once you begin to serve again in the army, you do not take revenge on anybody." The tribunal then "congratulated" the generals, but found that they were of "lax morality", unqualified to command, and "lack of a clear political concept".

One of Khánh's men took Đôn to the garden of a Dalat villa and forced him to kneel, before executing him with a single gunshot to the back of the head. Đôn's death led to sporadic protests among the Saigon public, who took the killing to be a signal that the remaining members of Diệm's regime would be reinstated to positions of authority. The generals hated Đôn and Nhung, because, at Ngô Đình Nhu's instructions, Đôn had disguised his men in regular army uniforms and framed the army for the Xá Lợi Pagoda raids several months earlier, in August 1963. Nhung was his and Dương Văn Minh's loyalist lieutenant.

Dương Văn Minh was driven to Tan Son Nhut Airport, placed on an Air Vietnam Boeing 727 and flown off to exile in Hong Kong.

 

[DCPritt]

Police in Dallas made a startling announcement. On a tip received from Dallas resident, a Ms. Ruth Paine, two suspects named Lee Harvey Oswald and Wesley B. Frazier were taken into custody by the Dallas Police Department. Both men were employees at the Texas School Book Depository where the alleged shots came from and where the assassination attempt occurred the day before. Oswald is a former U.S. Marine who in 1959 defected to the U.S.S.R. but returned to the United States. It is not believed that the Soviets are directly involved as Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko has been more than compliant and cooperative as has Anatoly Dobrynin, the Soviet Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the United States. Dobrynin has referred to Oswald specifically as a "nezhelatel'nyy chelovek" or loosely translated, "an undesirable person." Even more little is known about Frazier except he lives with his sister and works at the Texas School Book Depository since September 1963. It was on his reference that Oswald was hired there. Roy Truly, both of the gentlemen's supervisor stated Oswald was rather "manly" and "did a good day's work" and was an above-average employee. Truly seemed less approving of Frazier who he said was soft spoken and "his work is not as satisfactory and spends too much time loitering with Oswald." It's known that the two men live either together or next door to each other.

Meanwhile, Mrs. Lady Bird Johnson, accompanied by her two daughters, and escorted by half a dozen members of the Texas Congressional delegation flew back with the Vice President's body on the evening of the 22nd. It had been decided by the White House to give the Vice President a state funeral. The President if able would travel as soon as possible to Washington, D.C. and meanwhile, there became a bit of scrambling within Texas. There was a suggestion made already that there may be a bill sponsored in the United States Congress to change the U.S. Constitution to allow the President to appoint a successor to the Vice Presidency. With the President wounded seriously and the next two individuals in line to the Presidency of elderly age and precarious health, it seemed the sensible thing to do.

The next evening under heavy guard, President Kennedy arrived back in Washington, D.C. at Andrews AFB. Escorted by the First Lady and met by his brothers, the Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy as well as Senator Ted Kennedy of Massachusetts. The flag draped bier bearing the body of the deceased Vice President was under the dome of the U.S. Capitol. It was determined that there would be a formal lying in state held at the United States Capitol, then on Monday, November 25th would be transferred to National City Christian Church (Disciples of Christ) in Washington, D.C. for a church service. After that, the deceased Vice President and his family would be flown to the Johnson Ranch where he would be buried in the Johnson Family Cemetery. Meanwhile, Governor Connally, severely wounded stated he would ask his oldest son Mark to attend the funeral. Originally, his wife, Nellie said she would remain with the Governor but he refused, encouraging and finally begging her to promise, she would fly to his former political ally and mentor's funeral to represent the family and as the Governor said, "The Family of Texans."

The day of the funeral, the Capitol Rotunda was crowded with members of Congress, the Supreme Court, Hill staffers, politicos, and the Kennedy family. Two old rivals, former Presidents Harry S. Truman and Dwight D. Eisenhower both arrived together in the same limousine with their families. Mrs. Johnson had a dignified but pained look upon her face. She looked lonely and yet at peace somehow. Senators Hubert H. Humphrey and Ted Kennedy huddled and conversed in hushed tones. Meanwhile Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy and First Lady Kennedy accompanied by her daughter Caroline looked shocked. Some, familiar with the Attorney General's thoughts, were thinking it was the outpouring of love shown for Johnson. For those who knew the First Lady well they think she realized how close her husband and herself even came to being in that very casket. From the U.S. Capitol the body was taken by horse-drawn caisson

Right before the service began, the biggest surprise came, when President Kennedy, in a wheelchair, arrived to bid a final goodbye to the man who had helped him win the White House. Also arriving at the funeral were men who had sought to try to displace Johnson including former Vice President Richard M. Nixon, Massachusetts Governor and Nixon's former running mate Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller, and others. But the arrival of the wounded Commander in Chief coming to say goodbye to his lieutenant was the most poignant moment at that point.

As everyone settled down, the Reverend Billy Graham, the world renowned evangelist and close spiritual advisor to many including Johnson, stood up in the pulpit. Graham readily acknowledged the Vice President’s rough, blustery, calculating, bullying side, but he also saw a warm and tender Lyndon Johnson, who, like himself, was genuinely concerned for his country. Graham conceded that the Vice President's aims were more for a personal than political reason. Graham reminisced, " “it was a …very deep conviction that he had, that he wanted to do something for the underprivileged and the people that were oppressed in our society, especially black people. I used to think it was sort of a political thing, [but] I visited the ranch a number of times and he always had that compassion. He would fill his car up with little black children and take them for rides and stop at the store and buy them candy and pick them up in his arms!” It was when Graham delved into the Vice President's spiritual walk that a side of him rarely seen was revealed. Graham surmised it was Johnson’s memory of a mother who had hoped he would be a preacher, to follow in the steps of her own grandfather, also burdened the president’s complex soul. “He wanted to live up to his mother’s goals,” observed Graham, whose own upbringing had taught him something of what that could mean. “I think he had a conflict within himself about religion. He wanted to go all the way in his commitment to Christ. He knew what it meant to be ‘saved’ or ‘lost,’ using our terminology, and he knew what it was to be ‘born again.’ And yet he somehow felt that he never quite had that experience. I think he tried to make up for it by having many of the outward forms of religion, in the sense of going to church almost fanatically, even while he was president. Sometimes he’d go to church three times on a Sunday.” Graham recalled that “a number of times I had prayer with him in his bedroom, or in the Senate Majority's office, and later the Vice President's office, usually early in the morning. He would get out of bed or up from his desk and get on his knees while I prayed. I never had very many people do that.” Afterwards the military honor guard that had escorted him all day escorted him down the steps and into a waiting hearse. A motorcade of black limousines whisked the Johnsons away to Andrews AFB, while the Kennedys returned to the White House in a black limousine. Air Force Jet 26000 which previously had carried the Vice President arrived in San Antonio, Texas and then whisked them by smaller Air Force jets to the Johnson family ranch for burial.

Lady Bird Johnson grimly accepted flag from her husband's coffin and said quietly, "You're home now, Lyndon. Maybe now you will rest."

Meanwhile, the Kennedys had boarded Air Force One and flown to Massachusetts after the funeral, the family compound at Hyannis Port.

The country is soon assured to see the President recuperating slowly, but cheerfully in typical Kennedyesque way, on board his yacht and the most endearing image after those horrifying days was a President cradling his daughter in his arms, looking ahead to the future.

 

[DCPritt]

Ambassador Averell Harriman and his lieutenant, Deputy Ambassador Cyrus Vance, had sent off a coded message to Washington, D.C. on the morning of November 27, the day before Thanksgiving, that said simply "The Crown Has Returned!" Meanwhile, Admiral Harry D. Felt, the commander of the U.S. Military Assistance Command Vietnam (MACV), had sent a similar recorded message saying, "The King Sails By Day." Both messages meant something crucial to a volatile South Vietnam. From 1926 to 1945, he was Emperor of Annam. During this period, Annam was a protectorate within French Indochina. He abdicated in 1945, however returning from 1949 until 1955, Bảo Đại was the chief of state in a state that was covering all of South Vietnam and a portion of the southern North Vietnam. The State of Vietnam was a constitutional monarchy Falsely presented as a puppet of the French, in 1955, his own Prime Minister, Ngo Dinh Diệm called for a referendum to remove Bảo Đại and establish a republic with Diệm as president. The campaign leading up to the referendum was punctuated by personal attacks against the former emperor. His supporters had no way to refute them, as campaigning for Bảo Đại was forbidden. The October 23 referendum was widely reckoned as fraudulent, showing an implausible 98% in favor of a republic. As it turned out, the official results showed that the total number of votes for a republic exceeded the total number of registered voters by some 380,000—an obvious sign of fraud. Bảo Đại wished to avoid any further bloodshed and calmly went into exile. After the bloody overthrowing of Diệm and his brother Nhu, then the counter-revolution against those rogue Generals by General(s) Khánh and Thieu, they knew from Harriman's insistence that there needed to be some stability. So General Thieu approached the former Emperor and asked him would he be willing to return to South Vietnam to be restored as a constitutional monarch. Thieu knew Bao Dai held great influence among local political figures in the Quảng Trị and Thừa Thiên provinces of Huế. The Communist government of North Vietnam sent representatives to France hoping that Bảo Đại would become a member of a coalition government which might reunite Vietnam, in the hope of attracting his supporters in the regions wherein he still held influence. The question now for Ambassador Harriman was to see if Emperor Bảo Đại backed by General(s) Nguyễn Khánh and Nguyen Van Thieu would be able to bring stability to South Vietnam. One thing was sure, the populace seemed to be enthusiastic in their celebration of the return of their monarch.

 

[DCPritt]

One day in October 1963, Buell Wesley Frazier, an employee at the Texas School Book Depository in Dallas, was paged by his supervisor, William Shelley.

“I was working, filling an order. Mr. Shelley asked me to come in his office, where he was sitting with a young man. He said, ‘He is going to be working with us, I want you to teach him how to fill an order, teach him everything that you can do.’ For several days, Lee was just like my shadow,” Frazier recalled. “Everywhere you would see me, Lee was right there. One day, I said, ‘I think it’s time we find out what he has learned.’ Lee didn’t back off, he wasn’t scared. He was very eager to learn, and he learned very quickly. The questions he would ask were good questions.”

The new hire was 23-year-old Lee Harvey Oswald.

Meanwhile Oswald says, "After I was employed at the Texas School Book Depository, they gave me a fellow worker to help guide me. But he became a buddy and though he was a little slow, he seemed to need a strong figure to guide him in life, which is a role I quickly filled," said Oswald.

Oswald has told Dallas authorities he would get a ride from Frazier so he could spend weekends with his wife, Marina, and their two young children, who lived in the Dallas suburb of Irving, just down the road from where Frazier lived.

But Frazier maintains that his relationship with the shy, subdued Oswald was “strictly business,” not personal.

“On the way home, we never stopped to have a beer or talk about the weekend,” Frazier said. “We just left work, went straight out to Irving and I dropped him off. I knew Lee was married, I knew his wife and that they had a daughter. I didn’t want to take any more time away from his family.”

Frazier said that rumors of them being seen together at doughnut shops and rifle ranges around town are false. “We never went anywhere together,” he said. Oswald however said, "Wesley seemed to really take a liking to me and I liked him. I enjoyed his company in many ways."

Already there are rumors starting to circulate the two men may have had more than meets the eye in a relationship of an unnatural way. Also, Oswald and Frazier reportedly have been seen a few times, closer than usual, in a dark corner of the Carousel Club.

Both Oswald & Frazier have made accusations against the Dallas Police Department of brutality.

Dallas police Capt. Will Fritz, who was in charge of the homicide department, came into the room with a typed statement. He handed Frazier a pen and demanded he sign it. It was a confession. Frazier and Oswald's story is similar in these accusations and they both refused.

“This was ridiculous,” Frazier said. “Captain Fritz got very red-faced, and he put up his hand to hit me and I put my arm up to block. I told him we’d have a hell of a fight and I would get some good licks in on him. Then he stormed out the door.”

The investigation is continuing. One issue Frazier has been asked about is a package another TSBD saw Oswald getting out of the backseat of Frazier's car.

When Fritz asked Frazier about it, he said Oswald had said he had bought curtain rods for his apartment. The unknown witness said, "Must have been a lot of curtain rods. Maybe for a love nest."

 

[DCPritt]

As Tennessee's Junior Senator, Nancy Kefauver (D) enjoyed a bowl of clam chowder and drank from a mug of hot tea, a white-maned gentleman approached her solitary table in the Senate Dining Room. Walking up to the table almost like a pentitent child approaching a school teacher, New York's Junior Senator, Kenneth Keating (R) said, "Nancy, may I have a seat?"

Kefauver smiled and said, "Kenneth by all means. I haven't seen you since .... well since ...." and Senator Keating interjected "Since we laid Estes to rest," finishing the difficult words for the new widow. "Yes....that day. What can I do for you Kenneth," asked Senator Kefauver.

"Well Nancy, as you may or may not know, Estes and I were working on a piece of legislation that I think is more important than ever right now," said Keating. He was referring to the Kefauver-Keating Amendment whereby the text so far had read: "In case of the removal of the President from office or of his death or resignation, the said office shall devolve on the Vice President. In case of the inability of the President to discharge the powers and duties of the said office, the said powers and duties shall devolve on the Vice President, until the inability be removed. The Congress may by law provide for the case of removal, death, resignation or inability, both of the President and Vice President, declaring what officer shall then be President, or, in case of inability, act as President, and such officer shall be or act as President accordingly, until a President shall be elected or, in case of inability, until the inability shall be earlier removed. The commencement and termination of any inability shall be determined by such method as Congress shall by law provide." However the areas not reached yet were:

• the Senate official who was to receive any written declaration under the amendment

• the period of time during which the Vice President and Cabinet must decide whether they disagree with the President's declaration that he is fit to resume his duties

• the time before Congress meets to resolve the issue between the President, Vice President, and the Cabinet

• the time limit for Congress to reach a decision

Senator Kefauver stated, "Kenneth seeing as what has happened, I do believe we need to also add in a provisio for the President to be able to name his," and Senator Keating interjected, "Or hers," to which Senator Kefauver smiled. "But the President should be able to name a successor to their office." Senator Keating agreed to this but then furrowed his brow and stated, "The problem is that young Kennedy wannabe from Indiana is now trying to make this issue his issue."

Keating was referring to Senator Birch Bayh (D) of Indiana who succeeded Estes Kefauver as Chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee's Subcommittee on Constitutional Amendment. He had joined with U.S. Congressman Emmanuel Celler, Chairman of the House Judiciary Committee had co-sponsored, S. J. Res. 1 and H.J. Res. 1 in the House and Senate.

Senator Kefauver batted her eyelashes and pinched Kenneth's cheek, as she arose, saying, "Then we will just have to get them to see our way in the committee process or on the floor." With that the widow Senator whisked from the room while Keating chuckled and said to no one in particular, "That's one Scottish lass who learns fast."

A few days later, a Pan American World Airways, Flight # 214, originating in Puerto Rico prepared to board at Baltimore's Friendship Airport.

A short, dark-haired gentleman in a suit, not very much unlike the regular passengers you saw on a Pan Am flight slowly walked towards the Boeing 707 Clipper Jet, accompanied by his wife, bundled in a fur coat. He was accompanied by an aide who held an umbrella over the man and his female companion. The short statured man was U.S. Senator John Tower (R) who was accompanied by his wife, Joza. The aide was a Young Republican working an fellowship at the Republican National Committee, an urbane Illinois gentleman who was a Navy veteran, named Don Sundquist.

"Now tell me again, why I am getting on this here plane, Donald?" asked the somewhat agitated Senator.

"Because Senator (Hugh) Scott is facing a tougher than expected reelection and you are the swingingest politician in the country. You were elected to Johnson's seat. The first Republican U.S. senator from Texas since Reconstruction, The third Republican from the former Confederacy since Reconstruction, The first Republican from the former Confederacy ever to win a Senate seat by popular vote...."

"Spare me the history lesson," growled the Senator as they reached the steps of the Pan Am Clipper Jet. "Just remember the last time the Cun-feder-acey (the Senator slurred and drew out the words in his twang) went to Pennsylvania it didn't do so well for us."

The aide smiled and said, "Maybe so, Senator, but the Yankee won and we need this Yankee to win. An aide to Senator Scott named James Corbett will meet you once you land in Philadelphia."

A crack of thunder after a flash of lightning made the young Navy veteran duck.

"Relax, Donald, we ain't in war. At least not yet," and with that, Senator and Mrs. John G. Tower boarded Pan Am Flight # 214, Clipper Trade Wind for the short flight.

Once on board, the Senator and his wife settled into their first class seats. The Senator ordered a scotch, neat, and pinched ever so slightly the bottom of the flight attendant as she turned to walk off. When his wife shot him a look, he grinned sheepishly and shrugged his shoulders. At 8:24 p.m., Flight 214 departed for Philadelphia with 75 passengers and eight crew members on board. Because of high winds in the area, the crew chose to wait in a holding pattern with five other airplanes, rather than attempt to land in Philadelphia. At 8:58 p.m., while in the holding pattern, the aircraft exploded. The crew managed to transmit a final message – "Mayday, mayday, mayday ... Clipper 214 out of control ... here we go" – before crashing near Elkton, Maryland. All 81 people on board were killed.

Texas Governor John B. Connally was asleep and still recovering at the Governor's Mansion when he received a call late on the evening of December 8th. The white slim-line phone by their bed rang and his wife Nellie picked up the receiver. When she heard it was Howard V. Rose, the Governor's Chief of Staff, she roused the Governor from his sleep. "Honey it's Howie on the phone." The Governor cradled the phone with his good arm in the large king size oak bed he was in and said, "Howie, what's going on? Why so late with a call?" Rose intoned in his slow and methodical voice, "Guv'nah....there's been a plane crash. Senatah Tower was aboard with his wife. It was a Pan Am Clipper. It went down. Lightning strike. No sur'vivahs!" The news hit Connally like a bolt of lightning. "Guv'nah....we will need to be makin' an appointment soon to fill that seat. I thought you'd want to know as soon as possible. I shall send an appropriate message to the Tow'ah children." The Governor, mind already spinning, said, "Yes, good thinkin' Howie. Also send a Texas State National Guard jet to bring the pipsqueak and his wife's bodies back to Texas. I didn't like that drunken SOB, but he was a Son of Texas." With that he handed the phone to Nellie who replaced it on the receiver. He told her the news. Nellie Connally just sighed and said, "When will these deaths stop? Has Texas not had enough tragedy for a generation." Governor Connally rubbed his jaw and said, "Tragedy or opportunity, it's all in how you look at it Nellie. One thing is for sure, I'll have a ton of individuals wanting to be named the next Senator to Lyndon's old seat."

 

[DCPritt]

Morning had barely broken but the phones had been ringing all night. Governor Connally was not the only one awake. Suddenly, the hottest ticket in town was who would Governor John Connally appoint to the interim slot and who would be elected in the Special Election. Former Texas Republican State Chairman Thad Hutcheson, himself a former Senate candidate in 1957 and a wealthy attorney from Houston, was on the phone to Governor Connally. "Governor, let me get straight to the point. I believe the people of Texas made it very clear that they desired a representative from each party when they elected Senator Tower. And I believe that the people of Texas wish to maintain the status quo." Governor Connally grinned from ear to ear and said, "Well tell me Thad, who do you think should fill that gap? Would you like to be the one who gets the nod?" Hutcheson demurred, "John, my campaigning days are behind me, but there's always Jack Cox, Anne Armstrong, Fred Meyer, and George H.W. Bush." Connally enjoying the mentions said, "Well what about ole' Bruce Alger. He sure makes you boys in the Republican Party look good." Connally was of course referring to the bombastic, arch-conservative controversial Congressman. Hutcheson replied, "I wouldn't be so inclined, John." Governor Connally decided to let Hutcheson off the hook for the moment and said, "Well Thad, should I take a gander your way, I'll take these names and your name into consideration. Be sure to give Caroline my best." With that the Governor chuckled and said, "Jack Cox....the SOB actually suggested Jack Cox as a possibility."

No sooner had Governor Connally hung up the phone then the Chair of the Texas Democratic Party Executive Committee, Frank G. Erwin, was on the next line. The Governor who was good friends with him greeted his friend, "Well Frank I see you are up mighty early." Erwin quickly responded, "Yes I am John and you have to get up early to beat them liberals like Ralph Yarborough and Don Yarborough from filling your mind with thoughts of New Frontierism. If you ask me it's New Socialism!" Connally chuckled, "Calm down Frank, I ain't turned red on ya'. Hell I ain't even pink. But I do suppose you have some names to suggest to me don't you?" Erwin replied, "Why yes I do, Governor. And I think Congressman (Jim) Wright, Attorney General (Waggoner) Carr, his predecessor (Will) Wilson, Mayor (Earle) Cabell and maybe even former Governor (Price) Daniel would be all safe choices to consider. But whatever you do, I need to save you from yourself." Connally smiled and said, "By whatever do you mean Frank. Scared I'll name you?" Erwin scowled into the phone and said, "No. We need to avoid an appearances of special considerations or familias, a Latin phrase you college boys understand. So no Nellie, no Wayne (Connally), no Merrill (Connally), not that young Speaker boy Ben (Barnes) and by Jehosephat, not YOU!" Erwin had referred to Connally's wife, his two brothers, one who was a State Senator and the other was County Judge in Wilson County where the Connallys hailed from. He also was referring to the wunderkid at that time of Texas politics, Speaker of the State House of Representatives Ben Barnes. Connally grinned like a Cheshire cat and said, "Well that sure narrows the field, Frank. Thanks for the thoughts. I'll definitely heed most if not all of your advice." Erwin asked, "Who you going to name then?" With that Connally quickly got off the phone saying "You'll see."

Connally picked up the phone before another one came through. "Bird, sorry to call you so early." Mrs. Johnson sipping on a mug of warm coffee said, "It's okay John. I was up early in the garden. What do you need?" Connally sighed and said, "I sure miss Lyndon. As much as a jackass he could be, he seemed to always know the right path." Mrs. Johnson smiled and nodded into the phone, "Yes, I know. He had a bird dog way about him. I suppose this is about who is going to replace John Tower in the Senate seat." Connally sighed and said, "You see right through me. Bird, may I come over for a visit? I know Nellie would love to see you and frankly I need to bend your ear." Mrs. Johnson said, "John, you're the Governor. I am just a widow. Let me come see you." Connally said, "Okay Bird, but I am going to send the helicopter over to get you. We will have lunch together and maybe a businesswoman like you can help me see the way Lyndon thought. He always said you were his smartest political advisor." Mrs. Johnson smiled and said, "I appreciate that, John. Let me get a shower and I'll throw on a frock and come down to see you and Nellie." The Governor before hanging up said, "Pack a bag. You can bring the girls and spend the night with us." As the Governor hung up the cradle of the phone, he planned to tap the mind and the brain that had brought Lyndon Johnson from a small school house to control of the U.S. Congress and almost the White House.

 

[DCPritt]

In Suite 3505 of the Chanin Building in New York City, the brain trust of the conservative movement gathered. At the meeting were Congressman John Ashbrook (R) of Ohio, F. Clifton White, Senator Barry Goldwater (R) of Arizona's speechwriter, John Grenier, the former Alabama Republican Party chairman and the committee's southern regional coordinator, was responsible for the Republican organization in the South, Peter O'Donnell, the new Texas Republican Party chairman, U.S. Congressman Bruce Alger, Bruce McCabe, the Research Director who lead a team of economists and political scientists to formulate policy positions and speeches. McCabe worked under longtime Goldwater adviser Denison Kitchel, who officially worked as the campaign manager of Goldwater's Senate re-election and had joined the group. Finally, they were joined by William F. Buckley, editor of the National Review and James J. Kilpatrick, editor of the Richmond News Leader and a well known segregationist.

Ashbrook began the meeting by saying, "Damned Pan Am and damned all the luck. What a time for Tower to go get himself killed," he said hitting his fist into his palm.

O'Donnell spoke back saying, "You think that's bad. Now we have Lyndon, Junior appointing the successor and you just know he will run for the seat himself."

Alger feeding off the nervous energy in the room said, "I'll run, let me run. I'll pulverize him like a cow paddy."

O'Donnell shot a pained look at Alger and replied, "Really Bruce, you think you can do that? Hell we already will be spending over our limit just to keep you in a House seat, if it's worth the effort."

Buckley, who was on the phone, leaned over and replied drolly, "Gentleman what's done is done. One of Trippe's planes has tripped us up. What we should do is make sure that the Man (Goldwater) stops flying himself everywhere on his own. We need to find an acceptable candidate but we can sacrifice Carthage to protect Rome."

Grenier looked at Buckley dumbfounded and said, "Is that what you Yankee boys plan to do is walk through the South again to win your war, while leaving disaster and mayhem in your wake?"

Buckley cheekily replied, "All the way to Georgia if that's what it takes!"

Before any of the southerners could reply, White interjected, and said, "This Ivy Leaguer has made one hell of a point. The future for our group lies in the West, gentlemen, not in the shattered remains of Dixie and not back east."

O'Donnell said, "I highly doubt that. I challenge you to chart a path to the White House without the South!"

Buckley who was chatting to someone else on the phone said, "I'll accept your challenge. Pistols at dawn or shall we have scabbards on the poop deck?"

Ashbrook said, "No matter what the path, it will run through Ohio. Gentlemen we need to get Barry ready to run against this Massachusetts clam digger and son of a rum runner!"

Buckley chuckled and said, "But enough about the Cabots and Lodges." Buckley obviously knew he meant Kennedy but the dig at the Commonwealth's Governor and former U.S. Senator and scion of one of Massachusetts long serving families was meant to be be a playful jibe.

 

[DCPritt]

It appears that there's more that meets the eye than previously thought about attempted assassin(s) Lee Harvey Oswald and Wesley Buell Frazier.

Reportedly Frazier and Oswald were involved in a homosexual relationship. Frazier after nearly a month in jail has finally broken down, with his attorney present, and has reportedly turned state's evidence against his former lover. Frazier's attorney is alleging that the former Marine, who lived in the U.S.S.R. and attempted renounce his citizenship at one point. Oswald also is married to a Soviet emigre' who lived separately from him, Marina Nikolayevna Oswald. She had provided the prosecutors with two pictures, one of Frazier and Oswald in what some could say is somewhat of an intimate or relaxed pose. A second one shows a shirtless Oswald with two other men. Though their faces are cropped off, the jawline and facial structure clearly is Fraziers'. It's unknown who the third one is. The other is of Oswald holding a rifle, taken by Frazier. How Oswald's wife obtained them is unknown atm.

At this point it is reported that Oswald will be transported to a maximum security location and separated from the facility that Frazier is being held in. It's unknown what plea deal was worked out for Frazier.

 

[DCPritt]

Lee Harvey Oswald apparently committed suicide today. As the accused assassin was being prepared to be moved to Leavenworth. As he was being led to the armored personnel carrier to take him to the airport, to fly him to Ft. Leavenworth, he was sat down by a deputy on a chair as they tried to manage the crowd of reporters, onlookers, and other jail personnel. Oswald suddenly said to the Texas Marshal standing beside him, "Tell Buelly I loved him. I didn't want him to get hurt or involved." With that the Marshal heard a crunch and saw Oswald immediately start to gag and fall over. An autopsy later learned Oswald had the entire time had a false tooth in his mouth that was filled with a concentrated potassium cyanide. Pandemonium ensued but by the time Oswald was loaded onto a stretcher the heartbeat had stopped and brain activity a few minutes later. Oswald was DOA at Parkland Hospital where he was taken. Frazier wept in his jail cell and was feeling guilty, believing his betrayal of his lover caused him to commit suicide.

Meanwhile in Washington, D.C., the Kennedys decided that the lighting of the Christmas Tree and beginning of the Winter Social Season was a chance to restore some glamour to a tulmultuous weeks. Arriving to light the National Christmas Tree, the President had some remarks to make.

The President intoned his message, while the First Lady looked on. She had asked to be joined by two other women, not new to Washington, D.C., but new to their positions, both widows, and both Senators Nancy Kefauver of Tennessee and Lady Bird Johnson of Texas.

"Lady Bird and Nancy, I am so glad you could join me this evening," said the First Lady. She chatted with Johnson and her efforts to start a nationwide effort to beautify highways with flowers and other plants indigenous to the various areas. She also spoke with Kefauver about her efforts to bring art to various public schools around the nation.

After the President spoke, the First Lady congratulated him on a well-spoken and delivered speech.

In what had to be the most astounding constitutional changes, the Kefauver-Keating proposal for the 25th Amendment was voted on. Joined it with the Bayh-Celler bill, a conference committee ironed out the differences. Suddenly, 10 different members of the Senate and 28 members of the U.S. House went on whirlwind tours attempting it's passage as soon as possible. It was decided to try to get the states to ratify it by February, that way the President could name a Vice President before the primaries began. Though Senator Kefauver had pushed it through with Senator Keating, she was focusing more on her bill for the Art Lend Lease program to schools, whereby the public schools would be leased or lent works of art by Picasso, Van Gogh, Cezanne', Jackson Pollock, Andy Warhol, etc. The U.S. Senators getting really involved in trying to get this ratified were Senators Birch Bayh of Indiana, Henry "SCOOP" Jackson of Washington State, Hubert H. Humphrey of Minnesota, and Al Gore of Tennessee, all considered potential new Vice Presidents whom Kennedy could appoint.

Then suddenly, Senator Keating reversed course. His actions shocked even his co-sponsor Senator Kefauver. Keating announced this was an attempt by the Kennedys to pick who they wanted and he had been duped. He said the process was moving too fast. Since Keating was up for reelection, three men suddenly emerged as potential U.S. Senators to challenge Keating. They were former U.S. Congressman Franklin D. Roosevelt, Jr., U.S. Congressman Samuel Stratton, and the President's brother and current, U.S. Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy. They were also joined by another dark horse candidate, New York City Council President, Paul Screvane, whom New York City Mayor Robert F. Wagner, Jr. had been strongly promoting.

And the one Christmas gift awaiting the nation was what promised to be a huge Presidential race in 1964.

 

[DCPritt]

The afternoon and evening of December 20, 1963, at Mahlon Sweet Field had never seen such a panorama of planes before arriving. The first to arrive was Senator Barry M. Goldwater (R) of Arizona, who landed a chartered United Airlines Boeing 727 himself, getting a lusty cheer from a crowd gathered to see him arrive. He spoke to the gathered crowd saying, "Some people, probably influenced by the Eastern press think the ole' rabble rouser Horace Greeley said to go west. But it was John Babsone Lane Soule, who may I remind you came from the state of Indiana that produced such luminaries as my lovely wife Peggy, that intoned those immortal words, GO WEST YOUNG MAN AND GROW UP WITH THE COUNTRY. Tomorrow in Eugene, we will finally begin to accomplish those immortal words. I welcome my colleagues to see why this is where the future lies. For a more prosperous and safer nation, look to the WEST! And I am proud to be born, raised, and now represent many of us in the West of this great republic of ours..."

The next to arrive aboard his own private airplane was Governor Nelson Rockefeller (R) of New York intoning, "America has joined forces and what we all have of blood and treasure are yours. Therefore it is that with loving pride we drape the colors in tribute of respect to you the citizens of your great republic. And here and now, in your presence, we pledge our hearts and our honor in carrying this great crusade to a successful issue. Lafayette, we are here," saying he was re-quoting General John "BLACK JACK" Pershing, though a UPI reporter corrected the Governor later in his article that it was Colonel Charles E. Stanton.

Senator Margaret Chase Smith (R) of Maine, the first woman to seek a major party nomination arrived on a regularly scheduled Pan American Airways Clipper flight from San Francisco, California to Anchorage, Alaska. As she waved and descended to a small crowd as well as the press corps, the Senator addressed them. "Enroute to this conference, I was offered initially by President Kennedy to fly me out on an Air Force jet. I refused this offer. Then Governor Nixon when hearing I was changing planes in San Francisco sent me a telegram to join him when he flies up later. I am not a taxpayer from the State of California and thereby refused. This is a conference based on the future the Republican Party will take and the person we believe should eventually lead our party and our nation. I believe it's time for a President who has the integrity to not misuse but save the taxpayers money. I flew to this on my own dime and should I become President of the United States, which is the eventual goal of all of us participating, a true fiscal conservative saves the taxpayers their money. The United States Treasury will be like my purse, closely guarded and rarely opened but for only for necessity, not accessories."

On the same Pan Am flight was the host of the General Electric Hour on television, an actor of stage and screen, mainly Westerns, named Ronald Reagan. Reagan was a former President of the Screen Actors Guild as well as a former Democrat. Many say Nixon expected Reagan to potentially primary him for Governor or maybe angle to be a running mate. As Reagan made his way to his car he was surrounded by press and fans alike. "Ladies and gentleman, ladies and gentleman, I am here simply to moderate this discussion for my employers, General Electric," said a smiling Reagan. "We will gather together to see what will be said tomorrow. Now if you will excuse me, I'd like to get to the hotel for some fish and chips along with some roasted chantrelles and some delicious blackberry pie. Now please excuse me."

As Senator Smith's press conference broke up, Lt. Governor Harold Stassen (R) of Pennsylvania, a former Governor of Minnesota and then President of the University of Pennsylvania from 1948-1956, who was a perennial candidate who won a stunning upset in the 1962 Republican primary for Lt. Governor and joined the ticket of Governor William Scranton (R) over Scranton's hand picked primary choice, State Senator Raymond Shafer. As a result, Scranton who was known to have a frosty relationship with Stassen, had pushed through a proposal to change the way Lt. Governor's are chosen by party nominees. Scranton stated it was for the very reason why Stassen was at the debate, because he was using the office to launch a fourth Presidential campaign. Stassen arrived on a regular scheduled Continental Airways flight. Stassen stated, "I am so glad to be once more back in Oregon. I am honored to know that I took part in the very first ever auto-recorded Presidential debate in the state of Oregon. And I reaffirm as I said in 1948, I emphasize even more so that we must fight the spread of Communism. In 1948 it was in Eastern Europe, now it's in Southeast Asia. When will we say enough is enough. And as much as Governor Nixon likes to run from his record, SENATOR Nixon agreed with my position in 1948. It will be interesting to see which Nixon shows up tomorrow," quipped Stassen. When asked about Governor Scranton, who was known to harbor Presidential ambitions of his own, Stassen stated, "I say the more the merrier and the better for the Commonwealth if two of her sons run for President. But he and others like Governor Romney need to make their minds up. Even I know the decision is made in the primaries, not by the bosses at the conventions anymore."

As the evening wore on, Governor Richard M. Nixon (R) of California, who had been the 1960 Presidential nominee and then won a very close and nasty race for Governor in 1962 over Pat Brown, arrived aboard an official plane belonging to the State of California for the Governor's usage. Greeting the press, Nixon who had won the year previously a very close campaign for Governor of California said, "We, by that I mean Pat and I, are always glad to be in Oregon. Oregon is good country with people of good stock and American values. I look forward to the discussions tomorrow we have and showcase the economic powerhouse the American West has become."

The one plane that did not arrive was a jet from the Massachusetts Air National Guard, bearing Governor Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. However, on a regularly scheduled Trans World Airways flight arrived the Governor's son, George Cabot Lodge, Jr., accompanied by Milton Eisenhower, brother of the former President, Paul Grindle, Sally Saltonstall (niece of Massachusett's SENIOR Senator), Caroline Williams, and David Goldberg. This group consisted of an effort to draft Governor Lodge to run for President. Because of the presence of Eisenhower, it made for an uncomfortable knowledge that though he hadn't publicly endorsed Lodge yet, the former President preferred his 1952 campaign manager, Lodge, to his Vice President of eight years. The younger Lodge was a U.S. Congressman from Massachusetts, while the President's brother was a U.S. Senator. Many suspect that the younger Kennedy and Lodge may end up meeting head on in the future. But for now this group is intent on drafting the elder Lodge for President.

The stage is set now for a rather interesting debate the next night between many of the leading Republicans for President in 1964.

 

[DCPritt]

The scene was set on the campus of the University of Oregon in Eugene, at Villard Hall, in the Robinson Theatre. Nixon, Goldwater, Rockefeller, Stassen, Smith, were all joined by a sudden appearance of Governor George W. Romney (R) of Michigan who arrived on a late night TWA flight. Romney's sudden appearance surprised many, almost as much as he was accompanied by Senator Jacob Javits (R) of New York, who was Romney's boon companion but also very close to Rockefeller. The event had all the excitement of a political convention. What also suddenly appeared in the streets of Eugene marching up to the campus were a group of civil rights demonstrators, accompanied by members of the local Jewish community and the Episcopal clergy, who marched for both Civil Rights Legislation as well as against conservatives like Goldwater and Nixon, who so far had appeared reticent on the Civil Rights issue, though Lodge and Nixon had publicly broken on this issue when Lodge had taken a much more progressive. The civil rights demonstrators were greeted by the members of the student body. Amongst them was Governor Mark Hatfield (R) of Oregon, himself 44 years old but looking like a movie star in his 20's. Hatfield had already drawn national attention by opposing further U.S. involvement in South Vietnam. Hatfield stated he opposed the war, but pledged "unqualified and complete support" for the troops. Hatfield favored economic sanctions to military efforts in North Vietnam in an attempt to end the war. The student body greeted the demonstrators with cups of fresh water and Kool Aid, along with sandwiches and cookies. The Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. stated to Governor Hatfield that their reception was a lot more cordial and encouraging than the reception many of them had received in the Deep South. Dr. King and a delegation of religious leadership joined Governor Hatfield to go in to listen and observe the debate.

As the crowd made their way to their seats, the Mounte Castle Jazz Band welcomed in a very exciting and uplifting atmosphere the overflowing crowd in the auditorium, filled with supporters as well as observers alike.

Reagan settled everyone down then stirred them up again when he stated, "I am so glad to see so many people here to enjoy what we all know. The West was not just won but the United States was BEGUN as a true entity here in the West," which filled the auditorium with cheers.

Then the debate began with opening statements. The order drawn by random lot was Goldwater, Nixon, Stassen, Smith, Romney (who asked to be included), and Rockefeller.

Goldwater stated: "One of the great attributes of our American two party system has always been the reflected differences in principle. As a general rule one party has emphasized individual liberty and the other has favored the extension of government power. I’m convinced that today a majority in the Republican Party believes in the essential emphasis on individual liberty."

Nixon stated: "We are going to win because this great gathering has demonstrated to the nation that the Republican Party has the leadership, the platform and the purpose that America needs. Like Theodore Roosevelt, they know that this country will not be a good place for any of us to live in unless it is a good place for all of us to live in. This I say to you tonight is the real voice of America."

Stassen stated: "I am hopeful that this challenge which I am making--which I hope will be supported by other Republicans and other politicians--may alleviate at least in some degree of this sense of political helplessness and restore to many people a belief in the processes of American politics and of American government; that on the college campuses especially and also among adult, thoughtful Americans, it may come to the growing sense of alienation from politics which I think is currently reflected in a tendency to withdraw from political action, to talk of non-participation, to become cynical and to make threats of support for third parties or fourth parties or other irregular political movements."

Smith roundly criticized Kennedy's Administration and stated: "An assassin's bullet is a despicable thing but ignoring the needs of the American people in pursuit of flights of fancy that are soaring in rhetoric and flat-lining in reality do not do the American people justice. Surely these are sufficient reasons to make it clear to the American people that it is time for a change and that a Republican victory is necessary to the security of this country. Surely it is clear that this nation will continue to suffer as long as it is governed by the present ineffective Democratic Administration!"

Romney stated, "The richest nation is in a fiscal mess. As we have drifted away from principle at home, we have undermined the foundation of our position in the world. Once a beacon of hope for people everywhere, America is now widely regarded as belligerent and domineering."

Rockefeller mused and stated: "On a marble fireplace in the -White House is carved a prayer which John Adams wrote. It concludes, "May none but honest and wise men ever rule under this roof. I called for a permanent tax cut, coupled with spending reductions, to stimulate the economy and relieve hard-pressed, middle-income taxpayers. Nobody questions our dedication to peace, but nobody doubts our willingness to use our strength when our vital interests are at stake, and we will. A strong military posture is always the best insurance for peace. But America's strength has never rested on arms alone. It is rooted in our mutual commitment of our citizens and leaders in the highest standards of ethics and morality and in the spiritual renewal which our Nation is under-going right now."

Then they dived right in, when they had a chance to rebuttal, Goldwater came out swinging at Rockefeller, "It's always rich to hear a wealthy Easterner speak about ethics and morality, especially one with more than one marriage."

Rockefeller came right back, "I'd rather live with an ex-wife and my current wife in a strong and prosperous world then one filled with guns and bombers and war!"

Romney waded in between stating, "We need to not divide ourselves right now,"

Nixon groused, "It's my opinion that you need to announce what you are going to do George. Are you going to be Governor of Michigan or run for President?"

Smith joined the attack and stated, "I suspect we all should do the jobs we are elected to do and do the campaigning on our free time, on our own dime."

Rockefeller, "Or a quarter," said the New York Governor trying to make a joke.

Stassen just joined the entire bunch in a conversation stating, "Since when are we all trying to be what we are not. We believe in strength with honor and convictions with conscience!"

Smith glared at Stassen and said, "That's cheap Harold considering your conscience was late in condemning Joe McCarthy. But then again you were moving from the ballot box in Minnesota to the ballot box in Pennsylvania." This was a veiled stab at the fact Stassen had served as Governor of Minnesota from 1938-1942.

Nixon stated, "We cannot afford to split ourselves apart."

Rockefeller looked at Nixon and stated, "Funny, Dick, last time I checked you nearly split this party apart in the last election."

Nixon replied, "I don't think a defeat is the mark of shame."

Smith replied dryly, "I don't think it's the mark of a winner either."

Goldwater spoke up and stated, "We need a candidate with conviction, America."

Rockefeller rejoined, "We need a candidate who can win."

Back and forth all the candidates pummeled and delivered body blows. At the end, somewhat begrudgingly, Reagan got them all to join hands and hold them aloft in victory.

In the White House, Robert Kennedy smiled at his brother and said, "Jack, I can't wait to run against a member of this pack."

But Kennedy pensively stated, "I am not so sure the one we should be worried about was on that stage."

 

[DCPritt]

Robert F. Kennedy came into the Oval Office, unannounced and slapped a telegram on the table.

"Jack, Teddy flew up to Massachusetts to announce part of the slate. And guess what he learned?"

President Kennedy, chomping on a cigar, didn't look up from the papers he was reading, "What's that Bobby?"

"Cabot has gone rogue and flown to Saigon. We can't announce we are backing Chub for Governor and Mac for reelection as Attorney General with Teddy now!"

"Why is that, Bobby?"

Getting flustered, the President's younger brother said in a racially accepted but insulting terminology, "Because CABOT LODGE has gone off the reservation. He's in South bloody Vietnam. And Chub Peabody is the acting Governor."

President Kennedy without missing a beat said, "Oh is that so?"

"YES THAT'S SO....JACK your rival and head of our families biggest rival is off traipsing through the markets and jungles of Southeast Asia, followed around by NBC, CBS, ABC, BBC, Pathe, and God knows who else, and all you can say is that SO! What happened to you in Dallas?" asked the incredulous younger brother.

Kennedy took the cigar from his lips, looked up at his brother, and said, "Oh I knew where Cabot went. I know because I sent him."

"YOU SENT HIM!" exploded Bobby. "And YOU didn't bother to advise or consult with me?"

"Tell me, Mr. Attorney General, where in a' the United States Constitution does the President of the United States consult the Justice Department on the affairs of State or for that matter, the President consult his Attorney General," said the President wryly.

"When he is your brother!" said the Attorney General stoically and cooly.

"Yeah about that, we'll need to find you a' replacement when you go to the Senate from New York," said the President.

"I haven't said yes to that idea," interjected the Attorney General. "Back to this you sending Lodge to South Vietnam. Why? What is the benefit?"

"Bobby, old Cabot and I have gone round and round before. He cares about this nation and he is wise. The old man knows a thing or two. Dad always understood that about Cabot. Look, I don't know what you will do in '64 but I think there may be a place for Cabot that will help Chub out," said the President.

"What are you saying, Jack?" asked Bobby.

"Look, Rusk wants to leave Foggy Bottom. I have Adlai drooling over the prospect. The Southerners are talking about Fulbright again. The blacks don't like Fulbright, so they are pushing Chet Bowles. Then there's other possibilities. But what....what if we brought Cabot into the fold?"

"Are you nuts Jack! Seriously, did that bullet knock something loose," exploded the Attorney General.

The President got up, put on his jacket, and motioned for his brother to follow him.

"Look Bobby. I am going to have three top positions to fill besides my next Vice President....State, Defense, and Just..." the President was stopped by the Attorney General interjecting, "I never said yes to the Senate bid. Besides who wants to run around kissing the ass of Charles Buckley and Peter Crotty and bowing down before Bob Wagner?!" The President smiled and said, "The next U.S. Senator from New York does, Bobby. Like I said, I have three positions besides my running mate to fill. You are going to join Teddy in the Senate. Come 1965, there will be ONE main Kennedy in this Administration....Jackie followed by me. Anyways, I like Cabot and I trust him. I am not so sure I can beat him in a second round to keep the lease on this old house. So maybe I put him into the Administration. He's Ciceronian and adds class to us Irish....NOW," said the President clapping his brother on the back, "I have a decision to make for my next running mate. Let's walk up to the residence and discuss the possibilities."

 

[DCPritt]

It was a respectable 70 degrees as the sleek U.S. Air Force C-137 Stratoliner arrived at Tan Son Nhut Airbase in the outskirts of Saigon. On hand were Generals Nguyễn Cao Kỳ, Commander of the Royal Viet National Air Force and General Nguyễn Văn Thiệu, commander of the Royal Viet National Army. Each in their white dress uniforms, bemedaled and sashed, were attempting to outshine the other. The young and dashing H.R.H., Crown Prince Bảo Long joined them and many Vietnamese said outshined the two rival Generals. As Lodge was aboard the Air Force jet, General William Westmoreland, U.S. Commander of American forces in South Vietnam came aboard and briefed the Governor along with Secretary of State Dean Rusk who was aboard. Governor Lodge was warned some Bhuddist extremists might attempt shoot or bomb the Governor during his visit. General Westmoreland suggested skipping the official ceremonies and go straight to the U.S. Embassy. Lodge disagreed and overruled the General. He met the Crown Prince and the Generals as well as the military brass of the Royal Viet National Military.

Governor Lodge accompanied by his wife, Emily, went to the Hue Nghiem Pagoda is located on Dang Van Bi Street. The temple was established by Zen master Thiet Thuy – Tanh Tuong (1668 -1757) in the eighteenth century. Some ancient documents said the temple was built in 1721. Hue Nghiem is the oldest pagoda in Saigon. Lodge, whose father had travelled extensively in Asia, arrived at the pagoda in a simple dress shirt, no tie, and slacks, accompanied by his wife, modestly dressed. The monks, who were overwhelmed by this display of piety, surrounded the Massachusetts Governor, his wife, and their U.S. military guard and walked as human shields to the Gia Long Palace with the Governor, escorting him. Along the way, the Governor shook hands like he was campaigning. At Gia Long Palace, where the Crown Prince along with his mother, H.R.M., Empress Nam Phương was waiting to greet the Governor and their delegation, along with U.S. Ambassador Averell Harriman and his wife. As the dignitaries sweated, Lodge walked slowly and greeted many of the Vietnamese people and Americans along the way.

"My God he's doing what," hissed Ambassador Harriman when told of the Governor's walking tour by an aide to General Westmoreland. "He does realize this is Saigon not downtown Sommersett, correct?" The Ambassador however seemed upbraided and jealous that Lodge had made this master stroke.

The Empress leaned over to her son and stated, "Đây là một trong những người Mỹ hiểu làm thế nào để giữ cho người dân hài lòng. Cha con sẽ rất ấn tượng."

The Crown Prince laughed and replied to his mother, "Chúng ta hãy chỉ nói rằng ông là con rồng tamer người đã dạy cho nhiều người trong số các loài thằn lằn làm thế nào để tính-kéo đi."

The Empress giggled behind her fan and then her eyes widened as she saw the huge crowd walking up to the gates of the Palace.

Once inside the Governor sat down with the dignitaries and visited with them. Outside the crowds were roaring, "Một ngàn năm để Brahmin" which meant "A thousand years to the Boston Brahmin." Lodge just smiled as he talked both with the Vietnamese and the American dignitaries. He learned that the Emperor was at his villa in Dalat along with General Nguyễn Khánh, the Supreme Commander of the Royal Viet Armed Forces. Lodge would make plans to visit the Emperor there but knew he needed to be invited first. There was a tradition to how this was done appropriately. After visiting with the press, and more of the Vietnamese outside, Lodge changed suits quickly then joined Ambassador Harriman and Secretary Rusk to go to the U.S. Embassy.

At the U.S. Embassy, Harriman and Lodge sat down for a visit.

"Interesting little parade there Cabot," said Harriman.

"Everyone loves a parade, especially the Asian peoples, as there is meaning in a procession," said Lodge.

"Precisely what I'd expect an Episcopalian to say," quipped Harriman.

"So what's the score here, Ave....what are we facing," asked Lodge suddenly becoming serious.

"The Royal Family and the Emperor, playboy that he may be, may be our last chance to keep Ho Chi Minh and his crew from marching down here and unifying the nation," said Harriman.

"Do they still deify them," asked Lodge.

"For the most part it depends. The farther north you go, then yes. From Dalat to Hue and even into the Communist North, they view Bao Dai as an Emperor-deity. But to the more affluent and wealthy here in Saigon and the Mekong Delta, he's just another bemedaled politician by another name," said Harriman dryly.

"Hmmmm well he's no Syngman Rhee but he's not quite Hirohito," said Lodge.

"Hardly..." said Harriman.

"Well I guess if we don't want more of our boys over here in these rice paddies, I need to first go see in Dalat what we are working with," said Lodge.

"He's a lot more pliable than Diem. Not as cunning as Sinahouk in Cambodia. More of a younger Savang Vatthana in Laos or even more like a Bhumibol Adulyadej in Thailand," said Harriman.

"That may be what this nation needs. Well let's have a sherry before dinner, Ave...."

 

[DCPritt]

As the Governor of Massachusetts was in the rice paddies of South Vietnam, there was another war brewing, in the matter of Civil Rights. Earlier in the year, before the trauma of Texas, the Reverend Doctor Martin Luther King along with others had led the 1963 March on Washington, D.C. that was a collaborative effort of all of the major civil rights organizations, the more progressive wing of the labor movement, and other liberal organizations. The march had six official goals:

• meaningful civil rights laws
• a massive federal works program
• full and fair employment
• decent housing
• the right to vote
• adequate integrated education

Of these, the march's major focus was on passage of the civil rights law that the Kennedy administration had proposed after the upheavals in Birmingham. Over five hundred cameramen, technicians, and correspondents from the major networks were set to cover the event. More cameras would be set up than had filmed the last presidential inauguration. One camera was positioned high in the Washington Monument, to give dramatic vistas of the marchers which numbered between 200,000-300,000 by most estimates. While the Kennedy administration appeared sincerely committed to passing the bill, it was not clear that it had the votes in Congress to do it. The death of his Vice President who had great sway amongst the southern Senators did not help the situation either.

Meanwhile, Malcolm X (el-Hajj Malik el-Shabazz), national representative of the Nation of Islam, formally broke with that organization, and made a public offer to collaborate with any civil rights organization that accepted the right to self-defense and the philosophy of Black nationalism. Mrs. Gloria Richardson–head of the Cambridge, Maryland, chapter of the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee, and an honored guest at The March on Washington – immediately embraced Malcolm's offer. Mrs. Richardson, "the nation's most prominent woman [civil rights] leader," told The Baltimore Afro-American that "Malcolm is being very practical...The federal government has moved into conflict situations only when matters approach the level of insurrection. Self-defense may force Washington to intervene sooner. Finally, in preparation for the coming year, in between Christmas and New Years 1964, Civil Rights Act was facing stiff opposition in Congress, Malcolm had a public meeting with Martin Luther King Jr. at the Capitol building. Malcolm had attempted to begin a dialog with Dr. King as early as 1957, but King had rebuffed him. Malcolm had responded by calling King an "Uncle Tom" who turned his back on black militancy in order to appease the white power structure. However, the two men were on good terms at their face-to-face meeting. King listened to and seemed support to support Malcolm's plan to formally bring the U.S. government before the United Nations on charges of human rights violations against African-Americans. Malcolm now encouraged Black nationalists to get involved in voter registration drives and other forms of community organizing to redefine and expand the movement. Prior to their meeting, Malcolm made it known that he'd heard reports of increased threats of lynching around Selma, and responded in late January with an open telegram to George Lincoln Rockwell, the head of the American Nazi Party, stating: "if your present racist agitation against our people there in Alabama causes physical harm to Reverend King or any other black Americans...you and your KKK friends will be met with maximum physical retaliation from those of us who are not handcuffed by the disarming philosophy of nonviolence."

 

[DCPritt]

Okay, I have set this whole thing up. What stories are you enjoying hear about? Do you want me to keep bring in all the facets? Is there any part of this story you seem to enjoy more than others? I really would love feedback before I proceed. This is my first time doing this....

 

[DCPritt]

(How Nixon ended up in the California Governorship)

In 1958, Senator William Knowland (R) of California got tired of being the Senate Minority Leader. His goal was on the White House and he did not think running from a Senate that was 49-47 with 2 Independents could he successfully be freed up to run. He knew he needed the Governorship. He knew that President Eisenhower was only lukewarm to his Vice President, also from California, so it was a shock in March 1957, when Knowland announced he was running for Governor. He stated that he could beat the probable Democratic nominee, Attorney General Pat Brown (D). There was only one problem....popular incumbent Governor Goodwin J. Knight (R) was in office and looked to run for reelection. On January 7, 1957, he was taping an interview with CBS radio reporter Griffing Bancroft. "We wonder if you are a candidate for the Republican [Presidential] nomination in 1960," Bancroft then asked. The senator responded, "I would say that was entirely a premature question." Bancroft followed up with "Do you plan to seek reelection to the Senate in 1958?" When Knowland replied, "I do not plan to be a candidate for reelection to the United States Senate in 1958," Bancroft asked the obvious follow-up: "What are your plans, sir?" Knowland smiled and said"Well, I do not know, except that I think I would like to be Governor of California." While the Washington press corps was shocked, the media in Sacramento were stunned. California governor Goodwin Knight was delivering his annual "state of the state" address to a joint session of the legislature when the news spread through the capital. The timing of the announcement may have been accidental, but it destroyed Knight's annual day on page one throughout the state. As he tried to complete the speech, the press already was running out to follow the Knowland story. Before Knight's final lines were read, Republican State Controller Robert Kirkwood was announcing his candidacy for the Senate seat Knowland was vacating. When that news hit, Republican Robert C. McDavid of Altadena, a member of the State Board of Equalization, promptly declared he would run for Kirkwood's seat. Los Angeles Mayor Larry Poulson had already announced his Governor bid versus Knight and welcomed Knowland into the race. Governor Knight expressed complete amazement when told of Knowland's retirement by reporters just after he concluded his speech, but he declined to speculate why Knowland might challenge him for the Governorship. Caught by reporters at the assembly rostrum, the Governor did say he had no plans to seek Knowland's Senate seat. Still in shock, Knight said he had talked with Knowland at a luncheon in Los Angeles just three weeks earlier, and the senator made no mention of plans to retire. He obviously was shaken to the core but initially planned to run for reelection against a U.S. Senator and the Mayor of Los Angeles come hell or high water.

On August 19, 1957, Knight declared his plans to seek reelection and issued a direct challenge to Knowland to fight it out for the nomination. Sounding more and more like a gubernatorial candidate, Knowland said on the following day that he had no qualms about challenging Knight for the Governorship: "I always have assumed the Governor would be a candidate for renomination. There are no changes in my plans that have been previously announced." August 21, 1957, he announced a committee to be in charge of the five-week tour that would end October 8. In the north, Oakland businessman Robert Barkell, San Francisco attorney John Dinkelspiel, and Capitola nursery operator Worth Brown were named to head what was looking like a full-scale campaign for governor. In the south, the representatives were Los Angeles attorney M. Philip Davis, Redlands newspaper publisher William Moore, and Frank Lowe, a retired minister and chairman of the San Diego County Republican Central Committee. Under the direction of Harry J. Crawford, a Pasadena lawyer, a group calling itself the Committee for Republican Victory began a letter campaign to California Republicans warning in late spring of the impending war between the Senator and the Governor. "It is a well-known fact to most Republicans that if Senator Knowland carries out his announced intention not to seek reelection, the probability of his being succeeded by a Democrat is very great," Crawford wrote. Crawford convened a meeting of twenty-five-member group was made up of Republican doctors, lawyers, and businessmen who had no connections to either of the Republican leaders. Also, there were representatives for the majors, namely Lt. Governor Harold J. Powers represetning Knight and Knowland's father, former U.S. Congressman Joe Knowland representing his son. Finally, Knight begrudgingly dropped his reelection bid after a few weeks. However, in the process of doing that he suddenly found a crowded field. First State Senator Donald Grunsky announced the formation of an Ivy Baker Priest for Governor Campaign Committee. Grunsky was assisted by Robert Finch. The Mormon female U.S. Treasurer had dilligently served the Eisenhower Administration since 1953. Also Priest had run for Congress in Utah twice before. She had strong support developing across the state. Kirkwood suddenly dropped his reelection bid and pushed his political benefactor, Greek-American George Christopher, the popular Mayor of San Francisco, who immigrated to America when he was ten years old. Christopher was known for his strong stand on civil rights; his childhood experience of anti-Greek sentiment informed his stand. He gained worldwide headlines offering his home to the baseball player, Willie Mays after it was reported that a Forest Hill realtor had refused to sell to Mays. Christopher also lobbied and succeeded in opening mental health and alcohol treatment centers under city funding. He has U.S. Senator Thomas Kuchel (R) promoting his candidacy. By the time Governor Goodwin entered into the Senate race, he knew he and his biggest promoter, Harold J. Powers had a tough road ahead of them.

The California Democrats were a bit more united but not much more so. Democratic State Chairman Roger Kent of Mann County flatly predicted that Knowland would run for Governor and that his action would make it easier for Democrats to regain control of the state. For this reason he was strongly pressuring Attorney General Pat Brown to run for Governor and U.S. Congressman Clair Engle for U.S. Senate. However, there was a very highly organized and highly vocal second group in the California Dems of progressives chaired by Alan Cranston, named the California Democratic Council, and they were promoting a different slate of candidates. Cranston was promoting U.S. Congressman James Roosevelt, the 1950 Gubernatorial nominee and son of the popular former President, for Governor. He was also promoting another 1950 nominee, former U.S. Congresswoman and Los Angeles Board of Supervisors Chair, Helen Gahagan Douglas for U.S. Senate. Once Poulson focused on the Governor's race, Roosevelt backed off his own Governor bid to focus on a bid for Mayor of Los Angeles. Finally, Cranston talked U.S. Congressman Will Rogers, Jr. (D) into a Governor bid. Son of a very celebrated father. A sincere and somewhat impassioned young man who believes strongly in collaboration and in cooperation with the United Nations. A trifle callow and politically inexperienced, he will undoubtedly be a vigorous and enthusiastic champion of all-out post-war co-operation with the United Nations. His fervent adherence to the liberal ideals suddenly made him not so palatable statewide.

Engle was a moderate from northern California who looked well positioned to run for the U.S. Senate seat. Engle was a former State Senator from northern California before Congressman. Engle's biggest legislative accomplishment was passing a law to allow conversion of unused fairgrounds to house migrant farmworkers to ease a severe labor shortage. Engle was elected to a full term in 1944 and re-elected to the following six Congresses, serving until January 3, 1959. Then, the district had 18 counties in northern California, and only the district in Nevada was physically larger. Thus, Engle used his pilot's license to campaign and meet with constituents. He was dubbed the flying congressman and once flew solo to his home in California from Washington, D.C. He was sometimes jokingly referred to as "Congressman Fireball" because of the his activity, his colorful language, and the clouds of smoke from his cigars. But though he sponsored several major expansions of the California Central Valley Water Project as well as the Saline Water Conversion Research Program, and a low-interest loan program relating to small irrigation projects. He also became known as a key supporter of the Taft-Hartley Act, which made him an anathema to labor and progressives like Cranston. After her bitter 1950 U.S. Senate bid, Douglas seemed toxic. But in 1952, Douglas had made a comeback with a strong bid for the Los Angeles Board of Supervisors, strongly supported by the Screen Actors Guild and her husband, actor Melvyn Douglas. Some called Douglas the "Voice of Hollywood" and she had been dilligent in speaking up and taking on the House Un-American Activities Committee. U.S. Senator Joseph McCarthy (R) of Wisconsin picked up where Nixon left off calling her "Moscow Helen" and slandering her. Douglas finally got the upper hand when called before Senator McCarthy's Senate Subcommittee on Investigations. After McCarthy tried to blister Douglas with ties to Communism, Douglas fired back. She likened the Senator to Joseph Goebbels and of spreading "division and confusion" and saying, "Were the Junior Senator from Wisconsin in the pay of the Communists he could not have done a better job for them." The committee room suddenly erupted into cheers and McCarthy left the room. Douglas was congratulated by former colleagues. She returned to Los Angeles where there was a draft effort to get her to run for Governor or Lt. Governor. She wisely turned those offers down and bided her time. In 1956, she almost pulled the trigger on a U.S. Senate bid and backed off at the last moment. Now in 1958, it appeared to be her time to come back. A third Democrat entered the hustings for Senate. Businessman George H. McLain, a social organizer who was closely tied to Upton Sinclair in his 1934 Gubernatorial bid and later served in the cabinet of Governor Culbert Olson, after which McLain gained control of an organization, the California Institute of Social Welfare and McLain's main platform for political organizing. After leading a series of ballot proposition campaigns that all failed in the early 1950s, McLain was looking to the Senate for himself.

Early on in the campaign came Proposition 18, which was an anti-union proposition. For both Engle and Knowland's stand on the right-to-work issue was producing growing concern in organized labor for both. Engle sought to dispel it by insisting that rank-and-file members of the union movement supported his efforts to remedy union abuses. He continued to refer to his stand as "union democracy." Meanwhile, Knowland took heat from his own party. At a September 20 press conference in Sacramento, Governor Knight called Knowland's proposal "a step backward" and declared, "No politician can successfully turn the clock back in labor-management relations any more than he can reverse the trend of our rapidly expanding economy." The Governor said so-called right-to-work schemes are misnamed and should be labeled anti-union shop measures. Two days later, Douglas attacked Engle openly and by name on a Sacramento television news show, accusing the Congressman of "a pattern of violent attacks" on organized labor. Douglas said that among California's Republican and Democratic leaders, "Clair Engle and Bill Knowland stands together, each wearing the name of another party on their shoulders, and the stain of corporate money on their hearts as the attack on labor in California," and she pledged to utilize the infamous filibuster to any "right-to-work" bill that might come across her Senate desk should she win. Engle, in turn, was saying that certain union leaders had marked him for "political liquidation" because of his stand on right-to-work, but he stated he would not be intimidated, "if I never hold public office for another day in my life.

On April 21, 1958, Knowland took his right-to-work argument directly to organized labor. At a Fresno meeting of the California Congress of Industrial Organizations' Council on Political Education (COPE), he said he understood "how Daniel felt in the lion's den." He spoke for thirty minutes before the unsmiling audience, calling on the AFL-CIO members to support him even if their leaders did not. After the senator left the platform, convention delegates adopted resolutions opposing right-to-work legislation. By a voice vote, they adopted a straight Democratic slate, even forsaking their old friend Goodwin Knight. A motion was made for a dual endorsement of Knight and Democratic senatorial candidate Helen Gahagan Douglas, but it was rejected. Meanwhile, no matter what Rogers did, the primary campaign kept being steered back to the Senate Democrats fight with big labor. Pat Brown helped keep the pot boiling by telling California audiences that Rogers really didn't want labor reform, he merely wanted a scapegoat for workers' problems. " Roger's response was that Brown's attitude is, 'Why cure the patient when you can kill him?'"

On primary day, Brown buried Rogers 61%-39%. Meanwhile, Douglas won a respectable 50% to Engle's 42% and 8% for McClain. On the Republican side, Knowland ran a rather anemic 54%-46% over Poulson, while Knight barely beat back Christopher and Priest. Though Knight won 38%, Christopher got 34% and Priest got 28%. The results did not bode well for the fall. On primary night, Douglas rejoiced in a ballroom in Los Angeles packed with jubilant supporters to the tune of "I've Got Rythmn" led by Ethel Merman!

We've got Helen
For our Senator.
We've got Pat for Governor too,
Who can ask for anything more?

The Democrats seemed jubilant while the Republicans were split and despondent, as well as the fact, Knight refused to be on the same stage as Knowland. Knowland's campaign meanwhile accused Knight of having assisted Poulson's campaign. Lt. Governor Powers when asked about it simply shrugged his shoulders and said, "Not sure but Norris is a true blue California Republican!" The primary was a shocking wake-up call with cross-filing in the combined primary Brown had a majority of more than 600,000 votes. Douglas was closer with 546,000 votes to Knight's 402,000 votes, but the fact was both Democrats led their prospective Republican opponents.

The senator called an emergency strategy meeting of his statewide Republican leaders on June 14 and 15 in San Jose to try to get back on track. On June 12 his state campaign manager, Edward S.Shattuck, who had been scheduled to preside, resigned from the Knowland organization over the disarray of the campaign. That same week, Goodwin Knight broke with the Republican campaign firm Whitaker and Baxter, his managers since his first political race for lieutenant governor in 1946; he apparently blamed them for his poor primary showing. The GOP was in shambles. At the San Jose meeting, Knowland rejected advice from many of his 200 campaign leaders to back off from his antilabor stand. He told the Republicans he intended to stick by his principles even if that would cost him the governorship. After assuming full responsibility for not having spent more time in the state prior to the election, he left the convention and flew back to Washington without making any substantial changes in his staff. The campaign group continued to be impressed with Knowland's integrity, intelligence, and energy, but they wondered openly about his stubbornness. Knowland proposed that all Republican candidates for statewide office join forces against the Democrats, the common enemy, and he endorsed all GOP candidates, including Knight. The governor quickly announced he would run an independent campaign in the Senate race. When Knowland announced plans to be in Sacramento on June 28 to address an American Legion convention, Knight called a press conference to say he would be out of town. The governor said he was meeting with some Democratic friends in Los Angeles. The senator countered by changing his plans to arrive in Sacramento a day early, so that he could meet with Knight. On June 27, the two Republican rivals met for an hour and fifteen minutes in the governor's office; they emerged with no noticeable change in their stances. Afterward, Knight press secretary Tom Bright handed out a statement: "Senator Knowland and Governor Knight held a pleasant hour's talk this afternoon. They discussed questions concerning the campaign and they proposed to continue these talks either by telephone or in person during the days ahead. They have nothing more to say on this matter."

Then in late August, Knowland's wife dropped a bombshell. The senator's wife came across a pamphlet written by Joseph Kamp, an eastern muckraker so far to the right that he was considered a fascist by many members of Congress. Kamp, the author of a book titled We Must Abolish the United States (1950), was thought to be anti-Semitic and had gone to jail for contempt of Congress after he refused to identify the backers of his poison-pen writings. Mrs. Knowland, however, either did not know of his reputation or didn't care. She was so enamored with his new pamphlet—Meet the Man Who Plans to Rule America , a virulent piece about Walter Reuther, president of the United Auto Workers-that she distributed about 500 copies to California Republicans. She was planning to mail out thousands of additional copies when the New York Times broke the story about a link between the Knowland campaign and Kamp. The Times said financing was being provided for the pamphlets by Donaldson Brown, former vice chairman of the board of General Motors Corporation; Pierre S. du Pont II, a director of E. I. du Pont de Nemours and Company; and Charles M. White, chairman of the board of Republic Steel Corporation. Brown immediately expressed outrage, saying Knowland was "doing business with elements which would not stop at imposing a Fascist dictatorship over the American people." Douglas joined in and compared Knowland's tactics to those of Nixon's "Pink Lady" smears of 1950 and Joe McCarthy's attacks. Douglas asked at rally after rally, "Goodie Knight said good night and didn't say a peep when Joe McCarthy attacked Americans and the U.S. Army. What red-blooded American believes it's acceptable to attack the very men and women whose uniform keeps us safe at night? It's time for California to say Goodnight to Goodie Knight!" By Labor Day, he was back in Oakland declaring that hoodlum elements had infiltrated unions and that labor democracy was needed to allow members to regain control of their organizations. At a rally in downtown Los Angeles, Brown responded to Knowland's attacks, saying, "I oppose the mislabeled right-to-work law as a return to the ugly and destructive law of the economic jungle. I believe in legal or collective bargaining as a basic right of both labor and management." A new blow to Knowland's campaign came on October 4. At a meeting of United Press International editors in Los Angeles, Goodwin Knight announced officially that he could not support the senator for governor because of his right-to-work views. "It is a rugged and hard fight in California," Knowland said when told of Knight's stand. "I personally am supporting the whole Republican ticket regardless of Knight's position in this backyard quarreling." Douglas added pressure when provided by a supporter of Christophers' primary campaign a 1953 letter from Knight to a Christopher in which the Governor wrote, "I agree with you the right-to-work proposal should have been adopted by the legislature," With only two weeks to go before the November 4 election, political pundits were not writing about whether Bill Knowland would win or lose, but how badly he would be beaten. Some predicted Pat Brown would win the governorship by a million votes. Knowland was tired, and he must have considered how different things would have been if he had been running for his Senate seat instead of for Governor. The senator, still riding his antiunion horse but arguing that rank-and-file members would vote for him, went into the Fontana United Steelworkers Union hail on October 23 to tell his side of the story. The 1,000-seat hall had only twelve people in it—a jury commissioner and the prospective jurors he was interviewing. A nearby union office had a sign on it that said, "Offices closed. Attending Pat Brown meetings." Knowland sighed, and said, "It's what I've been saying. They only want to hear one side."

On October 30, just five days before the election, Republican William A. Burkett, state superintendent of banks, threw his support to Pat Brown and Helen Douglas, charging Knowland and Knight with destroying the Republican Party in California. The same day, the San Francisco Chronicle withdrew its endorsement of Knowland. The newspaper stated: "The Chronicle supported Senator William Knowland in the primary election. Unfortunately, however, we have been unfavorably impressed with his subsequent campaign. We now no longer feel we can unqualifiedly urge his election, and therefore suggest our readers vote for the candidate of their choice." Although the Chronicle made no endorsement, its action against Knowland ended the three-newspaper axis that had dominated California Republican politics for so long. The strongly Republican (but self proclaimed "politically independent") San Francisco Examiner , flagship of the Hearst empire, did endorse Pat Brown and Helen Douglas. Just before the election, in the weekend editions, the senator did gain an endorsement, from the Los Angeles Times . "Knowland, who didn't have to enter the fight, is staking his career and the national welfare of the Republican Party on his campaign," the editorial stated. "He will fight to the last bell and we are staying in his corner." In a last-ditch effort to halt the campaign's hemorrhaging, Knowland staged a twenty-hour telethon in Southern California to try to reach voters before the November 4 election. He went on the air from Hollywood, with crews relaying questions from passersby in Hollywood, downtown Los Angeles, and Los Angeles International Airport. Actor Randolph Scott and actresses Myrna Loy, Ginger Rogers, and Shirley Temple Black dropped in to wish him luck, and two dozen telephone operators took questions from television viewers. Knowland was on screen from 10:30 Friday night until 7 P.M. Saturday, November i. Although the show originated in Southern California, it also was shown on stations in Stockton and Sacramento, covering much of the Sacramento and San Joaquin Valleys. For the most part, the campaign was over.

Brown meanwhile traveled with Douglas extensively who was feted by Henry Fonda, Frank Sinatra, Peter Lawford, Helen Hayes, Rosalind Russell, Clark Gable, Ethel Merman, Lauren Bacall, and others. They were all flown around on a chartered Trans World Airways Convair 600 called the Golden Arrow. It was owned by the elusive billionaire Howard Hughes who the gossips said for years had been one of Douglas' lovers. Also campaigning with them were Senators John F. Kennedy (D) of Massachusetts and Lyndon B. Johnson (D) of Texas (a known lover of Douglas) and also rivals for the 1960 Presidential nomination.

That night in Los Angeles, Knowland took his family and staff to see The Last Hurrah , a sentimental Spencer Tracy film about a boss in a New England town fighting for his political life. Estelle Knowland remembered: "There was an intermission, and at the intermission we went out in the foyer for a breath of air, and who was there—Pat and Bernice Brown." The family returned to Oakland on Tuesday to await the returns at the Tribune office. From his assistant publisher's desk, the senator kept his own tally of votes as they came in from the precincts. The bad news came early: the first report gave Brown 1,385 votes and Knowland 564. Bill Knowland showed no emotion, calmly greeting family members and friends who dropped by to watch the returns. His eighty-five-year-old father, J. R. Knowland, also sat poker-faced as he watched the numbers roil up for Brown. The Senator chuckled once, when the tiny Sierra hamlet of Pike came in with Knowland, 8, Brown, I. But there was no dramatic narrowing of the margin, just steadily mounting gains for Brown. With the exception of Secretary of State Frank Jordan, the entire Republican slate was going down with Knowland. Less than two hours after the polls closed, Brown declared victory. Knight wasn't ready to concede to Douglas. He had been in the election business twenty-six years, and although the early returns were grim, more than 80 percent of the state still hadn't been counted.

While J. R. Knowland stayed at the newspaper, the Senator and his family drove across the Bay Bridge to his San Francisco headquarters on lower Market Street. Shortly after they arrived, the Senator took one more look at the returns and began writing a congratulatory telegram to Pat Brown. While Jim Gleason screamed for him not to concede, Knowland signaled to Manolis to take the telegram down the street to the Western Union office and send it. Meanwhile, at the Governor's Mansion in Sacramento, Knight also realized he had been beaten. At 10:32 P.M., the Governor addressed his crowd of campaign workers and the television cameras. "I have sent my congratulations to Senator-Elect Helen Gahagan Douglas," he said over the shouts of "No!" from his loyal followers. And in a final dig at Knowland, Knight bellowed "I believe though she is from the other party, she'll be a damned sight better representative of California interests then the previous occupant."

Meanwhile, each Democrat had built a coalition and celebrated their stunning wins with their supporters. Douglas had Hollywood royalty who rubbed elbows with African-American leadership from across the state and union bosses. Brown also had union bosses who joined his sheriffs and attorneys who all had joined in helping him win. Together they both at their headquarters, Brown in San Francisco and Douglas in Los Angeles, celebrated an earth-shattering win. Douglas shouted out to a crowded headquarters, "How sweet it is to be back, ladies and gentlemen." Brown meanwhile celebrated and said, "Happy Days are here again, folks!"

 

[DCPritt]

After a narrow loss for the Presidency in 1960, many California Republicans wanted the former Vice President to come back to reunite the party. However, Nixon waivered and facilitated for months mainly because former Lt. Governor Harold J. Powers (R) backed by former Governor Knight and State Assemblyman Joe Shell (R) backed by Knowland were already fighting a hard fight for the Governor nomination. The Nixon supporters suggested having been elected Senator in 1950 and carrying the state against Kennedy in 1960, they also felt a convincing win could be a springboard for Nixon to challenge Kennedy again in 1964, since he narrowly lost to him in 1960. Among Shell's financial backers was A. C. "Cy" Ruble, former chairman of Union Oil Company. Powers meanwhile had Knight and close advisors left over from Earl Warren's administration helping him.

Then things all changed one cold, crisp March evening. Shell departed Meadows Field in Bakersfield for a flight to Fresno, where Shell was supposed to address a meeting of the Conservative Women's Alliance. Shell was going to appear with Phyllis Schlafly. Shortly after takeoff, in a field residents reported hearing a plane engine at about 7 P.M. ''We had a general idea of about a three-square-mile area to search based on witnesses saying they heard a plane circle, rev its engines high and then then they heard splitting trees,'' according to a local sheriff's deputy. A ground and air search was organized that evening, but was suspended briefly before sunrise because of fog. Officials located the wreck of the red, white and gray Cessna aircraft about 8 A.M. today. The plane crashed in a field but apparently had hit a stand of pines inearby. The left wing of the plane was apparently sheered off as it came down. Pieces of the plane were strewn about a clearing and some twisted metal still hung in the tree tops. The plane split into three sections. Shell, one of his aides, and the pilot all died.

After the death of Shell, Nixon met with Powers, Ruble, Knight, Knowland, and everyone met to discuss the best way forward. Brown meanwhile suddenly faced a development he was not expecting. Proposition 18 and other anti-labor ballot measures were voted down, and Democrats were elected to a majority in both houses of the legislature, and to all statewide offices, excepting Secretary of State. But now U.S. Congressman Sam Yorty (D) who was still angry over Brown's interference in endorsing James Roosevelt for Mayor of Los Angeles over him (when Roosevelt narrowly defeated Yorty in 1961) was back for a vegeance by challenging Brown from the right.

After a unity conference, it was decided that Powers would withdraw from the Governor's race, due also to health concerns. Nixon would run for Governor and as his psuedo-running mate would be Robert Finch which would mollify the hardcore conservatives, while pairing Nixon with a proven conservative with ties to Knowland and the Shell wing of the party. Brown meanwhile faced off against Yorty in the primary.

Yorty, railed against “a little ruling clique” of “Sacramento interests” and promised to a strong advocate of expanding the state's freeway network. Perhaps his most popular promise, however, was to end residents’ sorting of wet and dry garbage; dry garbage was typically burned in backyard incenerators, contributing to the state;s metropolitan area's notorious smog. More accurately, there had been two collections independent of each other: wet garbage (including food waste), and bottles and cans; dry combustible trash was burned in incinerators. Since entering office, Brown had been a huge advocate of the California Water Project whose objective was to address the fact that one half of the state's people lived in a region containing one percent of the state's natural supply of water. Opposition to the State Water Project was immediate, especially with Sacramento River Delta users worrying about saltwater intrusion which had already been a concern without factoring in redirection of outward freshwater flow. Residents of the Bay Area and elsewhere in Northern California were concerned about the increase in water draw the South might demand as populations expanded. While southern support for the project was clear, many residents in the central and northen part of the state worried that the project did not ensure permanent rights to Northern water. This lead the legislature to amend the plan, prohibiting the state's southern water rights from being rescinded, clearing any remaining reservations from the state's southern water authorities. Governor Brown was a staunch supporter of the plan, energetically opposing critics and seeking solutions. He lobbied Congress to exempt California from the 160 acre rule, lauding the benefit of employment and progress to the state's northern and southern residents, calling for an end to the north-south rivalry. Brown also reduced his introductory bond issuance from $11 billion to $1.75 billion.

What should have been an easy reelection for Brown became harder and harder. So much so that Brown called on Kennedy to come campaign for him.

Kennedy arrived just in time. A Gallup poll showed Brown underwater at 47% with Yorty at 41% and the rest undecided. Kennedy did four stops with Governor Brown, in San Francisco, Los Angeles, Sacramento, and a motorcade along twenty miles of the Monterrey Pennisula. At every stop Kennedy in his Boston brogue would into, "We need a' this here Pat. He's one of the Irish we need with us to undo all the trouble that we are in. He's been good for me and what's good for me is good for our country. We need to keep him as your here Governor!" On primary day, Brown dispatched Yorty, 50%-41% with the rest going to minor candidates. Nixon meanwhile won his nomination with 71% over a field of unknown candidates and also took 7% of the Democratic Primary vote.

Now it was time for Nixon to pull out his celebrity and the celebrity candidate who campaigned with him was Ronald Reagan, the host of General Electric Theatre but also a movie star in his own right and the one Republican many conservatives wished were running for Governor.

Walking in the parades, Nixon liked to say Reagan would be his chief advisor. Very few realize he had been offered the Lt. Governor's nod and even the Governor's nod with Nixon running for U.S. Senate and incumbent Senator Thomas Kuchel stepping back to run for Lt. Governor. Reagan had said no. But within his position now, promoting Nixon, he was seen as the one who could really turn the crowds out for Nixon. And he did everywhere they went, they made a shining pair. They were a symbol of the rise of conservatism and the rebirth of the California GOP.

Nixon and Brown faced off in one televised debate from the UCLA Campus. During the debate, Brown asked Nixon about a loan Nixon's brother had received from Howard Hughes. The moderator stated that the questions were limited to current state and matters affecting the Governorship. But Nixon saw an advantage and went on the attack. He went through the specifics of the loan and made Brown out to be a political hack with "hatchetmen" looking to destroy the credibility of anyone who dared oppose them. "Governor Brown attacks me for looking to serve this state by saying I am using it as a stepping stone to serve the nation. I say I am running for this office to serve and service with merit is more than service with malice as we have gotten from Governor Brown and his hatchetmen!" Across the stage, Brown looked dumbfounded and said at first, "I never have mentioned that loan to anybody," then realizing what he said, he backpedaled and said, "I may have mentioned it privately in conversation." This drew some chuckles from the audience but it was clear Brown was caught red-handed.

Suddenly in October, came the Cuban Missle Crisis. Whereas this gave a bump to many Democrats, to Nixon who had been Vice President and a foreign relations wonk, who stared down the Soviet Leaders eye to eye, this was a bump for Nixon's candidacy. In a bitter and expensive campaign, Brown and Nixon campaigned with great zeal and effort. Brown had a lead in the polls early on, but Nixon chipped away at his lead. Still, come election day, Brown was favored to win a relatively close election. But it was not to be. It was once more a tough election night for both the Democratic nominee and for Nixon. By a close plurality of 1.8% ahead of Brown, Nixon was declared at 8:00 P.M. PST, the day after election day the 33rd Governor of California.

In declaring his victory, Nixon declared: "My fellow Californians, most important—we won this election because our cause is right. We made history yesterday—not for ourselves but for the ages. The choice we made in 1962 will determine not only the future of California but the future of the entire West and the Republican Party is now seen as the harbinger for peace and freedom in the world for the last third of the Twentieth Century. And the question that we answer tonight: can America meet this great challenge? I listened to you California to find the answer to that question, and we found it together."

Brown in conceding trying to sound benevolent: "And therefore, I wish Governor-Elect Nixon well because he is our Governor now of this state. He won and I want this state to be led with courage, I want it to be led decisively and I want it to be led, certainly, with the assurance that the man who lost the campaign never during the course of the campaign raised a personal consideration against his opponent -- never allowed any words indicating that his opponent was motivated by lack of heart or lack of patriotism to pass his lips. But make sure, I will be watching California. And if I do not see a rise to leadership, I will be available to avail myself to you again."

By a vote of:

RICHARD M. NIXON (R) 2,940,351 49.6%
EDMUND G. "Pat" BROWN (D) 2,837,109 47.8%
ROBERT L. WYCOFF (P) 69,700 1.2%
INVALID or BLANK VOTES 82,442 1.4%
TOTAL VOTES 5.929.602

(Red Counties - Nixon : Blue Counties - Brown)

 

[DCPritt]

Massachusetts Lt. Governor Endicott Peabody (D) was beaming as he sat down before a blanket of television and newspaper cameras. Beside him sat the Junior United States Senator from the Commonwealth, Edward M. Kennedy (D), youngest brother of the President. Next to him sat former Attorney General of the Commonwealth and Kennedy's blistering 1962 primary opponent, Edward W. McCormack, nephew of the Speaker of the House and currently the second in line to the Presidency. They were appearing at the First Church of Boston where the Ward 5 of the Boston Democratic Party meets regularly to make a big announcement. Senator Kennedy was anticipating a telegram but didn't show it as the three young Democrats smiled for the cameras and made idle talk waiting for the press conference to begin.

Meanwhile, in the Oval Office of the White House, Governor Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. (R) of Massachusetts eyed his former foe and asked him directly: "Mr. President if this is some backroom Boston mumbo jumbo to clear the way so that prep school pipsqueak gets a jump on the corner office, I don't want it."

President Kennedy smiled and said, "No Cabot, and let's dispense with these formalities, it is not. You are above and beyond qualified to do this task. Ike should have given it to you when John Foster (Dulles) died. No I am serious. You understand Southeast Asia, and that is where I need help. You understand the world and your country needs you."

Lodge clasped his hands and said firmly, "President Eisenhower offered it to me before and after Secretary Dulles died, much as he did the Vice Presidency. I turned him down on being his running mate because I relished the challenge of beating you for another term in the Senate, Jack."

"And Cabot how do you like that decision now," Kennedy smilingly asked. "But seriously, that's why I want you at Foggy Bottom. You will take on the hard tasks when others take the easy way out or just facilitate."

Scratching his head, Lodge said, "I suppose that's why you ruled out Fulbright and Adlai. Look Jack, I was not expecting this from you. If I take this, I am not going to pull any punches. You better be prepared for a Secretary of State who will put country first!"

"So ah....do you accept," asked Kennedy.

"Only if I get to dash off a telegram to George (Cabot Lodge, his son) and Ed (Brooke, Massachusetts Attorney General) before I say yes. I suspect you will be dashing off telegrams to Teddy to announce Private Pipsqueak gets to be Governor now!"

"Cabot you can say yes, and the rules don't apply until you are sworn in," said Kennedy.

"Then the answer is yes....and God help our blessed Commonwealth for putting Private Pipsqueak as Governor," said Lodge who loathed Lt. Governor Endicott Peabody (D).

President Kennedy smiled and said, "He's not so bad. Let's not forget he's no Benjamin Butler (a scurrilous nominal Republican Governor of Massachusetts in the 1800's)"

Lodge smiled back and said, "Neither is he a Curley (As in the scandalous Democrat John Michael Curley)."

And with that, both shook hands and Lodge asked to return to Boston to announce his resignation.

Meanwhile, with the telegram in hand, Senator Kennedy smiled and announced, "It is my pleasure to endorse a ticket of reform and renewal for the Commonwealth. I endorse Endicott Peabody for Governor with his running mate, Edward McCormack for Lt. Governor, and of course, ah myself for reelection."

A day later, Lodge addressed a meeting of the Massachusetts Republican Party and stated these words.

"I shall not be a candidate, nor shall I accept another nomination to be Governor of our fair Commonwealth. I believe the time has come for a new era. That is why I gladly endorse our Attorney General of the Commonwealth, Edward W. Brooke to be our next Governor. Let not pundits look upon the pigment of his skin but rather the depth of his knowledge and skill in leading our fair Commonwealth into the 1960's and beyond,"

Lodge's announcement as Secretary of State would come in a few days but on the stage, standing between Lodge and Brooke, was the aging mossback Senior Senator of Massachusetts Levrett Saltonsall who whispered, "Cabot you can have my seat in two years."

Lodge just grinned for the cameras and said, "Let's elect Ed in '64 then we'll worry about '66 another day."

 

[DCPritt]

General William Westmoreland, Commander of the Military Assistance Command, Vietnam, arrived in Dalat to tell H.M., Emperor Bao Dai, head of state of South Vietnam the good news. The RVA along with the RVAF, assisted by U.S. and Allied Forces, had pushed to the outskirts of Thanh Hoa, taking a third of the North Vietnamese territory in battle. What was significant is led by Generals Khanh, Thieu, and Cao Ky, they had done most of the heavy lifting and fighting. North Vietnamese Commander, General Võ Nguyên Giáp who was the most prominent military commander, beside Ho Chi Minh, sent messages to Bao Dai asking for a cease fire. The Emperor readily agreed and agreed to peace talks as soon as possible. For the moment, it appears the war in Vietnam is entering a lull.

President Kennedy in Washington, D.C. at his January news conference made two announcements. One was that he was appointing Massachusetts Governor Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. as his new Secretary of State. Secondly he updated the American news media on the progress of the war in Vietnam.

Within the span of four days, Lodge was confirmed unanimously by Senate Foreign Relations Committee and then confirmed in the full Senate by a vote of 89-11. Lodge was sworn in by Justice William J. Brennan (an old family friend) as Lodge's predecessor, Rusk, looked on.