A Morean Empire

Part 7? There is no 7.

Disclaimer: Seriously there is no part 7. I've tried searching for it. If one really wants the author's response about some part of this, send him an email.

Machiavelli in Morea is an attempt to write a
politico-philosophical what-if. It has been
one of the goals of which I have been writing
towards in my Morean timeline. You might say
that MiM is a signpost on my Morean gedanken
experiment. If it fails, it fails because of
me and only me. I have my limitations. If it
pisses you off, that's your problem. Nyah! ;)

This isn't strictly about ole Mach. It is about
him and his /impact/. There are ripples when a
person of thought expresses them out of the same
context. There are large differences in what
thoughts get expressed when they have a different
lineage.

***

Exiled

***

Greeting his family on the docks, he was shaken.
He had received word that they were coming. He
was shocked and dismayed at what had happened.
As he embraced his wife, she muttered one sentence.
That sentence rocked him to his core. It would
forever change his life course and render things
strange. Another man might have despaired and
collapsed under the weight of what had happened,
not Niccolo. Certainly not Niccolo. He was adept
at finding his way through the caltrop-covered
fields of life and here would be no exception.
He didn't see how, not now, but he'd find a way.

That world-shaping sentence? Augusto Borgia had
declared that all the families of the Republic of
Florence that had opposed him were banished from
the Kingdom of Italy under penalty of death if
they returned. As the ambassador to the Romans
in Morea, especially since he had been there
pleading for help to gain support for the
rebellion of Florence, Niccolo's life was forfeit
if he returned. The only reason his family wasn't
dead was the combined quick thinking of his wife
and father.

From the docks, he ushered his wife, child, and
father into a carriage. From the docks they
sped to his temporary accommodations in Patrai
and an uncertain and daunting future.

It was the year 1507.

***

Machiavelli had originally come to Morea in
the late 1490s as an ambassador for the Republic
of Florence. The reason being that the Moreans
had made their mark on the Italian Peninsula by
attempting to take the Kingdom of Naples. It had
been a trap set by the then Pope to try to undo the
Paleologues because that Pope had developed a very
deep and person hatred of them. Machiavelli had left
Morea and been sent to the Switzerland and France in
turn after Florence fell to Augusto Borgia.

In OTL, he had been to the Holy Roman Empire, ATL
the HRE is getting thrashed. The Hungarians have
sacked Vienna. The Poles are chewing on the eastern
border. The French have carved off northwest. The
Emperor is in no position to intervene in Italy.

The Swiss are.

Swiss officers once remarked that if they wanted
it, they could take the whole of Italy at any time.
Their disdain for the Italian mode of warfare was
so great and powerful that they felt almost pure
contempt for many Italian officers. This went to
the point of more than one battle was lost when
the Swiss mercenaries would simply ignore their
employers' generals.

While the Morean mode of warfare is spreading in
Italy, the Swiss have contacts with the Moreans.
They have had more than a few interchanges of
ideas and technique giving them an edge on the
other adopters. The primary problem has been
that the Swiss simply are too insulated a people
at this point. Their xenophobia makes them
unlikely conquerors. Defend their cantons and
well, but add more? Their culture was against
it.

Machiavelli's mission to the Swiss would and
did end in nothing more than frustration. They
simply were not, despite vast amounts of
boastfulness, really interested in fighting
their way down to Florence. Italians? Who
wants them? Besides, at this point, this
means a war with the French. Lord knows the
Swiss don't want to pick two fights at the same
time [FN1]. Machiavelli's frustration would
take time to come to its logical end. He would
fight, and hard, across the negotiating table
to try to entice a general march on Florence.
It took some time before he gave up: over a
year.

During the time frame that Niccolo was
negotiating with the Cantons, he would take
many tours around and across Switzerland. It
was interesting and a welcome break from the
arguments with stone – as he would later call
it. He grew to be very impressed with the
Swiss and their way of life. He took many
notes and began to wonder if not the Swiss had
a point. Might Italy have become so corrupt
as to not be worth saving? After all, look at
the good and wholesome Swiss before him… It
was a seed of a thought as he continued to read,
as was his hobby, Livy's works.

One family made a very great impression on
Niccolo. He would visit their family farm,
just short of an estate by Italian standards,
many times. His discussions with Hans Schio
would be long and fascinating. Their topics
would range across many things, but for the
most part, Hans had a very down to earth and
practical point of view. Niccolo would often
bring up parallels between the Swiss and ancient
peoples. Hans would simply point out why the
Swiss did things the way they did without
attempting to embellish it more than necessary:
the Swiss were Swiss, not Greeks, not Republican
Romans, not… Niccolo would have none of it though
and sometimes would get overly excited in his
observations, enough so that when too much wine or
beer had been consumed, voices would get raised and
even spittle would fly. Nothing terrible would
come of it, often because the next morning Niccolo
would, after his raging headache had cleared enough
that he could think straight, would apologize to
Hans. Hans would grunt and shake his head.
Things would calm again for a time, until the
reached a fevered pitch in their arguing yet again
and the cycle would repeat again and again over
the nine months that Niccolo lived in Switzerland.
They would remain in touch, however, for a great
deal longer.

As Machiavelli left Switzerland, departing for
France, he began writing a book. It would not be
long, by our standards of the modern day, but it
was an interesting treatise. Entitled On the
Character of the Swiss People, the first
hand-written copy was sent back to his friend. The
introduction would actually be a letter to his
friend and sounding board, as would be Machiavelli's
modus operandi for his works, but the rest was not
quite so personable. The first portion of the book
would be a set of observations of the Swiss and their
way of life from the author's point of view: the
delights, shocks, and annoyances that he would
encounter in the Confederation. The middle third
of the book would be actually a heated discussion
between a thinly disguised Niccolo and Hans. The
last portion of the book was a critique of the
people: good, bad and ugly from the point of view
of the author. Some was harsh. Some was insightful.
Some was just plain wrong and tainted by
Machiavelli's worldview.

Hans was in turns bemused, delighted, and annoyed
by the book. A written rebuttal would be scribed
over the years and finally sent to Niccolo in a
collected form. This rebuttal book would take some
time to find its way to Niccolo since he'd moved
around a bit with the politics and Hans' efforts
would take longer since he himself was not as
articulate as Machiavelli. Writing was hard
work and he wanted to be sure he got across what
he meant. It wasn't so much a political treatise
with ties back to Rome and Greece as Niccolo's
work would be, but rather what many people would
see as a start of a more modern anthropological
view: it really was an study of a people from
within the people. It was not unflawed, but it
was interesting and insightful.

It would certainly influence Machiavelli's
later works.

***

A Frank Discussion

***

Over Morea's great pride and joy, her wide
cobblestone highways, Machiavelli's carriages
made their way southwest into the interior, to
Mistra. It was where he kept his home here.
Home? Not really. It would never be the family
estates outside Florence. Not now, not ever.
Not while that stinking pig of a Borgia sat on
the Italian throne. He despaired.

Yet flickering in that wallowing silent self-pity,
he couldn't help but admire young Augusto. How
could he not? How many young princes had the
insight to realize that being magnanimous would
simply come to bite them in the arse one day?
Based on the histories of the city-states of
Italy, not many. Too many had respected the
rights of the families there, only to
successfully conspire against the new prince
to pull him down. Hadn't that been what
Machiavelli had been helping to plan anyways?
L'Imperatore had moved quickly enough to foil
him and his coconspirators. From the sounds of
things, very few of them were among the living...

He took a heavy breath and blew out energetically.
Enough. Now what to do? He had contacts at court.
Many contacts, none that wanted war, but as for a
niche for himself, he might just be able to arrange
that.

***

When Machiavelli arrived in the French court, he
had more than a few hopes to secure the help of the
French King. Louis had more than a few pretensions
with his Italian titles to want to make the rest of
them real. He had already done so by taking,
holding and breaking to his will, the northern Italian
city-states. Some of who were among the most powerful:
Genoa, Venice, and Milan. Perhaps he could be
entreated to rescue Florence? A titular lordship of
Florence with great local autonomy was well within
Machiavelli's embassy to negotiate. It was the
Florentine Resistance's third option (after being
truly independent and a Swiss Canton). Unfortunately,
Machiavelli's personality and strong opinions would
cost the Florentines this possible route.

Niccolo was delayed time and again at the French
court. His case while quite possibly a very big
temptation for the French King, couldn't seem to get
past the Cardinal of Rouen. The Cardinal would
intercept it time and again, putting off the
presentation. In reality, Georges d'Amboise and
Niccolo Machiavelli just hated each other. They
rubbed each other the wrong way from the moment
they met. If Niccolo had been able to abase
himself, roll over like a puppy during a dog fight
and show his belly as a gesture of surrender, he
might have had a chance.

Unfortunately, his time with Hans Schio and
negotiating with the Swiss Cantons had not made
him a more mellow or humble man. If anything,
they had made him more outspoken and forthright.
In some instances, this is to be admired, even
praised. When you are coming as a beggar into
another man's house, entreating for help, being
too proud definitely goes before a fall.

In this case, Machiavelli did eventually get
around the Cardinal of Rouen. His case was
presented to the King. Unfortunately, the
presentation would be with Georges d'Amboise
present. The interaction between the two would
underwhelm the King and the Cardinal's obvious
influence undermined the opinion and
presentation of Niccolo. By the end, Niccolo
would feel the king was a fool and the Cardinal
was a hateful and small man.

The nastiest moment, which would precipitate
the end of the audience, would be when the
Cardinal began belittling Machiavelli's idea
arguing that the French would not be able to
count on the Italians in battle because, after
all, "The Italians know nothing of warfare."
Machiavelli's temper would get the better of him
and he in turn snapped back, "The French are so
imbecilic as to know nothing of politics!" At
that point, the king snapped that the whole affair
was at an end and swept from the room.

Georges d'Amboise smirked and followed his king.
If not for the fact he was so angry, Niccolo would
have realized at that moment he had destroyed the
hopes of Florence getting French aid. He would
stay in France for another six months, yet the
whole time despondent. He knew whose fault it was
for the mission's failure: it was he and he alone.

With all the time spent waiting, prior to the
audience, he did sample the local cuisine and
travel a bit around Paris. He would travel to
several of the Gothic cathedrals and marvel. He
even stopped to speak with a peasant - the poor
guy all but panicking – about the local area. It
ended up where Niccolo would treat him to a meal
at a local tavern. The two would talk. Vachel was
no genius, but he did make a much better impression
upon Machiavelli than did Louis and the Cardinal.
Upon taking his leave, Machiavelli made a gift of
gold. It was not very much to the ambassador, but
a great deal more than Vachel would see in several
years. Vachel would tell his eldest surviving son,
Donatien, in the years to come that opportunities
come at strange times and places. So as to not
miss them, it would be best to keep his eyes open
and his hands quick so it wouldn't fall through
them. Unfortunately, his son would hear him, but
take it the wrong way. Donatien d'Delano would be
a notorious highwayman of which many a legend would
be spun.

After his disastrous audience, Machiavelli would try
time and again to get to the King. However, the foot
that he'd all but swallowed up to his thigh at that
presentation would not regurgitate. He would make
another friend during that frustrating and
self-recriminating time. Unfortunately, Talbot was
not the man he ought to have been friends with if he
wished to gain a second chance.

Talbot DeVardon was a minor noble from the eastern
border with the Holy Roman Empire. He was constantly
carping and harassing the court to launch into the HRE
to move the border. The further it was from his domains,
the better, was what he thought. Talbot was not Hans,
but his company was welcomed. He and the strange
Irishman, Kennedy, which he kept with him, were good
company of the sort to be cheered up with. That was
why Niccolo became friends with him. It was not until
Niccolo had realized that Talbot was the virtually
mortal enemy of the Cardinal of Rouen that he decided
that his mission could not be salvaged. He departed
Paris with a sad letter to Hans and a complete
admission of failure to his countrymen.

Enroute back to Florence, he had one moment of
surprise and shock. Talbot had left with him,
thinking to try to cheer him up. Bandits ambushed
them, or so it would appear [FN2], and DeVardon's
pistol would misfire and end up killing Kennedy.
After that, Talbot took his leave to bury his
friend on his own estates.

Seeking solace for Kennedy's death, his own
loneliness, and to purge himself of his guilt,
Machiavelli turned again to the pen and authored
_On the Character and Culture of the French People_.
It opened with an introductory letter to Hans again,
but reflected his mood and feelings of spitefulness
as he made his way south. As such, it was not a very
fair or unbiased book at all. Though it did have
tracts praising aspects of France, it was a very
vicious book and not one that ought to have been
written. However, it was.

***

Greco De Canto

***

As their carriages pulled up to the Machiavelli
residence in Mistra, Niccolo was pondering his
next move. He felt like a grand master chess player.
Moving a piece here and a piece there within his
mind and playing out the permutations. Perhaps as
a general? No…the Moreans would make him work his
way up the ladder of rank and it was often quite
hazardous to start out a low officer in Morean
legions: they stood in line with the rest of the
men and died with the rest of the men.

As an architect? No. He didn't know nearly
enough. He could study at it and learn. However,
that would take more time than he had. In time,
perhaps, as something to broaden his horizons as
all men ought, but not now.

As a play write? The Moreans were more
appreciative of that sort of thing than the
average culture in Europe. Their previous empress,
the rather impressive Zoe, had resurrected the
Greek theaters and had placed an imperially funded
competition for playwrights. However, his own
skills, while present, were not to local taste.

As a tutor? There were possibilities there.
However, at his age, he had his own children to
teach and look after…

He chuckled. Perhaps he just ought to /write/.
He could do that. Then he could get someone
attention and a position through that.

Though, as an instructor at an academy…the Emperor
was very favorable to education…

He would need time to sit and think after he'd
settled his family. Then he would decide.

***

While riding south and home, a letter came to him.
His coconspirators were asking him to try an
embassy to the Moreans. The alternative was the
Spanish and none of the Florentines liked the idea
of the Spanish taking control. They'd backstabbed
Genoa rather badly in taking Corsica from them and
no one wanted to have to ally with them. The Moreans
were considered to be almost as bad. They had fought
on the side of the other external powers against
Venice and had invaded Naples! However, they were
further away and less of a threat to Florence with the
Spanish and the Borgias between them. Besides, the
Moreans had their hands full with their recent
acquisitions along the Adriatic. Perhaps if paid,
they come thump Augusto's head a time or two, enough
to free Florence from the despotic bastard. Maybe.

Machiavelli had his doubts. The Moreans were not
mercenaries. Not at all. They were empire
builders as much as the Spanish were and once
they set foot on Florentine soil, they'd not go
home. The bankers were thinking that they could
bribe the Emperor with enough money to push his
way to the Nestos River so she could complete the
conquest of Macedonia would be enough. He had his
doubts there too: Zoe was settling down to
transition the throne, leaving a stable base for
her heir to take control while she retired, not
anything more. Her recent acquisitions had been
impulsive, and lucky. The Hungarians and Turks
were bashing each other's heads and she'd taken
advantage of the situation. That was all.

Still, it was a last stab at the problem. Otherwise
it was be condettieri mercenaries and a local
uprising only against Augusto's professional army:
something that'd not work well. Even so, Machiavelli
was growing tired. It had been years since he'd been
home and seen his family. He had more than a little
guilt over the things he'd done to keep from being
distracted by his sexual urges [FN3]. However, his
people needed him. So, to Morea through Marseilles
he went.

***


FN1: France holds northern Italy: Milan, Florence,
and all the minor principalities and dukedoms between
were conquered and are being reorganized into the province
within France of L'Italie.

FN2: The Cardinal saw an opportunity and took it. It
didn't work out, but there were no real consequences...for
him. Or France.

FN3: You really ought to read some of Mach's letters
from RL. Man, oh man!

****


Comments?

Will

--
 

Sargon

Donor
Monthly Donor
Despite some flaws, as the Pasha pointed out, this is a very interesting and absorbing TL. I hope the guy doing it continues...keep an eye out over at SHWI for some more please G.Bone!

Sargon
 
If Morea's population base was much smaller than in the TL, and the Ottoman Army was much smaller than the TL, I think the scenario has a small chance of working. Just the # of troops in the big battles.

Remember, the earlier Morean armies have a butt-load of mercenaries and foreign Christians (like Hunyadi) in them, so the lack of local manpower might not be so much of an issue (at first) as long as the rest of Christendom is terrified of the Ottomans and willing to send $$, troops, etc.
 
Matt Quinn said:
If Morea's population base was much smaller than in the TL, and the Ottoman Army was much smaller than the TL, I think the scenario has a small chance of working. Just the # of troops in the big battles.

Remember, the earlier Morean armies have a butt-load of mercenaries and foreign Christians (like Hunyadi) in them, so the lack of local manpower might not be so much of an issue (at first) as long as the rest of Christendom is terrified of the Ottomans and willing to send $$, troops, etc.

12,000 Swiss mercenaries would bankrupt the Holy Roman Empire, let alone the Morea, and that still doesn't account for the Ottomans suddenly forgetting to apply strategy to battles. Swiss phalanxes are just about the worst possible formation to use against an Ottoman army, especially in rough terrain.
 
Abdul Hadi Pasha said:
12,000 Swiss mercenaries would bankrupt the Holy Roman Empire, let alone the Morea, and that still doesn't account for the Ottomans suddenly forgetting to apply strategy to battles. Swiss phalanxes are just about the worst possible formation to use against an Ottoman army, especially in rough terrain.


Yeah, I've gotta agree with this. Although I'm not sure why phalanxes don't work against the Turk.
 
Faeelin said:
Yeah, I've gotta agree with this. Although I'm not sure why phalanxes don't work against the Turk.

Well, they would do terribly against the Turks, who have tanks and aircraft.

Against the OTTOMANS, keep in mind the structure of the Ottoman army. First of all, they had an organized field artillery arm. Cannonball vs Swiss pikeman = squish. Second, the Ottomans would have a huge number of skirmishers, both mounted and foot, which would harrass a phalanx until it began to waver or was forced to advance.

The Ottomans would also have a large force of religious fanatic heavy cavalry that had been drilled since they were 2 years old, threatening the flanks of the phalanx and ready to run it down the second it wavered. Finally, there was a large force of heavy infantry that had been raised from birth to be the Sultan's warrior-slaves who were armed with halberds, backed up by rows and rows of expert bowmen.

No army lacking large numbers of horse could really compete with an Ottoman army, and a mixed Orthodox-Catholic force is going to have very serious problems maintaining the unity of command necessary to fight the Ottomans.

I generally agree with Grey Wolf that nothing is IMPOSSIBLE, but this is as close to impossible as you can get. In 1353 this scenario might be workable, but by 1453 the Ottoman Empire had about 100 times the resources of the Morea and considerably more than all its neighbors combined.
 
Interlude

==> I have been in contact with the author and I have sent in Abdul's opinion so his ...response? (is that the word for it?) will be coming soon. Also, there is one more piece by him on SWHI and that's about it :( If anyone is interested I can dig up another complex TL that although is sort of low in quality compared to this one, is interesting in it's focus on Polish/Lithuanian history. Like most of the people in the US, I am not really aware of that area but what the poster has produced is quite detailed, and he has revived it after a year's absence. Would anyone be interested in reading that TL?

================And back to your scheduled TL=============
The Old Senate of Trebizond is one of the more interesting sites to visit.
While still used for some of the more ritualistic ceremonies of state, by
and large the Senate has moved out of this building to the New Building
over on the next ridgeline.

The tale of how Trebizond's Senate came to be is an interesting and
fascinating one. Iosef Comnenus reconstituted the "Roman" Senate
after many centuries of being disbanded. He did so as to be able to
float and consult with the nobles and notables - movers and shakers
of his time. This was to float ideas, direction, and most
importantly taxes among those that would either help or hinder such
proposals. Over time, it would evolve into the entity that governs
our great Maritime nation. It should also be noted that /our/ Senate
predates the reconstituted Morean Senate in Pylos and holds more
true to the ideal form and function of a "Roman" Senate than does
theirs.

The Old Senate building was actually started by Iosef Comnenus.
However, due to costs and the trade offs that a ruler must face,
it was not completed until the end of the reign of his grandson,
Ameirin, in 1541. While the cost was due to the expense of the materials
used (marbles from Italy and North Africa, alabaster from Italy,
red sandstones, and blue slates almost all of which had to be
imported), the vast majority of the building, however, is actually
local stone and brick, but almost all of that is hidden from
view.

The Senate's architecture accurately reflects the nature of the
nation of which it represents. Trebizond, even before it expended
to its greatest heights, was an extremely diverse nation. Unlike
the near xenophobia that the early Moreans felt, the Trepuzontines
were far more cosmopolitan. The Old Senate building reflects this.
You can see where bits of detailing were taken from Renaissance Italy.
You can easily discern the Turkish influences. You cannot help but
notice some of the Egyptian themes - introduced by Ameirin near the
end of the construction based on his observation during his
participation in the Ottoman conquest of Egypt. Even the layout of
the building echoes an Iberian cross, indicating the rising influence
of Iberia in the Mediterrianean. However, despite all of that, you
cannot escape the fact that the predominate architectual theme is
that of Constantinopolean Roman.

While all of the styles indicated are definitely present, they are
used in new and interesting ways.

Walking in from the southern arm of the cross, the main entrance,
we enter into the first set of triple towers that begin each of the
wings of the Senate. Here, at the beginning of the southern wing,
these are merely ornamental and impressive. Despite borrowing
heavily from church archiecture, this is not one. Therefore,
the frescos done by the hired Italian painters - and recently
restored - are not blasphemous: something that our Morean cousins
have forgotten in recent years. They decorate the high domes of
the entrance towers here as you can see. Comemorated are the
battles and great times of the rise of Trebizond from obscurity.

Passing out of the towers, we enter the southern wing. You should
immediately notice that this wing looks like a blend of an ancient
Roman basicilica with more recent Constantinopolean styles. The
great double row of columns that run down either flank of the
great hall are adjoined a mere 10 meters on the outer sides by
three great window filled arches that recall the Hagia Sophia.
Each arch is 30 meters in length. Atop the each of the rows of
columns are another two, smaller arches that are higher, and ligher,
than the great arches. The columns themselves are quite large and
reach up quite high giving support to outer arches and completely
supporting the smaller ones above. If you note, the floors are
of a very strong granite polished to perfection and worn through
the centuries of use.

In the southern wing, the forerunners of the modern lobbyists and
public would meet and discuss with the Senate before sessions.
This was not the original intent of this hall. This was meant for
informal arguments and discussions among the Senators and the
representatives of the powerful guilds and Emperor to meet. Later,
as the Emperor's authority was erroded by the Senate, the public and
merchants slowly displaced the emperor's men as the Senate evolved
towards its current form.

As we now reach the central hub of the cross planform, note the grand
and mighty bas-relief. The theme is that of the evolution from Rome
and her legions through the time of the building of this great structure.
You can see at the top, the beginnings of our famous navy, the Chilia
marching through Egypt amongst the pyramids, and the conquest of Baku.
You should note that the carvings appear to the eye to be the same size
from bottom to top. In fact, the top most carvings are much, much
larger to achieve this effect.

As we enter the central hub, take note of the interesting way that
the center was built. It is a double octagon. This recalls legendary
Golden Octagon built by Constantine that was imitated by Caroliginians
at Aachen. This, however, was not a church. The stadium style seating
on both leavels that wrap around like a 'C' was meant for the Senators.
To the north is the Emperor's Seat on the second level. Note the
concave half dome in the Turkish style that rises above the throne.
Note the decoration is definitely Constantinopolean in silvers and
gold.

The nothern, or Emperor's Wing, is the shortest. It is almost only
a large domed tower with an audience chamber and a spiral set of
stairs leading up to the second floor and the Emperor's Seat in the
Senate. Note how the decorative marbles all draw attention through
their inlaid patterns to the emperor's throne. Also note the
extensive use of chandeliers for lighting.

Now back in the west wing,this was originally intended for the nobles.
One great arch like the southern triple arches and the tripled clustered
towers are here. One of the towers is a chapel. The middle one was the
nobles entrace. The southern most tower of the western cluster was a
meeting and debate room for smaller groupings than the whole of the
Senate. Note the statuary that line the walls. Highly regarded nobles
were personified here and placed in niches. This had been planned for,
but ultimately, as you would expect, they ran out of space. The dome's
ceiling here is of an immense depiction of the Last Battle of Varna in
1583. This was added after the completion of the Senate because of
Trebizond's epic participation. The Nobles become noted for their
position in politics as the Voice of War. The fresco merely
relfected this. Or perhaps inspired it?

The eastern wing was set aside for notables. These did not need to be
of the Chilia, unlike the nobles. These were appointed by the Emperor,
back in the day, and were as often as not merchants, churchmen or
philosophers. The northern tower, like western wing's, is a chapel.
The churchmen would meet and debate there. The middle and eastern
most tower is of two levels: the first is the entrance and spiral
stair case to the second level. The second level is a smaller meeting
chamber for the meetings of philosphers and other learned men. This
was the smallest of the three eastern meeting chambers. The last
and southern tower of the eastern wing was left for the merchants.
This one was decorated in bas-relief showing trading ships, transactions
in barter and purchase, the Trepuzontine silver mines, caravans
going to the east, and all the other sources of wealth that made Trebizond
great. The ceiling dome is decorated in its original style unlike
the nobles': this one showed the merchants bartering with different
people from different places. It had come to represent the Voice of
Reason in Trepuzontine politics.

As we exit the Senate building, I strongly suggest that you walk among
the terraced gardens that were carved from the cliffs. They are extremely
beautiful and climb almost in a Laborynthine way up and down the side of
the cliff down to the rest of the city. The statuary there is second to
none in the civilized world. Not even Constantinople, Rome, or Pylos
boasts as fine. Also note as we leave, let me note that exterior carvings
and trefoils and bas-reliefs that help make up the external decoration
are of a true and beautiful style. They are emphatetically not the
atavistic Surinean - or as our Morean cousins prefer to call it Edenist -
style. Fortunately, that which took hold of and in my opinion strangled
Morean architecture in the early 16th century never infected our great
nation.

With that said, I bid you good day. If you forgive me, I must rush to
meet the next set of guests that wish to tour our ancient Senate.
 
Matt Quinn said:
12,000 Swiss mercs would bankrupt the HRE? Probably, given the mess it was. However, I did say downsize everything.

12,000 Swiss mercs would bankrupt anything, given the long time-frame of this scenario, not to mention that the mortality rate of Swiss troops in the Morea would be horrific. Alexios Comnenos couldn't afford a fraction of that number when the Byzantine Empire still held the entire Balkans and the richest parts of Anatolia.

OK, downsize by 75%. Then you still have 6,000 Moreans vs. 60,000 Ottomans, plus the Moreans are demoralized by Catholic infuence.

Also, Ottoman armies were disciplined and paid for anything they took from the population (upon pain of horrible death); Swiss mercenaries would despoil every farm or village they moved through.
 
Nicollo in Morea 2.1

Machiavelli had awoken early. It had become his habit since
he began his diplomatic missions to rise before dawn. It
allowed him time to follow his favorite pass time. Despite
being tired since he had been writing the night before, he
arose early anyways. He had not slept well: his worries for
his family and future were now almost overwhelming. He made
his way to the table. There he lifted a copy of Livy and
began to read. Perhaps he could lose some of his anxiety
through the written word of the ancients.

He could hope...


After the attempt on his life, Machiavelli's journey to
Marseilles was by and large rather uneventful. This was
good and bad. It was good that he had no further attempts
on his life, but it did allow him the time to write the
rather less than complimentary book: it was not a credit to
him nor the French people that he felt he was describing.
It would be a tragic stain on his character and would make
him unwelcome in certain times and places. While the French
were the preeminent culture in western Europe, Machiavelli
would be something of a minor impact. Few people would read
his work, due to the maligning that he would receive from
those that followed and those that did, would do so out of
curiosity why he was so viciously attacked. His recognized
influence would not be felt very strongly until almost the
beginning of the 18th century.

There would be those that could and would blatantly plagarize
his works. As in OTL people would copy and take credit for
his work. Due to the French reaction to his writing, they
would give more credit to the plagiarists than they would to
the original author.

One of the greatest of the plagiarizers would be George Winston
of London. He himself didn't want to take credit for the work,
but he felt that the work itself was important enough that it
needed to be spread as far and wide as possible. He had started
reading ole Mach due to a curiosity with the damning ad hominem
attacks. What could inspire such viciousness? He could not find
the Machiavelli on the French, but he found one or two others
first. This would fascinate him to no end as he read and was
intellectually stimulated. So he began to write, updating a bit
here and there, but copy he did. The French would claim that
Winston was the source of the insights despite being over a
hundred years after Machiavelli's death. Such was the antipathy.

At the end of the 15th century though, Machiavelli would board
the armed merchant ship and set sail from France, never to return.
He was bound for Pylos and from there to Mystra.

***

He pushed back the book, very frustrated. He just could not get
absorbed. It was a first and alarming. He knew what was
troubling him. His brother had not come with his father, wife,
and son. Toto had remained in Italy. He had taken up the cloth
and was a village priest. He would not abandon his parish, his
church.

While Machiavelli was immensely intellectual and extremely
cynical about Mother Church, Toto was a man of immensely strong
faith and full of kind optimism. Toto's favorite saying was,
"The world is as our Lord made it and how we care for it." Toto
could annoy Niccolo to ends that even his wife could not reach;
however, the love between them was even greater than any
annoyance that they shared. That love was what was troubling
Niccolo now.

Augusto Borgia would not ignore Toto because he was a priest.
Niccolo had conspired against him and Augusto wanted all that
opposed him and all their families dead, extinct, finis. He
had already confiscated all the Machiavelli family lands and
put out rewards for his head, and all his family's heads. If
there would be any trouble with the fact that Toto was a
priest, well, Augusto's father was the Pope...

Machiavelli quickly wrote a string of couplets. It was a love
note for his wife. He quietly ghosted into their room and he
left it taking pains not to disturb her sleep: she needed it.
Then he went outside and went for a walk. Perhaps that would
clear his head and ease his fears.

***

Taking a merchantman was the only course he could. After
the excitement of the last several missions, his decision
to take an /armed/ merchant is rather understandable.
Perhaps it was not so wise to have selected the most heavily
armed one he could find. It would have consequences.

Off the coast of Sardinia, they would be stopped. The
Spanish were very actively patrolling. There had been
skirmishes on several fronts. The Moreans Akritai had
skirmished in Italy. The French had nibbled at Catalan
past the Pyrenees. The Spanish were understandably twitchy
and doubly on guard. Their watch was set and a heavily armed
merchantman going from France to Morea was something that
needed to be looked into. Heavily.

The ship was forced to harbor in Naples. The Spanish
governor's staff would poke and prod mentally - and if they
suspected something fishy in a rather viciously physical way.
The captain took the worst of it, but there was in fact a
messenger on the ship. However, he was not anything of
importance and it had nothing to do with a possible alliance.
Then Machiavelli was found out and things turned rather
interesting.

The interrogators would be rather vicious. A Florentine
conspirator! Coming from France and headed to the Moreans!
They even attempted to break him with torture. Mach was not
an iron man, but like OTL he would survive his encounter with
rope, rack, bludgeon and worse. He did confess to what he
was up to though. Pain, despite some depictions, will
eventually break almost anyone. Mach wasn't quite broken,
but he didn't exactly hold out.

When it was found his plans had nothing to do with Spanish
possessions, the governor had Mach brought to him. It was
not an apology, but he did want to know more. As governor,
he'd faced the Borgian Italy a few times. Ever the viper's
nest, he had to watch his borders - and his peasants - quite
thoroughly. He had decided that if there was a way to get
approval, he would like to destroy the so-called Empire of
Italy. Upon hearing of the mission spilled by Machiavelli,
his interest was piqued. Perhaps Spain could fill the role
that the conspirators thought for the French, Swiss, or
Moreans!

Machiavelli discussed the plot, but under duress. He did not
like this man. Who could? The governor had ordered Niccolo
tortured. Why should he favor Spain or her representative?
Despite the obvious disinterest on Machiavelli's part, the
Spaniard was /extremely/ intrigued and wanted to become
involved. To this end, he wrote Ferdinand, king of Naples
and Sicily (and Spain!).

***

Walking down the street, things were quiet. Mystra was not a
large city, and it was rather early in the morning. The sun
had not yet risen, but a false dawn was painting itself
across the eastern sky.

His mind wandered. He weaved his way along a favorite route
and wore his famous enigmatic smile. With words he played,
as he tread the stone and dirt streets. With ideas he toyed,
as a cat with a yarn ball. Batting them around furiously.
Clawing and gripping them. Even chewing on them furiously
and kicking them hard.

It was as furious an exercise for him as hiking up the side
of the mountain that Mystra existed on. He needed it. It
stretched and expanded his mind as much as his legs. He was
mulling over whether or not he had decided whether the Moreans
- Romans - had rediscovered the ways of the ancients or not when
he came to the edge of town.

Beginning to assemble was the Order of St George. They were
about to conduct their daily drills. Though not yet very large
as a whole, the local forces were quite impressive. They were
cavalry, which is an aberration for the Moreans. Moreans preferred
their heavy infantry. These cavalrymen were also a holy order,
which also went a little astray from standard Morean military model.

He found a perch and watched for a good hour. Their drills
began at first light. Some were obviously useful on the
battlefield. Some were obviously not and he could not discern
why they were done. He would not interrupt, however, to grill
them with questions. They were a fearsome lot and one man
wandering down might get trampled or worse.

He hopped down and a jolt of pain wracked his joints. Cursing
the Spanish, he first hobbled, then walked the rest of the way
home. He would start three things today. Before you can build,
you must lay the foundation.

Reaching his home, his family was just rising. It would be
hours later before he reached his desk. When he did, very
quickly, flowing with ideas, he dipped his pen and began to
write with the title page:

_Caesar, Augustus, Dominus et Basileus_
 
2b

The Spanish governor was actually in more luck than he
was ever before. Ferdinand and Isabella had a policy
of touring their kingdoms. The reason that they did this
was to try to cement the disparate portions of Spain
together. OTL, the Kingdom of Naples was seen as separate
from the crowns of Spain. The reasons appear to have been
primarily due to the fact that the Spanish were at least a
little bit sensitive to the Italians opinions. ATL with
enemies with claims to Naples on both sides, the Empire of
Italy to the north and the Moreans to the south, the welding
of Naples to the Spanish crown is seriously being considered.

To that end, Isabella and Ferdinand have embarked a tour and
show of force. Their final destination is not Naples itself
nor is it for the army that sails with them. Their
destination is Tunis. The Spanish crown is pushing hard to
secure fortress cities along the North African coast as a
future base of expansion. The taking of Tunis would close
the western Mediterranean to virtually any navy or traders
that the Spanish would wish to exclude with the
Sicily-Malta-Tunis line.

The army they bare is half cavalry and half infantry. The
infantry is of the recently reformed tercios. The cavalry is
primarily of the Hidalgo nobility. The intent is to parade
through Corsica, Sardinia, Sicily, and to attack Tunis. A
garrison of infantry and a flotilla of gallies would be left
along with the Hidalgos. What better place for the border
warriors? The monarchs and the remaining infantry would then
turn to Naples, parade, reinforce the garrison and the remainder
go back to Spain.

They landed in Sardinia and were parading when the governor
presented Machiavelli. Machiavelli had been in turns dreading,
fretting, and loathing this meeting. He knew exactly what
he /ought/ to do: that is present his cause with due diligence.
He was not so sure that he could do so.

The tortures suffered at the hands of the Spanish had already
reinforced his point of view that the Spaniards were barbarians.
True, had the tables been turned, he would have done the same
to the Spanish governor, but he refused to acknowledge this.
His bitterness and the freshness of his memories would not let
him.

Even so, since Fortuna had made this possibility available, he
had best embrace the opportunity. Unfortunately, he could not
make the plea that he ought to have. He simply could not work
up and past the personal hatred of the Spanish that was growing
within his heart. The thought of Spaniard soldiers residing in
Florence and a Spanish resident governing sickened him.

The idea would tempt Ferdinand in a big way. However,
Isabella was a great deal less enthused. She in part
realized that Machiavelli's distaste was not just a
personal one, but one shared by the Italians. Additionally,
she would prefer conquering North Africa to fighting over
Italy again. Finally, with that last in mind, the Spanish
crowns were already stretched thin. It would only be with
the relative weakness of the North African kingdoms and the
zealousness of the Hidalgo borderers at this time that it
would allow the Spanish crown to take on this task.

Ferdinand, despite the distaste, would be quite fascinated
with Machiavelli. The Florentine was obviously intelligent,
educated, and quick witted: the king had suppressed a smirk
when Machiavelli in defending his mission to when closely
questioned by a nobleman had lanced the dullard with a verbal
spear that was obviously a rebuttal, but subtle in its barbs.

Ferdinand volunteered Machiavelli to join their expedition
for a time. This would allow Ferdinand to plumb Machiavelli
for information and details about the Florentine plans and to
try to win him over. Isabella wasn't so enthused: she had
made up her mind about fighting through Italy - the
Morean-Spanish battles were always vicious even when Spain
won and opening up another border with the French while
involved with an African Reconquista was not a wise move.
Borgian Italy served a useful purpose in its venomous
existence as a neutral buffer state.

When Ferdinand made his announcement, Machiavelli quickly
suppressed his displeasure. It would be good to get away
from the governor, but it would be like diving deep into
the boiling kettle rather than escaping...

***

He pushed away his ink, paper, and pen. It was a good
introduction. A letter to Hans, as always, but intended
to lead a nonspecialist into the work at hand. He stopped
to think about he would write. Much careful thought would
be needed. This would be an ambitious project . He could
ill afford to devote his time to something that would not
pay off rather quickly. As much as he loved his histories,
he knew that to be noticed he needed to be bold. Machiavelli
smiled his enigmatic smile. With paper and pen, there were
few bolder. Taking up a new sheet, he began to write.

By modern belief it would be one moderate sized book. Besides
the obvious introductive letter to Hans - a common literary
device of the day and age - he would have five books. They
were definitely bold. They definitely caught the court's
attention. They definitely caused quite a scandal. That
would be in the future. That would be later.

His hand flew across the page. Writing came to him
naturally and he'd been pondering a lot of these thoughts
for some time. He had yet, until this very moment, to ever
commit them to paper. The moment had seized him and usual
script was less than its usual perfection. He paused. His
hand ached and he looked at what he had written. The words
flowed. The ideas were definitely his alone. It did need
cleaning up before it was handed off for translation.

Perhaps he could tell the Moreans this, he thought. Perhaps
they would listen.

Perhaps he could find a niche.

Perhaps...

***

The landing at Sicily and the march that followed were some
of the more arduous times for Machiavelli in his life. He
was forced to pretend pleasantries with the Spaniards. He
could not leave the column, even when he saw something that
he wished to examine further. He could not, from horseback,
sketch anything that he saw. He would make valiant attempts
at sketching things from memory that he encountered during
the day, but they were often quite off. It was an attempt
to save his sanity and didn't always work.

In a further vain attempt to lessen the frustration of the
serpentine path they were taking, Machiavelli to writing
plays on the dullest of days. At night he would scribble
away after his latest attempt at a sketch would bring
disappointment. From these would spring "A Pinch of
Mandrake for a Monarch", "The Devilry of Governance",
and "Deals with the Spaniard". All biting, all attempts
at relief for his frustrations. All very biting. All
not to the tastes of the time. Understandably.

His frustrations would mount and the tedium definitely
increased. His mission was still on hold - indefinitely!
Ferdinand didn't see it that way. However, Niccolo could
tell that there would be no persuading Isabella. Even if
he wanted to. Not that he did. By a long shot. In
Ferdinand's stepped up attempts at moving his queen to his
views, Machiavelli had to give up his time alone that he
was using to write with. No longer could he even vent his
thoughts and curses upon a page in relative safety. By the
time the evenings had finished with the royal couple, he was
exhausted and had to grab some sleep before the march would
resume again.

Now he resorted to poetry. This turned out to be pure
spouting of Silliness, more often than not. Pure stupidity,
but it was all he could do and keep from turning into a
regicide. Let him go! He often thought. Let him be on his
way and get done what must. The Spanish Kingdoms were
obviously more interesting in North Africa at this point,
and he definitely did not want any chance of that foul
governor setting foot in fair Florence.

At last the column began to reach the harbor for its embarkation.

Machiavelli had long since penned a treatise on the Spanish
Tercios. He had even attempted some sketches. The weeks
that had passed were not completely wasted he decided in
the end. Despite his despising his hosts, he did get to
examine a 'modern' military machine up close. Now he took
notes on the orderly embarking and thoughts on various ways
to disembark troops from ships. He even pondered what it
would take to have an opposed disembarking.

An interesting scenario that...

***

After stopping to breakfast with his family and reassure
them, he went back to his study. They needed the time to
relax. His family had been traveling hard for several
weeks now. His son was already recovered as far as Mach
was concerned, but his father was no longer young and his
wife was exhausted.

Machiavelli dipped his pen and continued with his prose:

The first book was The Caesar. This was a very political
view of Julius Caesar, his life, and his career and
accomplishments. Machiavelli much like OTL has a very
strong belief in Fortuna. Almost to the point of nearly
believing in Fortuna as a living, breathing goddess.
Machiavelli would use Caesar's life as an example of the
interventions of Fortuna upon the life of a mere mortal.
He would also, much as OTL, make a very strong point - one
he'd hammer home in every book - that it took a strong man
to take what Fortuna had offered him and be able to keep it.
Caesar was one such man. Or rather nearly was.

However, Machiavelli's view of ole Julius was less than
ideal. As a matter of fact, it was down right damning.
Niccolo was, at heart, a republican much like OTL. His
experiences with the intrigues of the French and Spanish
courts had not dissuaded him as to the evils of tyrants.
On the contrary! Indeed, Machiavelli's view had hardened.
He drove this point home in his book: Caesar was a great
man, and much favored by Fortuna, but he lacked something
that was absolutely critical. He lacked virtu.

Machiavelli's virtu was similar but not the same as being
virtuous. It had a deeper meaning that to some might even
seem on the verge of being one of the Elect, and thus saved,
as some Protestants would believe in times to come. It
wasn't humble though. Nor was it quiet. However it was of
a greatness that he felt had gone out of the world. Because
of it, and his description, you would almost believe that
'modern' Man of the 15th century, was a fallen thing and
could not attain the virtu of men past.

He noted towards the close of this first book that Caesar
lacked virtu. He lacked it and because of that lack he was
cast down. Men with virtu could and would be cast done, he
wrote, but something of themselves, of their greatness would
last past them. If they lacked virtu, all that a great man,
a great man like Caesar, could do was destroy. In
Machiavelli's eyes, that was exactly what Caesar had done.
He had destroyed the Roman Republic and it would never rise
again. For that, for that horrible crime, Machiavelli heaped
scorn upon Julius Caesar. He buried him in it. Burned him
with it. Damned him with it. Caesar had greatness and had
squandered it by destroying the freedoms of Rome. Caesar was
The Destroyer in Machiavelli's mind and would outright call
him so.
 
2c

He would not see an opposed disembark this time. The
Spaniards landed their troops far outside the range of the
guns of Tunis. Tunis didn't try to meet them on the beaches
either. There were more troops present than inhabitants of
Tunis! Tunis was not a large city: around 20,000 metropolitans.
Its hinterlands were not very dense with people either.
Tunis' great use would be to help safe guard the western
Mediterranean from corsairs. It was a Spanish dream,
even in OTL, to push the Reconquista into North Africa.
Here, with less competition from an powerful Muslim state,
it was happening.

The siege of Tunis was an ugly thing. More specifically,
it was extremely ugly for the Spanish. Heat, disease, and a
definite lack of food would plague the expedition. Far more
soldiers died from heat stroke compared to those dead at the
hands of the Tunisians. Even more died of dysentery.
Machiavelli watched all and noted all. In his notebooks.

Here was an attack, with its plan, on the western walls.
There an attack from cannons on the ships. Then the
catapulting of dead bodies of those that were struck
down by disease - well, at least the Muslims' bodies that
died outside were. Then followed another assault.

Even with so few defenders, the Tunisians were doing
relatively well. Disease was on their side: the Spanish
Army was already on the march for some time and packed
within a ship. Disease was winnowing their enemy's ranks.
All that they had to do was hold on until sickness struck
down their enemy.

Unfortunately, times had changed from ages past. Gunpowder
had changed it. Great walls that might have held all but
the greatest armies at bay were no match for the withering
fire of cannon. Once solid walls crumbled. They crumbled
and fell. In falling, they made a great heap of debris.
It was an untenable position.

When it was obvious that the Spaniards knew they'd won and
were preparing for what would have been the final assault
on the city, the inhabitants sent out an envoy. The city
negotiated a capitulation for similar terms that Granada
did in southern Spain. Freedom to worship as they please.
Submission to the Spanish crown.

Unfortunately, in the end, the Spanish would honor the
provisions As well as they would for the Granadians. That
would be in the future though. It would also be a lot less
pleasant an outcome than OTL had for the Granadians.

***

The night was late. He hadn't realized the passing of
the time. Somewhere along the time he'd spent writing
someone - perhaps even himself, he really couldn't remember
- had lit a fire and candles. He'd been too consumed
with his writing to notice. He hadn't even noticed his
hunger. It came welling up and gnawed at him like some
wild beast.

This wasn't the first day he'd spent all of it
sequestered madly scribbling away.

It wouldn't be the last. The Caesar was finished
though. He was satisfied. The work was good. He knew.
He knew others would know it. At the moment though he
just wanted something to eat. He found that his wife
had left some food for him. Wonderful of her, she
really did seem to love him. Amazing that.

He ate and thought. He needed a break from his
writing. He'd take his son on his morning walk.
His son would love the Order of St George and their
drills. He vowed to spend time after with his wife.
He loved her, in his own way. He was far from perfect.
That thought brought another smile. A knowing smile.
His smile.

He went to bed and slept the sleep of the truly
exhausted. He'd not lifted a limb in exercise, but
his mind was all but drained from its labors. The
next morning he rose early and rousted his son from
his slumbers. At first cranky as all children are
when awoken early, he was delighted at the swirl and
dance of the horse in formation. Machiavelli was
delighted that he still knew his son.

His wife he lunched with and then as the heat of the
day took the land, he retired with her for a siesta.
Or the Greek equivalent. There was no passion at the
moment, she was still exhausted and beaten in her
heart, but the gentle love and caring he tended her
with he knew she'd bloom once more.

After their siesta they dined with his father. Somehow
his father had procured a pheasant. Remarkable! And
quite delicious. They dined and talked. Niccolo
praised him with a sonnet, excused himself, and retired.

Machiavelli had more writing to do.

***

Outside Tunis, Machiavelli took in the siege in like
sponge. Absorbing, and being himself, thinking and
analyzing in his own way what all he saw. All that he
could inquire about. Notes he took in massive profusion.
Vast quantities of raw sketches. A handful of serious
attempts at good solid drawings. There were even some
interesting bits of poetry that would come out of it
for that matter.

Ultimately, a garrison - quite a large one - was
installed and a small fleet to left to patrol for
pirates. Its secondary role was to warn of any other
armadas and summon aid from Italy. A very large
contingent of Hidalgos were left as well. The border
warriors were left to do what they do so well: secure
the hinterland and their own estates with it.

The majority of the troops were reembarked for
Naples. Half the Hidalgos were as well. After
reprovisioning in Italy, the intent was to sail
west along the North African shore taking any
sizable towns and depositing garrisons and Hidalgos.
The emptied ships would be sent back for provisions
to keep the expedition going.

It would be a very hit or miss affair.

However, before the campaign could be continued,
Ferdinand and Isabella had some politicking to do.
Naples was theirs to be sure. It hadn't wavered and
the thought being taken by the asp-like Borgias or
the Orthodox Moreans largely kept the populace from
straying too far. Yet no wise monarch assumes his
thrown is secure. He, or she, makes it so.

The Spaniards would demonstrate their power and their
royalty.

The Neapolitans would be suitably impressed. Or else.

Machiavelli did take note of the procession. He was
even mildly impressed. The march of pike, sword, and
harquebusier down to the site of the last stand of the
defense of the Nova Castille was impressive. The figure
cut by the silk, gold, and silver adorned monarchs as
they rode at its head would never leave him.

He watched too as the monarchs would dispense charity.
It was done in very public way he noted. The Monarchs
were indeed generous. Or so would the populous think.
They also cowered as the Inquisition burned a Morean
Orthodox Monk for heresy. Fear and wonder, Machiavelli
noted, was a powerful combination.

When the politics, marches, and dispensations were
complete, the army was reembarking once more: to raid
and take as much of North Africa's cities as possible.
The raids would be secondary. The great first attack
would be to the west of Tunis.

However, Machiavelli would see none of it. The ship
he was on had an outbreak of plague. He and his ship
would be left in Naples to let the plague burn itself
out in quarantine. It would relatively quickly, but
Machiavelli would be left behind.

***

His pen dipped and flew across the page and back to the
ink well like a sea bird hunting the shoals for a very
large, extraordinarily hungry clutch. This night as he
started anew he felt reenergized from the time spent
with his family. Almost like a man born anew. The
speed of his pen and dexterity of his thoughts
attested to that.

His thoughts and this book were dedicated to a very
different man, at least in Machiavelli's mind, than
The Caesar. In some ways that was ironic. Niccolo
knew it. He liked it all the more for it. From
even the worst could come the best, in his mind,
and so he devoted this volume to The Great Builder.
The Great Builder was Augustus Caesar. Sometimes
known as Octavian adopted heir of Julius.

The Augustus built the empire upon the ashes of the
Republic. It would endure in the east through the
present day. It had been over 1500 years that the
Empire had endured. Little else could man claim
lasted that long. Very little else could man made
could claim that and no other state could at all.
In Machiavelli's mind, Morea was Rome. At least the
nation and spirit of Rome if not the locale.

However, while touching on that, the main thrust for
The Augustus was the fact that Builder, the archetype
of the builder, was far greater in the end than The
Destroyer. There were far more destroyers and it
was far easier to destroy than it would be to build
for eternity.

He praised Octavian above and beyond what was
rational or even true. He was convinced of what
he was writing though. There was no convincing,
had anyone tried, him otherwise. It ignored things
that Octavian had to do. It ignored his obvious
flaws. It ignored a lot. Machiavelli's biases
were pretty deep.

Throughout his narrative though he would emphasize
time and again that every man ought to aspire to be
The Builder. He would do it far more eloquently than
I can here. At least he would in Latin and would work
with a gifted translator to render it in Greek. That
tutor would end up invaluable. That tutor would also
end up being his bane.

The Augustus would take weeks to write. They had
the money though to last through the ending of his
verbage. They might have fled, but their situation
while in the long term was dangerous, for the short
was secure.

When he finished though, with the long introductory
letter to Hans, _The Caesar_ and The Augustus he was
about four tenths of the way through his ambitious
task. He muttered a small prayer as scribbled that
last sentence of praise to what was nearly his personal
saint, he pinched out the candles for the night.
 
2d

Something that his little known of Machiavelli is that
he was a hypochondriac. Being on a ship that had an
outbreak of plague on it was a disaster for him above
and beyond the panic that mere mortals such as you and
I. He would swear that he was dying of the plague even
making out a will when all he had was a stomach cramp
from extremely mildly bad water. The ship had been
quarantined and the supplies they had would be all
they could have. A very large number of crew and
soldiers would die.

It was a horrifying thing to live through to be sure.
Living on a transport ship until all that were going
to die had died. For a time it would push poor Mach
beyond the bounds of sanity. He, frankly, freaked
out. He closeted himself for a month. He had
appeared only once to arrange for food and drink on
the off chance that he wouldn't die. He felt sure
that any moment that he was fated to do so.

There he stayed. For a whole month. Word reached
Toto about his brother's reaction. First he sent
letters encouraging him to come out of seclusion.
Then he sent rebukes. The first of these he sent
with a friend and monk named Adrian. Adrian was
quick of mind and was able to calm Niccolo to some
extent. Mach was still consigned to his death by
plague, but at least his mind became active.

Adrian and Niccolo would have an extremely
interesting discourse. It had to do with the role
of religion and it power over people. They both
acknowledged it. They both realized that popes,
priests, rabbis, and imams could wield vast power.
They disagreed whether this was good. Adrian being
a man of faith had his opinion. Niccolo's was
definitely contrary.

In the end, it would take a letter from Adrian to
Toto to get Machiavelli out and on his way again.
Adrian the monk reported that Niccolo's mind was
restored, but there was far more damage to his spirit
from his ordeal. Toto would have none of it. He left
his congregation with a trusted priest and appeared
in Naples. He took a staff to his brother and chased
him out into the light. He shocked Adrian to no end.

Niccolo, however, did appear to be cured.

***

He paused with his pen before he even started. The
past few days had been good. He'd arranged for a
tutor for his son. His son loved to learn. He didn't
quite have the impassioned soul for the books that his
father did, but he did love the word all the same. As
young as he was, he'd speak Latin or Greek as fluidly
as any native.

Machiavelli had also taken to introduce his wife to
his contacts. As he had been an ambassador, he had a
great many. Most of them were of nobility or the
Morean equivalent or ministers of the Emperor. She
had made a good impression and had a good time. He
suspected that she had some very good potential
friends there.

That was good. They'd need her abilities as much as
his own to make it in this adopted home.

He returned to his task with that small smile. The
Dominus, Machiavelli wrote, was the maintainer. He
was better than the Caesar as far as archetypes went,
but he was very much the lesser man than the Caesar
or the Augustus. Neither creative nor destructive,
this one was. Therefore, he was less. He pointed
out to prove his point that the lesser men often
bickered and fought amongst themselves when they
ought to have been doing their duty.

Yet, Machiavelli acknowledged that even with the
greatest leaders, there would be gaps in even the
purest noble lines where greatness would fail. The
Dominus was necessary as the regent until the next
Augustus arose.

Despite the necessity, a long string of Dominus, one
after another, would bring disaster to an empire.
It would take the coming of another Caesar, from
within or without, to clean out the temple. If no
Augustus quickly followed, then all would be lost.

His opinion of the Dominus was not very high and it
would show in his work.

***

After Toto's helping thumps and chastisement,
Machiavelli collected himself and with his brother's
bemused and annoyed blessing sent Niccolo on his way.
His mission was not yet done. He had been directed to
go to the court at Mystra to seek an audience with the
Morean Emperor. Fresh letters renewed the urgency of
his task.

The Borgias were making their Empire of Italy into a
true nightmare. The Italian Inquisition was running
rampant and not just as protectors of the faith! They
were being used against the foes of the Borgias. In
effect, they were a Papal Secret Police. On loan, of
course, to the Emperor of Italy. One of these days,
they would ferret out the plot...if it didn't get
executed quickly and successfully.

His road would take him from Naples to Otranto. It
would not be a quick ride. He had plenty of time
to think. In that time he reviewed his sketches and
notes. He jotted a few more down on his theories
that were bubbling within about warfare. He wanted
to write something about it, but it would take time.
He also wanted to watch the Moreans. They were
supposed to be unparalleled in the world of warfare.
Even in defeat their regiments were supposed to maul
whole armies of lesser soldiers. Indeed, even armies
made of the second best soldiers.

He had seen them once, but only in drill. That was
not the same as what he had seen with the Spanish
tercios. The battles that Machiavelli had witnessed
in North Africa were impressive for the siegecraft.
Impressive, but the tercios were obviously not facing
field armies. The Moreans had met, and defeated, the
tercios. They had pushed back the Turk. What we
wouldn't give to witness them in action!

Machiavelli had heart. Perhaps the ancient days were
here again. Like any man of the Renaissance, he felt
that was as great as it was to ever aspire to.

Or was it? Machiavelli mulled as he rode. Wasn't it a
far greater Thing to build anew rather than mimic the
old? Gunpowder didn't exist for the ancients. Its
effects in warfare were undeniable. What would the
ancients have done with it? Machiavelli played with
the idea and found it fascinating. The legions with
the gun. The phalanx with cannon. Xerxes facing down
the Spartan cannons at the Hot Gates. The idea was
tempting but fruitless in the end. What-if was a
silly game to play. All that matter was what is,
what was, and what might yet be.

Riding down into Otranto, he set about arranging
passage. To Patrae he was to sail.

***

The day was late again. He hadn't accomplished any
writing at all. He had only just tucked his son to
bed and saw his wife to sleep. He needed less sleep
these days. Perhaps it was the energy at the thought
of his task he had undertaken. He was well over half
done. Three books down. Two left.

This night he was to broach a tender subject with his
audience. It was something that he knew could, and
possibly would, endanger his life and reputation. It
could prevent him from ever attaining the station he
hoped if he treated it indelicately. If he found a
touchy Greek, it might even cost him a lot more, his
life perchance, if his words had crossed the line of
some bit of Rhomoi honor. Worse yet, he might even
offend the Emperor enough that he'd be sent back as
a peace offering to the Pope. He shuddered at the
thought.

The subject he had to finally confront, and he was
avoiding at the moment writing, was that of the
Basileate. His opinions of the Basileus were
rather different than the reverence the Moreans
held it in. He felt it was an erratic, unstable
institution that rarely created or expanded.
It became a petty thing with a few individuals
that actually rose above the usual base state that
the Basileus's seemed to be constantly wallowing
in. Indeed, not only was the institution of the
Basileus lesser, what it had been defending was
rotting and falling beneath the feet of the
Emperor. He couldn't write that. He didn't
/dare/ right that.

Though he could /hint/ at it. This was
Machiavelli that, OTL, produced _The Prince_.
A document that he didn't really believe in,
but only wrote to curry favor with the Medici.
However, the ATL Machiavelli was perhaps more
stiff back or perhaps just more honest with the
world or something. He couldn't bring himself
to embrace the concept, as he saw it, of the
Basileus.

Perhaps though, he could use hints and innuendo.
If he approached it in a round about way, then it
might be possible to talk a reader around to
his thoughts. Hm. He scratched his chin smearing
ink from his hands on his chin and cheek.

That might work. How to argue the case though?

He had his idea. Romanos Lascaris loved his
libraries. He had a new one constructed, and
it seemed not unlike a church for all its
effective layout of the Mystran variety. He'd
started his tutoring in Greek and in his oft
wide questing mind had asked for tutoring in
Byzantine architecture. He had come across the
concept of 'making new' when it came to the
first emperor Basil. 'Making new' when it came
to architecture was basically renovation. It
would not be new construction what so ever.

Machiavelli took the approach of attacking the
'making new' concept - neos, kainos, or
kainourgios as they appeared in the texts. He
tied it back to the his belief in the Augustus
and that the Basileus was a lesser post because
of it. Renew, sure, just look at the renewals
that the Basileate has successfully done. Nice
mosque for the Turks.

The Bulgar Slayer, he praised. Constantine
Dragases he would praise too among the Basileate.
Very few others he would do the same. In both the
previous cases, though, he would declare that their
title might have been Basileus, but their hearts
were that of Augustus.

In many ways, he'd have to rewrite the book. He
made his arguments even more round about. He'd
carefully weave in his arguments more subtly within
criticisms about the various policies of the
Basileate. However, in the centuries that
followed because his son lovingly preserved all
his father's writings that he could find, even
the unpublished, the original version of The
Basileus would eventually come to light.
 
He off-shipped at Patrae. He swore every time that
he left the dock he could smell the drying of the
currents in the fields. It was a heady scent. He
occasionally liked to taste the wines that the
Greeks made from them. The French made their own
alcoholic beverage from them too. Both were
interesting in their own right.

Riding out and forward, he couldn't help but
notice that even in the small space of years
that he'd been away that things had changed. It
was obvious just from the road signs. There were
more of the wide and wonderful highways that the
Moreans were so good at making. The towns and
cities seemed to be bustling with more trade than
he remembered. The people definitely seemed less
poor and there was a definite sense that the people
were a lot less humble about their place in the world.

Perhaps it was the militias that had been instituted
to be used in defense while the Legions were the
professionals. Giving the militias gunpowder
weapons certainly made them more effective still
and definitely more dangerous. He'd heard rumors
that Romanos favored the common man over the
aristocracy. He'd have to see it to believe it:
his experience with nobles, kings, and emperors left
him more than a little disabused.

All in all as he made his way inland, he judged he
saw a kingdom well run. Zoe had made the right
decision in her heir. That had to have been no small
difficulty to settle on whom. He chuckled to himself.
Better her than he.

As he watched a goat herder hustle his charges down
an overlooking hill, Machiavelli thought, some time
he'd have to write the history of the Roman people.
It was interesting to watch them. They didn't seem
like the great men that the ancients were, yet their
deeds spoke otherwise.

Just perhaps...

***

"Considering, therefore, all the things mentioned
previous, and thinking to myself about whether the
times are suitable, at present, to honor a new, true
Augustus of Rome, and if there is the material that
might give a skillful and prudent emperor the
opportunity to form his own creation that would
bring him honor and good to the people of Rome,
it seems to me that so many circumstances are
favorable to such an emperor that I know of no
other time more appropriate. And if, as I said,
it was necessary that the people of Israel be slaves
in Egypt in order to recognize Moses' ability, and it
was necessary that the Persians be oppressed by the
Medes to recognize the greatness of spirit in Cyrus,
and it was necessary that the Athenians be dispersed
to realize the excellence of Thesus, then, likewise
at the near past, in order to recognize the ability
of the Roman spirit, it was necessary that the Roman
Empire be reduced to its very recent condition and
that she be nearly enslaved like the Hebrews, nearly
as servile as the Persians, almost as scattered as
the Athenians; without a great leader, without
organization, beaten, despoiled, ripped apart,
overrun, and prey to the Turkish catastrophe."

He dipped his pen and continued:

"Nonetheless, Rome remained alive and she did have
need of a man to heal her wounds. She had long prayed
God send someone to put an end to the plundering of
Attica, the raping of Thessaly, the ravishing of
Apulia, and the vile ransoms paid to the Turk and
Venice. And even though before now some glimmer of
light did show itself in the form of Constantine, so
that it was possible to believe that God had ordained
for him for Rome's redemption. Indeed it was witnessed
afterward how even at the end of his mighty career he
was still embraced by Fortuna herself.

"But look now as she, Great Rome, the Eternal Empire,
prays that a true Augustus might take her throne to
build something anew. Not as the Basileus
would, not as the Patriarch would, but as the Great
Octavian himself did. He did speak, "I found Rome made
of brick and left it clad in marble." Did he not
build up Rome? Rome again cries out for such a man
for such a man would be the greatest of all whom live
among our time.

"This opportunity, therefore, must not be permitted
to pass by so that the Empire of Rome, after so long
a time of decline may behold its true Augustus. Nor
can I express with what love received in all those
provinces that suffered through these foreign floods;
with what thirst for revenge, with what obstinate
loyalty, with what compassion, with what tears!
What doors would be closed to him? Which people
would deny him obedience? What jealousy could
oppose him? What true Roman of ancient blood
would deny him homage? This barbarian dominion
stinks to everyone! Therefore, may your
illustrious house take up this mission with that
spirit and with that hope in which just
undertakings are begun; so that under your banner
this country may be ennobled and under your guidance,
those words of Petrarch may come true:

Discipline over rage
Will take up arms; and the battle will be short.
For ancient valor
In Roman hearts is not yet dead."

He pushed away the epilogue. He was well satisfied.
He would append more to the middle part of this book,
the Future of Rome, but he was largely done. He loved
the legend of the phoenix he'd recently heard. He
thought it very appropriate and wanted to include it.
He'd do that in the next draft. He chuckled a bit at the
mangling of Petrarch.

Who knew if he'd approve? Niccolo didn't. It did amuse
him though.

He yawned and stretched his arms out so far that his
ink stained hands were nearly in shadow. For now, he
was satisfied and tired. He carefully cupped his hand
around the candle and blew out the light for the night.
There would be more to come. Just not quite now.
 
Part 3

Substantually diced into more palletable sections...

No Surfeits wanted. I also grow a little bit bolder
in my writing. Enjoy.

****

Magnifice domine orator,

And I, aware of his changed color, said:
"But how can I go on if you are frightened?
You are my constant strength when I lose heart."

This letter of yours scared me more than the rack,
and I am sorry about any idea you may have that I am
angry, not for my own sake, because I am used to no
longer desiring anything passionately, but for yours,
and I beg you imitate others who make a place for
themselves with astuteness and insistence, rather
than with talent and prudence; and as for that story
about Toto, it displeases me as much as it displeases
you. Furthermore, I do not think about it, and if he
cannot be enrolled, he'll roll on; and I ask you once
and for all not to worry about the requests I make of
you, since I will not be upset if I do not obtain them.

If you are tired of discussing affairs, since many
times you see them end up in a way contrary to the
concepts and arguments that you form about them,
you are correct, because the same thing has happened
to me. Yet, if I could speak to you, I would do
nothing more than fill your head with imaginary
plans, since Fortune has decided that I must about
the state - not knowing how to discuss either the
silk trade or the wool business, either profits or
losses. I have to vow either to remain silent or to
speak of this. If I could ever enter Florentine
territory, I too would certainly go to see if the
DeMedici's were at home; but in spite of so many
favors dispensed, I was ignored by him because of
my prolonged absence. I shall await Fortuna.

I remain idle here because I cannot carry out my
mission until the return of the Basileus and his
senators, and I keep wondering how to cause so
much trouble among these 'Romans' lacking Rome
that I might induce them into beating each other
up with their sandals, like friars here or in other
places; and if I do not lose my wits I believe I
shall succeed; and I think that your friendly advice
and help will be of great use to me. If you could
some how come here on the pretext of taking a
pleasure trip, that would be fine, or, at least, if
you could give me a few master strokes - in fact if
you keep in touch with me on this account by sending
a messenger as often s possible, as you have done
today, you would help me even more: in the first
place you would clarify things and advice me on the
scheme; in the second place you would increase my
prestige here, when the Romeless Romans see the
dispatches pouring in. Let me tell you that when
your man arrived with your letter, bowing to the
ground, saying that he was sent especially and in
haste, every one of the nobles bristled with even
the barest respect and with his uproarious arrival
turned everything topsy-turvy, and many of them
asked what the news was; and I, to enhance my
importance, said that the German Emperor was at
Trent and that the Swiss had called new diets, and
that the King of France wished to invade Tuscany,
but that his counselors were advising him against
it; and so, all of them stood there with their mouths
wide open with helmet in hand; and even now while I
am writing this to you there is a crowd of them outside
my door having followed, thinking me possessed as I
rushed out from court, awaiting my departure from my
chambers; and to amaze them even further I shout and
stamp curses about no time and fools without vision -
if they knew I was not writing to an emperor, they
would really be astonished! Your Lordship knows that
when a person, according to these Romeless Romans, is
confirmed in a state of majesty, mere mortal affairs
no longer tempt him - well, I am not afraid that
these Rhomoi will turn me into a hypocrite, since I
am well confirmed.

Now whatever the common herd is saying and what men
are hoping for or fearing, I shall leave to your
judgment, since you are prudent and can evaluate that
better than I; you understand our internal quarrels
and the temper of the times and, since you are in
Florence, you are very aware of the conspiracy's
feelings. I beg of you only one thing; that if you
have not found reading these actions of mine to be
tiring, may you also not find it burdensome to keep
me apprised of our little conspiracy, and write to
me giving me your judgment of the nature of these
times and telling me what you make of our affairs.

Farewell. In Mystra, January, 1501.

Your Niccolo Machiavelli
Son of Bernado

***

Machiavelli could not tell whether or not his embassy
was making headway or not. He knew the Moreans could
be an obstinate breed and could dance a very fine jig
to every political song. Like this, they were like the
Italians, in his opinion. Body of a Greek, mind of an
Italian, and soul of a Roman, he mused. Still his musing
would not free Florence. Only his embassy could do that
if he could succeed.

Only if he could succeed!

His meetings were like a whirlwind. The words exchanged
flowed like the very waters of a rushing river. The
Patriarch had discussed and chatted the Papacy. The
lesser nobles had talked and exchanged ideas in garden
side discussions that would last until the dark of night.
He even met with the heir designate himself. The Empress
was not in the best of health and their one meeting made
him think that perhaps her time was not long. Each meeting
he felt was productive, but little real progress was made.

The letters he received from Florence worried him all
the more. Totto, his own brother, was starting a verbal
ecclesiastical rebellion. It was on a small scale, to
be sure, but the Papacy would hear of it and that would
bring down God's own wrath upon his brother. Perhaps
even unearth the whole conspiracy to throw down the
Borgias. That was a danger that made time short. It
redoubled his efforts. It tripled his frustrations
with the lack of real progress.

He could not level the accusation at the Rhomoi that he
had at the French: they definitely knew politics.

***

Niccolo Machiavelli to Romanos Lascaris, Emperor of Rome


In most instances, it is customary for those who desire
to win the favor of an Emperor to present themselves to
him with things they value most or which they feel will
most please him; this, we often see the greatest of men
given horses, arms, vestments of gold cloth, precious
stones, and similar ornaments suited to their station.
Wishing, therefore, to offer myself to Your Greatness
with some evidence of my devotion to you, I have not
found among my belongings anything that I might value
more or prize so much as the knowledge of the greatest
archetypes of men, which I learned from a long experience
in modern affairs and a continuous study of antiquity;
having with great care and for a long time thought about
and examined these men, and now having set their deeds
down in these little books, I am sending them to Your
Magnificence.

And although I consider these works unworthy of your
station, I am sure, nevertheless, that your humanity will
move you to accept it, for there could not be a greater
gift from me than to give you the means to be able, in a
very brief time, to understand all that I, in many years
and with many hardships and dangers, came to understand
and to appreciate. I have neither decorated nor filled
this work with fancy sentences, with rich and magnificent
words, or with any other rhetorical or unnecessary
ornamentation which many writers normally use in describing
and enriching their subject matter; for I wished that
nothing should set my work apart or make it pleasing except
the variety of its material and the seriousness of its
contents. Neither do I wish that it be thought presumptuous
if a man of low and vastly inferior station dares to debate
and to regulate the rule of emperors; for, just as those who
paint landscapes place themselves in a low position on the
plain in order to consider the nature of the mountains and
high places and place themselves high atop mountains and
high places to study the plains, in like manner, to know
well the nature of the people one must be an emperor, and
to know well the nature of emperors one must be of the people.

Accept, therefore, Your Greatness, this little gift in the
spirit that I send it; if you read and consider carefully,
you will discover in it my most heartfelt desire that you
may attain that greatness which Fortuna and all your own
capacities promise you. And if Your Greatness will turn
your eyes at some time from the summit if your high
position toward these lowlands, you will realize to what
degree I unjustly siffer a great and continuous malevolence
of Fortuna, herself.

- The Introductionary Letter when presenting

_The Caesar, The Augustus, The Dominus, and The Basileus_

to Romanos Lascaris, Morean - *ahem* Roman - Emperor, April 1506
 
Part the fourth

"God does not wish to do everything, in order not to take
from us our free will and that part of the glory which is
ours!"

Machiavelli had all but shouted it. Having said the words,
Mach was almost horrified. He knew it was mistake to lash
out like he did, especially in the company he was in, but
this Patriarch was driving him mad.

Obstinately, the Patriarch of Mystra had been declaring that
all was God's will and all unfolded as God's will. Man had
no choice in what might come. Each and every man was merely
a puppet according to His Will.

Equally obstinately, Machiavelli had cut and parried with him
defending this ridiculous tangent about free will. Machiavelli
was no theologian! He wanted to discuss the politics and
history of his books! That was the reason he was here at
this time and at this place. His books! Not his religious
beliefs!

The emperor had summoned him to discuss his gift in the
imperial gardens. He was excited and worried. It had taken
the emperor six months to get to this point. Machiavelli had
worried that his works had merely been tossed aside and would
never be read. He had been very wrong. It had been an
interesting private debate that had occurred before Machiavelli
had been even aware that it existed. It had been a very intense
debate. It had been very private. It had been between the
Emperor and the Empress.

All Machiavelli knew was that he had been summoned to the
Emperor's gardens to discuss his works before a gathering of
the emperor and his advisors. He was thrilled and frightened.
Excited beyond words and afraid more than he could know, he
had come. What he found was a lot more complex than he'd
anticipated.

The Emperor was actually good friends with the Patriarch and
had invited him after having lent the books to the man.
Likewise, Romanos had insisted that only those that had read
the works would be allowed to come. There had been a small
scramble and more than a few maneuverings among those advisors
as who would read the works and be able to attend.
Frustrated with the politics of even reading the works, the
emperor had commissioned translations and copies.

Hence the great delay.

Even so, the debate that had raged even before the discussion,
or fight as it was turning out to be was no less intense.
While the emperor had found the words of first works he'd seen
of Mach's to be interesting, he was not entirely convinced.
Surina, on the other hand, was very convinced. Not only was
she was convinced, she held the position and zealousness of
the newly converted.

It should not be assumed that Surina was uneducated either.
Even prior to her becoming Romanos' wife and empress of Rome,
she'd been well educated for the time. Zoe had seen to it as
a safe guard: she did not want her Lascarid protege to grow
bored. The Lascarids were a learned bunch and loved the
written word. Any woman that was to survive marrying into
that family had better be not all that dissimilar. After
Surina's marriage, she'd swam like a fish in the vast sea
of books that the Lascarids kept and the libraries they
endowed.

Surina and Romanos had debated the works many a day and had
even devoted more than one ride out into the countryside
outside Mystra to their discussions. Fortunately, Romanos
wasn't exactly disagreeing with Surina or the debates might
have gotten very, very heated. However, they were debates
on many points to be sure.

The two of them decided that they wanted to hear from the
writer in person. One cannot completely divorce the writer
from his works. So! Let them meet and hear this writer.

By the end of the defense and attack of his works beneath
the olive trees in the imperial gardens, Machiavelli was
drained to exhaustion. He didn't know for sure whether
he'd held his own, especially against that infernal
Patriarch! However, he didn't feel displeased with his
performance and hoped that he'd get a chance to repeat it.

The emperor and empress had asked questions, very pointed
ones, that indicated that they'd read the works and were
quick of mind. He'd enjoyed answering until, each time,
the Patriarch had jumped in.

Bowing low as the emperor's entourage excused themselves,
he sweated. He could see the discussion was not ended.
Smiling to himself, and muttered,

"When occasion arises that a person in public life performs
some extraordinary act, be it good or evil, he should find
that he will provoke a great deal of discussion."

Rising up after their august departure, Machiavelli was
approached by a lesser noble. Handing him a script, the
noble told him that by order of their Imperial Majesties,
he was commissioned to write. In the commission was the
subject, and upon completion, he'd be paid. The noble
turned and walked away. Machiavelli himself left.
Reading on the commission, he had to chuckle in his
irreverent way: perhaps the Patriarch was right. Maybe
this /was/ preordained.

***

To Bernardo Machiavelli enroute from Florence

A disguised letter of yours reached me – but I knew it
was yours after reading ten words. I can imagine how
many people sought you at our estates, and I am sure
of your annoyances and those of my wife, since I know
how one of you is offended by too much light and the
other by too little. January does not bother me, as
long as I can be sure that February improves. I am
glad about my wife's suspicion of those men and await
the result anxiously. Your letter was brief, but I
manage to make it longer by rereading it. I
appreciated it, since it gave me the opportunity to do
something I was afraid to do and which you warn me not
to do; and only this part of the letter have I ignored.
I would be surprised by this, if my fate had not shown
me so many and so great a variety of things that I am
forced to be seldom astonished or to admitted having
learned little while reading about and participating in
the actions of men.

I know you and the compass by which you steer, and even
if it were to be faulty, which it cannot be, I would not
condemn it, seeing to what ports it has guided you, and
with what hope it nourishes you. Therefore I see, not
with your mirror, where nothing is seen without prudence,
but with that of the multitude, that one is obliged to
look to the results of an action, to see how it was
achieved. And I see how different courses of action
bring about the same result, as different roads lead to
the same destination, and how many use different means
achieve the same the same goal – the actions of this Pope
and the results they have achieved were all that was
needed to prove this opinion.

Fortuna has become weary with our little conspiracy and
disaster has ensued. The family, the city, every man,
every conspiracy has its fortune founded on its method
of proceeding, and each of these becomes weary, and when
Fortuna is run down, one must revive it with another
method. Compare this to a horse led for too long a
time around the same fortress. Since we are undone, do
not give word to your intentions to anyone nor accept any
advice, except for general opinions; each man should do
what his spirit tells him, and with boldness. Trust
Fortuna, for she had given you time to fly, and adapt
yourself to the situation. Trust Fortuna, I say again,
since while she may be weary of our conspiracy, she does
not seem weary of our fate.

Come quickly to Mystra via Patrae. I will see to our
fortune at the docks.

Your Son,

Niccolo Machiavelli


***

His wife had come up stairs.

He'd been reading Justinian's Code. He was hired by the
imperial court to write a commentary on it. He was
unsure what exactly they were looking for, but he
suspected they knew, weren't sharing, but hoped he'd write
something interesting, but of his honest beliefs.

His wife bore a letter.

He frowned. It was from a 'Thomas Kunikos'. He knew no
such individual. He broke the seal and read. He was
shocked. The words were extremely harsh in their attack
of the works he had turned over to the imperial court.
The attacks, remarkably, were not ad hominem in nature.
They definitely shredded, or attempted to shred, his
works. With special emphasis placed on his scorn of the
Basileate, the words of Kunikos were a rebuttal.

Machiavelli put the letter down. He was surprised and
sat thoughtfully. Blinking from his inner contemplation,
he asked his wife if there had been instructions as to how
to reply. She shook her head negatively. Mach frowned.
How could he rebut these obvious falsehoods about his work
if he could not write a reply? Setting to, he grew
determined, a written rebuttal to be written first and then
he'd find a way to reply.

That he did. He made copies of his reply and posted some
of them. In public places in some cases, or delivered some
to the emperor. The explanation that the emperor received
was a bit perplexing – he had no knowledge of this Kunikos
nor his letter – but he took up Machiavelli's rebuttal to
be read. He did request a copy of the letter though so that
the argument would not be like listening to one voice out
of a conversation. Mach disliked it, but could hardly object.

Time passed and some of the publicly posted rebuttals were
taken down. There was no telling if this was because someone
had taken them for the reading or they'd fallen or disposed
of. At the end of the month, a letter appeared. It was from
Kunikos, who ever he was, as expected. What was unexpected,
was that Kunikos had apparently had posted outside the
Imperial Palace, in the public space there, a copy as well.
Machiavelli would find that there had been one hand delivered
to the imperial court as well.

Kunikos' argument this time attacked even the philosophical
description more eloquently and in detail the belief about the
Basileate. It called out what Machiavelli's feelings were
without the gentling of prose that Mach had delivered to the
emperor. It decried that the Basileate was the true
emperorship of Rome, whether when first founded as an
empire, or now. Also argued was that the erratic nature
of it had more to due with the frowns and smiles of Fortuna
than anything inherent to the position. It took to task the
minute, so claimed Kunikos, differences between a Caesar and
an Augustus. How could one tell the difference except in
retrospect? The great Julius was merely trying to do what
the Augustus succeeded at, argued Kunikos. Both intended
greatness for themselves and their people. The last third
of the letter was an argument set forward that the continuity
of culture with its ups and downs, its very tides, was far
more important than the specific acts of one emperor or
another. Great men, petty men, and all those between were
merely another bit of flotsam on the sea.

The prose was good, if a lot more flowery than what Mach
liked in his own writing. He preferred the telling it as
he saw it. No need to encrust or bejewel the words. The
ideas would speak for themselves. At first, mach thought
he was dealing with another Italian. Fortuna and its
treatment seemed rather similar to his own treatment there.
Perhaps another Florentine? He didn't know. He couldn't
know: not unless this Thomas Kunikos unmasked himself.

Machiavelli set about writing another rebuttal. He was near
finished when another letter arrived.
 
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