A Man Is Finished When He Quits - The Early Presidency of Richard M. Nixon

Chapter 3: Part 1
*Chapter III*
‘Inauguration’
-Thursday, January 20th, 1961-



The flags on the hood of the limousine ripped through the brisk freezing air of Washington as it left the White House. Outside, the blanketing snow smoothed over all within eyesight, save for the streets, which were only traversable thanks to the US Army shoveling throughout the night for the occasion. Inside the car, the aged general and his protégé of eight years stared out from the bubble top and onto the crowds braving the cold, all of them hoping to catch a glimpse of the time-honored transfer of power. Aside from the necessary pleasantries, little had been said between Eisenhower and Nixon when the latter had arrived at the Residence. Their strained relationship had grown ever more palpable during the election and flared to a boil after the famous ‘Give Me Two Weeks’ press conference. Nixon stared out the window in silence, his eyes darting back and forth between the countless faces. Eisenhower, sitting to Nixon’s right, stared down his successor.

“Well Mr. Nixon…,” Eisenhower said, his face remaining neutral of expression. “I believe its safe to say you were indeed the right choice eight years ago.”

The statement got nothing but a small nod from the President-elect, his gaze never leaving the window. He’d never shown the President such relative indifference before. Perhaps it was the Capitol Building looming in the distance and his impending inauguration that provided such confidence.

“I’ve never coddled my men you know,” Eisenhower added, his head leaning in toward Nixon as he reached the end of his sentence. “Not during my military profession or political career. I always expected the best from my men and that they give their all. That they follow orders and follow the chain of command, for better or worse in that.”

“Mhmm,” Nixon nodded.

“And I never held the times you, after a drink, vented to dinner guests about me against you. Even if the words chosen were… more curt than I may prefer. It is true, I did ask a lot from you, more so than most of the men. Regardless of the venting Mr. Nixon, you followed through. You took the spit, stuck your fingers in the chests, and did what was asked of you. Before we get to the end of this ride, I want you to know that I have never wished anything but the best for you. Despite our differences. We certainly haven’t agreed on everything, but you were, are, a valued adviser. I should have made it a point to say so clearer and sooner.”

Although Nixon said nothing, air was catching in the back of his throat. The words coming from the general hitting as if they were that of a father finally speaking to a son and although he’d never admit it, it almost choked him up.

“I’ve made it a point to put you in the hotseat. To have you prepared. Now whether that was for today, I’m not entirely sure. But the fact remains Dick that you proved yourself. Put yourself out on the line and held your throat out more than its fair share. I want you to know that I support you without any hindrance and I hope you remember that. I will be at your disposal should you ever need advice or action. Any man that can keep his composure in full when under siege, attacked, insulted, and spit on in a foreign country will do far better than most. Just don’t think the office stops the attacks, and remember that the house is always under siege from one direction or another.”

Nixon cleared his throat as the car finished its trip and began its final approach to the landing,

“Thank you,” Nixon said. Whether Eisenhower’s kind words were finally a private affirmation that he had appreciated his eight years of hard work, or were simply that of an outgoing President seeking to maintain relevance he could not tell, but it didn’t really matter. He appreciated the sentiment either way. Ike had never been this warm before, and the usual cold steely eyes he knew him for displayed a familiarity and kindness he wasn’t used to. If it were any other day, it would have unnerved him actually.

Nixon took the few moments left to straighten his tie and brush the hair back by his ears, he wanted the pictures to be as good as they could be. From this moment on, he’d have to be as straightened as possible, posture sharing the forefront of his mind as well as the speech he had finished putting to paper two nights before. He felt the folded speech in his overcoat pocket, it had taken him 5 drafts and three legal pads worth of rewriting to get it polished enough for him to find it presentable. As he always did, he felt his heart speed up and his nerves build up, but he pushed them down to the point of smothering them as he went over the words in his mind. He brushed the lint from his lapel and looked at the Washington monument as they passed, the monolith almost disappearing for a moment against the white sky and blanketed ground as the glare hit the window.

…......

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The procession of men into the capitol contained friends and enemies alike as Nixon and Eisenhower proceeded in step through the halls and out toward the newly expanded East portico. Amongst the men in line, and of those quickly making their way to their seats, Nixon spotted that of Senator Kennedy, whom he insisted be invited, if only to rub his nose in the occasion. Lyndon Johnson’s sneering grin was also among the crowd, his seat secured by default given his stature in the Senate. What he also noticed, to his anger and factoring resentment, was who wasn’t amongst the sea of people and droves of power seekers. Former-President Truman had sent word to the effect that he would not be attending on account of the weather and worsening health, although Nixon knew it to simply be a layover of the feud the two shared from Nixon’s early days in the House. There was no doubt in his mind that Truman would have been one of the first in line to attend if it were Kennedy in his place. The same stood for Eleanor Roosevelt and several others that had declined their invitation. Their declinations did not leave empty seats however, after all it was a Presidential inauguration, but the mere fact that they had declined out of personal vendettas, or even political, insulted Nixon to his core. The office deserved more respect than that in his opinion. Nevertheless he tried not to let it get to him. He watched Former-President Hoover, who had arrived in Washington two days ago to beat the weather, stepping out onto the portico up ahead and moving quickly down the steps to his awaiting seat.

It was quickly after this that the beginning notes of hail to the chief championed through the air, Nixon and Eisenhower stepping out into the cold air yet again and onto the upper landing of the portico steps. They both stopped momentarily as the instruments played on and a collectively thunderous orchestra of clapping hands could be heard over the instruments, before long they were moving again and they found their seats all the way down and to their right, Eisenhower passed by Nixon and took his seat, while Nixon took a moment longer to scan his gaze across the collection of people here to see the transition, before taking his next to Pat.

The next stretch of time was filled with that of pleasantries and traditions. The culmination being that of poet Robert Penn Warren’s recitation of his specially prepared and purposed poem he had entitled ‘Chances’. A poem which to Nixon’s liking contained strong patriotic tones of hope for the future and the chances that ought to be held by every American. It very neatly set the coming tone that would be the primary focus of his inauguration speech.

A moment of relative silence followed the announcement of Vice-President-Elect Lodge's turn to be administered his Oath. Lodge stood up from Nixon’s left and took his stance at the podium across from Senate Minority Leader Everett Dirksen. Nixon ran through the speech in his head one final time during the process. Probably not paying as close attention as was warranted, but given he had been in Lodge’s place twice before, he didn’t feel it too necessary. He haphazardly listened as Lodge recited and completed his Oath of Office. The short burst of applause indicated when the little ceremony had concluded and Nixon began gearing himself up for his own. Nixon stood, alongside Pat, and took 3 steps up to the podium, shaking Lodge’s hand as he did so, both of them smiling from ear to ear.

“Your turn now, Mr. President,” Lodge said into Nixon’s ear, as he began to move away,

“Thank you Henry,” Nixon said.

Dirksen quickly made his way to his nearby seat as Chief Justice Earl Warren took his place and once Nixon and Warren stood in front of one another Nixon felt time slow to a crawl. Everything moving as if life was playing out in slow motion all while rocketing by in a blink, a feeling he would experience only a few more times in his life. Before he knew it, Nixon’s hand was coming into contact with the two family bibles that Pat held, the books both opened, one atop the other.

“Repeat after me,” Warren said. This being far from his first time reciting these words.

“I, Richard Milhous Nixon, do solemnly swear,” Warren began.

“I, Richard Milhous Nixon, do solemnly swear.”

“That you will faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States,”

“That I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States,” Nixon returned.

“And will to the best of your Ability,”

“And will the best of my Ability,”

“Preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States.”

“Preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States.”

“So help you God?,” Warren finished.

“So help me God,” Nixon said, his voice carrying far and wide.

As Warren’s hand departed the Bible, Nixon did the same, exchanging the aged family heirlooms for that of a handshake from the Chief Justice.

“Congratulations, Mr. President,” Warren said quietly and away from the reception of the microphone.

Nixon met eyes with Pat as she smiled and nodded, handing the bibles off and beginning her return to her seat.

Nixon’s right hand then grasped the side of the podium, and pivoted his body around in order to face the crowd. The sunlight reflecting off of the snow and shining down effectively blinded him for a few seconds. He removed the carefully folded speech and placed it on the podium, and quickly realized that the reflecting light made his writing nearly invisible. It was then he thanked his torturous method of memorization and the yellow legal pads that he had rewritten the speech on time and time again.

“My fellow Countrymen,” Nixon began, his voice growing louder and louder as he finished the short sentence.

“Vice President Lodge, Senator Dirksen, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, President Hoover, Senator Kennedy, Senator Johnson and my fellow citizens.” Nixon continued.

“I ask you to share with me today the true majesty of this moment. Today is not just an orderly transfer of power, a process through which we celebrate the unity that keeps us free. It is a celebration, a celebration of what makes our nation truly unique in this world. And with this, we continue onward the torch that was lit by our founding fathers over a century and three-quarters ago.

We live today in a fleeting time, each day precious and unique. Each morning carrying with it another moment in history. But some- some stand out as moments of beginning, in which paths are set that shape the decades and centuries to come.

This can be such a moment.Forces now are converging that make possible, For the first time in the course of our collected history, the hope that many of man's deepest aspirations can at last be realized is more than just that. This spiraling pace of change allows us to contemplate, within our own lifetime, advances that once would have taken centuries.

For the first time, because the people of the world want peace, and the leaders of the world fear the onset of war- the times are at last on the side of peace.

We can at last look onto the awaiting years, with optimism. Optimism of a bright and fulfilling future. In holding true to our faith and trust in God, let us remain firm in purpose and let us fulfill the promise of this nation.That of leading the free world through the trials that await with a calm and guiding hand. For the first time we have the foresight to recognize the rapid onset of an era of progress. For the first time we may allow the knowledge and intention of peace to drive forward our nation and the people of the world.

Fifteen years from now America will celebrate its 200th anniversary as a nation. Within the lifetime of many people now living, mankind will celebrate that great new year which comes only once in a thousand years—the beginning of the third millennium.

What kind of nation we will be, what kind of world we will live in, whether we will shape the future in line with our hopes, is ours to determine by our actions and our choices.

This era of progress beckons America— with the chance to help lead the world at last out of the valley of turmoil, and onto that high ground of peace that man has dreamed of since the very dawn of civilization. No people has ever been so close to this achievement or so possessed by the will to achieve it.

Because our strengths are so great, we can afford to appraise our weaknesses with candor and to approach them with hope. We have given freedom new reach, and we have begun to make its promise real for black as well as for white.

If we succeed, in grasping the chance afforded to us, generations to come will say of us now living that we seized our moment, that we helped make the world safe for mankind and ensured the nourishment of liberty and the expansion of freedom to all Americans.

This is our summons to greatness. If we are to surmount what divides us, and cement what unites us, those who have been left out, must be brought in.Those left behind, helped to close the distance. For all Americans, we will set as our goal the decent order that makes progress possible and our lives secure.

As we reach toward our hopes, our task is to build on what has gone before—not turning away from the old, but turning toward the new. We will and must press urgently forward. Taking with us the successes of our past, and the lessons afforded by our mistakes.

I ask every American to join in a high adventure.

Let us take as our goal: where peace is unknown, let us make it welcome; where peace is fragile, let us make it strong; where peace is temporary, let us make it permanent.

Let all nations know that during this administration our lines of communication will be open. Let all nations know that we seek an open world—open to ideas, open to the exchange of goods and people—a world in which no people, great or small, will live in angry isolation.

We cannot expect to make everyone, and every nation, our friend, but we can try to make no one our enemy.Those who would be our adversaries, we invite to a peaceful competition—not in conquering territory or extending dominion, but in enriching the life of man.

As we set out to explore the reaches of space, let us go to the new worlds together—not as new worlds to be conquered, but as a new adventure to be shared.

Let us all cooperate to reduce the burden of arms, to strengthen the structure of peace, to lift up the poor and abate hunger.

In my time of public life, I have come to know the leaders of the world, and the great forces, the hatreds, the fears that divide the world. In that time, I have learned that peace does not come simply by wishing for it—that there is no substitute for patience and prolonged diplomacy.

I speak from my own heart, and the heart of my country, when I say let there be no doubt- that we will be as strong as we need to be for as long as we need to be.

For I have taken an oath today in the presence of God and my fellow countrymen to uphold and defend the Constitution of the United States. To that oath I now add this sacred commitment: I shall consecrate my office, my energies, and all the wisdom I can summon, to the cause of peace among nations and the progress of mankind. To forge the means to benefit from this era of progress.

The peace we seek to win is not victory over any other people, but the peace that comes with compassion. For those who have suffered; For those who have opposed us; For those different than our own; for all the peoples of this earth to choose their own destiny.

As I prepare to conclude, I would let this message be heard by the strong and weak alike:

The American dream, and the dream of a bettered world, does not come to those who fall asleep.

God bless you and thank you,”

As he concluded the final sentence, Nixon faded back and collected himself, he could hear the applause as he stepped away from the podium and met the awaiting hand of who was now his predecessor. He picked up his overcoat from the chair and moved to sit, the applause still ongoing. There would be a few more minutes to go, including the prayer, before the crowd among the steps began to depart, with the President and First Lady, along with Mr. Eisenhower and Vice President Lodge leading the way.

The rest of the day, afternoon, and night would be filled with an air of celebration. The inaugural parade, fireworks, and numerous inaugural balls kept the Nixons occupied until late that night. Pat and the girls, who had long ago retired, found themselves asleep in a new, yet familiar, home draped in an air of magnitude and importance, an atmosphere of history, that they were now distinctly a part of.

As they slept, Nixon lay on his back wide-eyed. An all-too-familiar thought seeping through and flowing over him. A thought that was distinctly fixated on himself. It was not a fear so much as it was the knowledge that he was now captaining the ship. Letting the people down, letting his family down, letting those that had entrusted their futures down were now all very real threats to him. Nixon quietly stood from his bed and made his way toward the door to the west sitting hall, stopping along the way to place his opened palm against the wood of the door to Pat’s adjoining room. She had looked absolutely beautiful today, and he wished he had made it more of a point to let her know that. Stepping into the sitting hall, he was drawn to the moonlight scattering through the massive arched window overlooking the roof of the West Wing. The surreal scene was dreamlike, the furniture casting elongated shadows in the moonlight and for a brief fleeting second the President doubted he was truly awake. Carefully, he made his way around the table and sofa and stood in the thin area between them and the window. He brushed the curtains to the side to expand his view, his eyes tracing their way down the West Colonnade and eventually landing on the windows into the Oval Office. He stared down and through them, the weight on his shoulders almost suffocating him. Sleep wouldn’t find him that night.

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-Friday, January 21st, 1961-

4921 30th Place, N.W., Forest Hills, Washington D.C.


The stream of alcohol was still flowing somewhat freely in the home of Senate Majority Leader Lyndon Johnson. Now, at three in the morning, the topics of conversation among the men were of the inauguration, the next four years and the one woman who had been missing from the crowd.

“All I am going to say about it more is that if I attended an inauguration for someone I lost to, Lady Bird would damn sure have been with me, new child or not. Meanwhile, that pretty girl hasn’t showed her face since the concession. Frankly, I’m not sure which of them it speaks more ill against.”

“The word in town is she’s not come to Washington once since the election and he hasn’t gone back home since late November,” Senator Hubert Humphrey said.

“Maybe if he took a break once in a while and zipped up his pants he might have some time. He’s not even trying to keep up appearances for God’s sake. That isn’t the way to do it.”

“Yes, it is just about the most open secret here,” Rayburn said, holding his empty glass on his knee. “Its barely even an open secret at this point, I think everyone including him has pretty well accepted that. Now we've got a busy four years, and we’re going to need to pick our battles carefully. It's key to remember that in losing the executive branch… yet again, we’ve lost a great deal of opportunities in which to move our party in the direction we’d have liked. We’re going to see pushes and pulls in other directions that we might find… unappealing. I trust you all are aware of the branches of the party I’m speaking about.”

“Certainly…,” Humphrey sighed.

“Even if Dick makes moves in the right direction, or even talks about it, we’re going to have to keep rank and ensure we at least get some of the fucking credit. That’s especially the case where Civil Rights is concerned,” Johnson began. “If Thurmond and others like him get their way, Nixon’ll have the negroes voting Republican up into the next millennium regardless of his success. We might not have a choice but to throw a victory or two his way if it comes to it. Much as that makes me want to vomit.”

“It is crucial that we not have a party split if we want to turn this around in four years. That much is clear,” Rayburn added. “And even without a Presidency to guide it, we’re going to need to ensure that this party stays united in its plan and action. We and those like minded can guide it.”

“In that spirit…,” Johnson said before taking a deep breath and standing from his chair. “I think its crucial we set the precedent now that the Kennedys need not be included in any way, shape, or form when it comes to the ticket in ‘64. Nixon will be the weakest incumbent in a hell of a long time and we can’t go about fracturing the party by letting the little pretty boy have another chance.”

“There’s bound to be a Kennedy camp, but I’m inclined to agree,” Rayburn said putting all of his attention on Johnson. “If we’re to prime the party for the best chance of success, we’re going to have to put our pull behind a candidate amenable to all mindsets of the party.”

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"...we’ve lost a great deal of opportunities in which to move our party in the direction we’d have liked. We’re going to see pushes and pulls in other directions that we might find… unappealing. I trust you all are aware of the branches of the party I’m speaking about.”

“Certainly…,” Humphrey sighed.

“Even if Dick makes moves in the right direction, or even talks about it, we’re going to have to keep rank and ensure we at least get some of the fucking credit. That’s especially the case where Civil Rights is concerned,” Johnson began...
Humphrey was gung-ho for civil rights, but Rayburn? And Johnson? IIRC Johnson didn't sign the Southern Manifesto to maintain his eligibility to be Majority Leader, which was excuse enough. Rayburn would have a similar justification, and as Speaker would not have to vote. Johnson voted for the 1957 Civil Rights Act, but only after working behind the scenes to weaken it.

His embrace of civil rights as President is generally viewed as motivated by pure political calculation. ISTM that both he and Rayburn would at this time be more worried about splitting the party than pursuing black votes.
 
His embrace of civil rights as President is generally viewed as motivated by pure political calculation.
Not in the least. Certainly not by Caro.

His work against civil rights was driven by pure political calculation. His work for civil rights was in 1957 entirely about political calculation. His work for Civil Rights as President was done knowing exactly how much it would damage the Democratic Party and perhaps his own power and he did it anyway.

edit: his desire for power always trumped his personal feelings. Until he finally had the brass ring and could in fact do something without risking his future. Not like a great guy, but all those great guys accomplished absolutely nothing on civil rights.
 
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It'll be interesting to see if Nixon goes forward with the Bay of Pigs like Kennedy (possibly expanding it) or if he decides that the invasion attempt will be more trouble than it's worth.
 
It'll be interesting to see if Nixon goes forward with the Bay of Pigs like Kennedy (possibly expanding it) or if he decides that the invasion attempt will be more trouble than it's worth.
He would invade. It was an Eisenhower era plan. He'd likely keep overt American support, so plausible deniability that we just came to rescue Cuban patriots is less plausible. The plan leaked OTL, which is why Castro was as ready as he was. So some of the outcome depends on that.

With overt US cover, Castro falls. And while it would not be another Vietnam (Cuba is 90 miles from the US and an island so it's controllable) it would have the prospect of being a bloody occupation if a rebellion persists. A reference for this would be the US invasion of Santo Domingo in 1965.

The other issue is, Khrushchev wants parity with the US in terms of nuclear threat / deterrent. The Missile Crisis wasn't simply because Khrushchev saw Kennedy as weak. Khrushchev was being combative and provocative throughout the early 1960s. For example, at Vienna, Kennedy came to talk but Khrushchev came to argue and pick a fight. In OTL Cuba, Khrushchev put in the missiles because he thought the US would simply come to the bargaining table as an equal. He miscalculated because the US reaction was obviously far different. So the issue here is not simply Kennedy or Nixon, but is Khrushchev.

Without Cuba, where else may he be provocative? Cuba would also play a role here in Soviet propaganda: pointing to the invasion as an imperialist war (no different from the banana wars) to subjugate natives and suppress the will of the people. It would be presented as the US once again using military force to interfere with and control Latin America. That's a propaganda tool to existing and potential Latin American Marxists and Third World Marxists.
 
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So links to share. First off, a book video interview on the book "Ike and Dick". Seriously, if you're a history nerd, look up these types of CSPAN book videos.


Two, the Armageddon Letters. I tried to find "Clouds Over Cuba" which was a masterful interactive site but it looks sadly defunct.


 
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So links to share. First off, a book video interview on the book "Ike and Dick". Seriously, if you're a history nerd, look up these types of CSPAN book videos.
I actually found that book on my campus library and boy oh boy, would I recommend it heavily. The insight it provides is quite good regarding Nixon's role in the Eisenhower administration, as well as the very on and off relationship Eisenhower had with Nixon.
 
Update: just letting everyone know I'm still alive and intend on updating again soon! Just trying to work out a restructuring to the next segment. Didn't feel like what I had originally fit in well.
 
I was very excited to find this as I've become quite intrigued with the idea of an earlier Nixon presidency. I'm finding what you've got here very engaging. Are you still planning to continue the story? I ask as I notice it's been a few months since you added to it.
 
I was very excited to find this as I've become quite intrigued with the idea of an earlier Nixon presidency. I'm finding what you've got here very engaging. Are you still planning to continue the story? I ask as I notice it's been a few months since you added to it.
Might be a necro-post but I do share the same sentiment.
 
I was very excited to find this as I've become quite intrigued with the idea of an earlier Nixon presidency. I'm finding what you've got here very engaging. Are you still planning to continue the story? I ask as I notice it's been a few months since you added to it.
Still very much working on it, actually had the docs open today. World's just been incredibly busy lately
 
Chapter 3: Part 2
Chapter III / Part II
-Thursday, February 16th, 1961-
The Roosevelt Room, The White House


Across the corridor from the Oval Office, Secretary of State Meade Alcorn, National Security Advisor George Kennan, and Secretary of Defense Paul Nitze sat silently in the conference room. As the attendees settled in, they couldn't help but notice the absence of the once-ubiquitous mounted trophies that had earned the room its longstanding nickname, the ‘Fish' room. Their sweeping away, while presumably early victims in the First Lady’s crusade, was among the first actions taken by the President himself. In their place, an impressive portrait of Theodore Roosevelt on horseback now received its commanded attention. Along with Nitze, Kennan, and representatives from the state department was a delegation of CIA representatives led by Richard M. Bissell, the Deputy Director for Plans. They all sat together at the long wooden conference table in near complete silence with the only intrusion being that of shuffling papers and clearing throats. In the midst of this pre-meeting awkwardness, Alcorn placed his briefcase onto the table and quickly opened both latches with a practiced efficiency revealing an obsessively organized stack of papers. At the top was a manila envelope, prominently stamped with the label, 'Mann Memo', it was this in particular that he took out and placed on the table before relatching his case and setting it onto the carpeted floor beside him. The hushed atmosphere in the room shattered as the door swung open, and a small procession filed in. Leading the group was Lyman Lemnitzer, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, followed by a cadre of his aides. But all eyes were on the President. As Nixon entered, everyone in attendance bolted from their chairs and snapped their attention to the man. Several of them noting that the rumors of the President’s restlessness since taking office were now doubtlessly confirmed, with the President sporting dark bags under his eyes and slouching forward as he placed both hands on the back of his chair at the center of the table. With a pronounced sigh, he began.

“Alright,” Nixon said, pulling the chair away from the table and retrieving the multiple files and papers from under his arm as he moved in front of the chair. “Everyone be seated, we have a lot to cover here today. Meade, Paul. George. Everyone, good morning. The first thing I want to cover here is this… this… memo. I found it quite distressing that there appears to be doubt as to the current heading. Meade, if you wouldn’t mind.”

Nixon’s eyes landed squarely on the Secretary of State who was already retrieving the paper from the folder.

“Yes sir, Mr. President,” Alcorn said, clearing his throat. “The State Department received the following memo from Thomas Mann, who serves as the Assistant Secretary for Inter-American Affairs. It reached me personally a little over 4 days ago. In this memo, Mann cites multiple reservations and doubts as to the validity of the current plans in motion against the communist Castro regime in Cuba. Those namely being toward the overall likelihood of popular cuban support for the operation, an inability to hide American involvement, and several other factors. Mann also cites a personal preference toward allowing Castro to exist and fail visibly as a model of the innate failures of communism rather than taking it down directly.”

“And how do you take this?,” Nixon asked, his face cascading into what most would consider a grimace. .

“Well, there are several key components to his observations that do bear weight; however, there are other areas of it that in the opinion of the State Department are unfounded. At the forefront of the prior, we have the issue of whether or not there is significant backing in Cuba to support a popular revolt against Castro in the aftermath of the landings called for in Operation Pluto. In response to this memo, and our past meeting that took place on Tuesday, we asked that the Joint Chiefs of Staff review Operation Pluto as it stands yet again,” Alcorn paused for a moment, before gesturing to General Lemnitzer. “General, if you would…”

“The requested review undertaken by the Joint Chiefs, and I want to emphasize Mr. President, that this is taking into account near perfect conditions…,” Lemnitzer said. “ Our review places the chances of success for Operation Pluto in its current state at approximately Thirty percent. This outcome rises dramatically in our favor however provided there is subsequent direct and prominent American involvement.”

“Thirty goddamn percent?,” Nixon asked, his finger digging deep at his temple as if an ice-pick headache had just stabbed into his brain. “Nearly two goddamn years of planning this operation and the best you can give me is a thirty percent chance of success.. Jesus Christ… What’s the view on this if we were to go with full air support?”

“Sir. Unfortunately, the 30 percent success rating assumes that is the case already.”

“Oh…,” Nixon said as he noticeably raised his eyebrows and rocked his head back and forth, almost sounding shocked by the General’s answer.

“Mr. President, if I may,” Bissell interjected. “We believe that anti-Castro support will likely rise dramatically in the days after a successful landing. Once the forces reach positions in the Escambray Mountains and link with already existing guerilla forces, the Cuban regime will be hard pressed to put down the resulting movements. We believe the chances for the Operation’s success sit more at around two-thirds. We believe the plan in its current form is sound and it is worth reminding that the brigade is not, nor was it ever, intended to overthrow Castro by its lonesome. We have always made the assumption that the United States becomes involved at the bare minimum as a supplier following their initial success.”

“Chances of success notwithstanding, the disagreements between the departments is nothing new if we’ll recall,” Kennan said.

“The problem we have gentlemen is this…” Nixon began. “We are at the edge of opportunity where getting rid of Castro is concerned. Yes, he has Soviet support, but that support is far less now than it will be in the months to come. If we wait… build more support, these goddamn leaks out of Florida, out of Guatemala and out of the training areas are only going to get worse. Get more pervasive. On the other hand, what I’m hearing is that if we go in tomorrow, there’s a Seventy percent chance we end up with one hell of an embarrassment. Thanks to goddamn press, we’ve lost any form of surprise on this fucking thing. It really seems to me that the only ones who aren’t completely certain of how and when we are going to support an invasion of Cuba is us.”

Kennan interjected with a thoughtful frown, raising a hand as if to carefully weigh his words.

“The problem we face,” Kennan began slowly. “lies in the delicate balance between seizing the opportunity to rid ourselves of the Castro regime and avoiding the risk of exposure where the United States diplomatic stances are concerned. While Castro's Soviet support may be relatively contained now, these developments should bring you pause Mr. President.”

“Mr. President,” Bissell said. “If there is a consideration for abandoning this operation, we need to share the agency’s concern with the potential fallout of disbanding the brigade. We’d have a great number of inflamed individuals trained and prepared for an invasion pulled out from under them. That and the disposal problems we’ll be facing toward the procured supply and political elements. Exactly what to do with Cardona, and the planned junta organized last month, and the rest of his planned government becomes an immediate concern. All of those matters offer equal potential for continuing embarrassments as well.”

“I have no intentions on dismantling the brigade, let’s be crystal clear about that,” Nixon shot back. He picked himself up in his chair and switched the leg he had crossed. “The idea of allowing Castro, and more importantly, a communist regime, to exist within 100 miles of American soil is a nonstarter. Especially after Kennedy, Johnson, and the Democratic Party made it a key attack point in their campaign. The idea that we simply wait this little experiment out, although certainly a surer bet, is not one we can allow. Not in the terms where stratagem is concerned. After all, how are we meant to halt these encroachments elsewhere in the world if the Soviet have a supply depot, god forbid, a launch site directly off our coast. That presents a danger in which we cannot defend against. The issue we truly need to combat is our complete lack of the element of surprise. If the Cubans know a force is being developed, we need to expect them to prepare in every way they can just as we would, and that includes seeking outside support. Which means… Unfortunately, time is of the essence here before strategically… diplomatically… any form of invasion comes off the table. Once ties between Castro and the Soviet become too public to be easily rolled back, we could be looking at a global tinderbox.”

“To add to that, Mr. President,” Kennan responded. “Given leaks regarding the operation’s existence coming from Latin America, it appears that the overall antagonism against Castro may not be as intense as we initially hoped. If that is the case outside of Cuba, it is very likely the case inside it as well. Personally, Mr. President, I find that there is a need to have reservations there as well. We would be served by ensuring that the Anti-Castro sentiment is… flared prior to the Operation’s onset. To that end, a complete trade embargo against Cuba might suffice.”

“In that, the Joint Chiefs are in universal agreement sir,” Lemnitzer said. “Upon our submission of the review and conclusion to the Secretary of Defense, we set ourselves toward how to bring the chances of American success to as assured as possible. The first would, as George has suggested, be a complete embargo of Cuba. Furthermore, we examined the current size of Brigade 2506 and we must recommend it be bolstered rather impressively if it is meant to do what we call for. That being their forming a solid and sustainable counterforce to the Castro regime. At this time, it is the opinion of the Joint Chiefs that the amount needed is simply not attainable in the current timetables set by the Administration. Therefore, we are left with only one real option as we see it, and what that amounts to, more or less, is direct American military involvement pertaining to all branches of the armed services from the onset. Its our belief that this operation beginning with direct American involvement will meet with a near certainty of success. Given all factors, it is the only way we see this operation carrying with it a high enough chance of success to make it worth proceeding.”

“Which eliminates the entire purpose of this operation. It is our belief that the brigade is a requirement for the success of Operation Pluto,” Bissell said. “Our intel suggests that it is paramount for the Cuban revolt against Castro to be seen as undertaken by Cubans, for Cubans.”

“I have all levels of the Defense Department telling us that if we leave it to the Brigade, the operation is….,” Lemnitzer began to say before being cut off.

“Say more Richard…,” Nixon said, raising his hand in a halting gesture.


“Mr. President,” Bissell said. Leaning forward slightly as his eyes met the President’s directly. “It's true, like George said, that interdepartmental disagreements are not uncommon. However, we believe firmly that success hinges on striking a balance between supporting the forces and preserving plausible deniability.What our analysis says is that the Brigade must appear, at least to Cubans, to be independent of initial American guidance. At least at first, when the operation is in its first stages. However, if we were to appear to provide aid in the aftermath of the landing, we have reason to believe that can be better sold to the Cuban public. If we hit the Cubans with a full bore invasion right from the onset, past behavior and the current climate could even see such a maneuver backfire on the United States severely. Its never been intended that the Brigade go up against the entirety of the Cuban armed forces independently. Its meant to be the match that gathers support and gives the dissidents the push to revolt. To that… the success of Operation Pluto’s invasion sparking further uprising in Cuba, we place a two-thirds chance of success. It is the assumption American involvement occurs down the line of these actions… not at the onset.”

“What that really sounds like is that we are going to offer the Brigade up on a silver platter to Castro, and just hope they make it long enough until we can publicly acknowledge them and offer aid…,” Kennan said, with a tone equal parts sarcasm and aggravation. “All the while, the Soviets and the entire world will be looking at us knowing we are absolutely full of it.”

“It isn’t any different than how they do things, and how we’ve done it in the past,” Nitze said.

“Its worth discussing if we are truly prepared to invade Cuba without the pretext of defending the anti-Castro government in the event of the landing’s failure,” Kennan said to no one in particular.

“We are,” Nixon responded immediately. His arms crossed over his stomach as he sat back in. his chair. The bluntness of his answer sent a chill through the room, even if the material of his answer was expected. “Richard, you and your boys in plans, this two thirds chance of success… I need you and your boys to always remember that a one-third chance of failure represents a margin for success that is dangerously thin in the realm of a battle plan. We need to do everything in our power to increase that chance of success. I don’t know about how you reached that conclusion but… we need to bring that up quite a bit…”

“We do have several proposals that we believe will better aid the operation sir,” Bissell said. “The largest of which being an increase in the number of aircraft provided to the Brigade and the operation as a whole. We’d like to request that we reincorporate our initial plan to procure Douglas AD Skyraiders from the naval surplus. It was initially settled upon as the aircraft of choice given its availability, but we abandoned their inclusion in favor of the B-26’s.”

“We did so for the sake of deniability did we not?,” Nixon asked, looking at Nitze but already knowing the answer.

“Correct sir,” Nitze shot back before taking a breath. “The Cuban air force includes B-26’s it procured under Batista. It however, does not include any Skyraiders to our knowledge. Which makes their inclusion problematic. Their usage was abandoned for the sake of deniability.”

“The decision was made for valid reasons, yes. It does offer immense problems where our plausible deniability is concerned, but these decisions were also made before the leaks. It is now no longer a secret that we have offered at least some form of aid to the Cuban dissident organizations. It is our current view that the loss of deniability we gain from utilizing the Skyraiders will be offset by their utility in the opening stages of the landing. The achievement of total and complete air superiority is key to the success of Operation Pluto. We believe the Skyraiders may provide better aid where air superiority is concerned in relation to the B-26, especially in the event that Castro’s planes get in the air during the attack.”

To that, multiple heads nodded in the room, including the President’s.

“Just make sure the agency covers its ass…,” Nixon said. “I do not want to read in the Times next week that American planes are being sent to Guatemala. I want these leaks to stop. In that, I want whoever’s responsible down there found out goddamn it. Some local, a Cuban in Miami, whoever it is. I want that shit cut off. No more press on this. For that matter, where Cuba is concerned I think for the foreseeable future, the only comment coming from this Administration comes from my office and my office alone. Otherwise, the comment is that there is no comment.”

“Yes sir,” said most of those in attendance, practically in unison.

“Good,” Nixon remarked. “Okay….,” he said while clapping his hands together and holding them. “Richard, I would like an update in a week’s time regarding the procurement of the aircraft and an overall reassessment of needed naval and air utilities… Okay?...”

“Yes sir, Mr. President,”

“Okay. Thank you Richard, you’re dismissed.”

“Thank you sir,” Bissell said before standing and gathering his documents and notes. He quickly piled the folders and exited the room without glancing back at the room. Nixon looked up and down the table for a few moments as if to observe the mood of the room before beginning again,

“As for everyone else, Meade… George… I think this was a productive session, I’ll see the both of you at the two o’clock meeting in the Office. For now you’re also dismissed okay?.”

“Yes sir,” They both said, and with them the remainder of the room minus Nitze and Lemnitzer stood and quickly made their way out into the hall. The three remaining men sat in silence for several moments after the door finally closed.

“Thirty goddamn percent?,” Nixon finally said, breaking the silence.

“If that sir,” Lemnitzer said quickly. “The brigade doesn’t stand a chance in hell in my thinking.

“Well, if they succeed… they succeed… If they fail, we have to ensure that they are at least viewed as martyrs,” Nixon said.

“We also have the following sir, where operations in Cuba are concerned,” Nitze said, retrieving a document from the stack of papers in front of him. “Operation Siren, which you reviewed last week, is currently underway, a redirection of our radio broadcast operations in Cuba. Whereas we were primarily broadcasting the generic anti-communist messages over Cuban airwaves in the form of the regular run of the mill propaganda that we’ve broadcasted for quite some time, we have redirected our efforts toward the broadcast of false reports. Reports of bombings, guerilla operations, political misdeeds, the like. Some factual, but most reports being completely fabricated with the intention that they be hard to counter by official channels. For example, starting in the past several days some obviously false reports of large landings of indeterminate enemy forces. All with the intentions of instilling confusion and more homegrown support for anti-Castro sentiments among the populace.”

“Supposedly they got the idea from the Spaghetti Tree report back in ‘57,” Lemnitzer said.

“The what?,” Nixon asked with a broken chuckle.

“Four years ago the BBC broadcast a report on what they said was the annual Italian Spaghetti tree harvest. Despite it being completely ridiculous, an obvious joke… They had calls for weeks from civilians on where they could buy their own spaghetti trees. There bearing the idea that we flood the Cuban populace with as many fake stories with anti-Castro themes as possible. Mixing in true ones where possible to lend the fake credibility and if we’re lucky also flooding Castro with so much information that he won’t know what is real.

“Now, about that…” Nixon said as he pointed at Kennan and looked around the room, “I do think it's imperative here that we not focus those operations in the areas where our operation is directly concerned. We serve nothing in calling attention to where we are focused, especially Trinidad…”

“We’ve taken that into account, and have begun feeding information that may lead them to presume an invasion is imminent in several locations. Most prominently being either Manzanillo or Santiago De Cuba. Two sites which we believe are credible given their geographical proximity to Guantanamo Bay.”

“Okay good…”

Nitze then looked directly at Lemnitzer for several seconds of tense silence before continuing.

“Mr. President. In the planning of these types of movements, it is often necessary that the Department of Defense plan for a number of approaches to the task at hand,” The Secretary said.

“Yes…,” Nixon said hesitantly, his eyes widening at the fact he had been reminded of something so obvious.

“The Joint Chiefs therefore have delivered these plans to me for the presentation for your consideration,” Nitze said while looking at Lemnitzer and bringing a folder to the forefront of the President's stack. “They are operations, clandestine in nature, that are meant to either supply justification for American entry into Cuba or to better stack the odds in the event of American involvement. They are, however, less than appealing where public reaction may be concerned should they ever make their way into public knowledge.”

“So, what do you have for me?,” Nixon said, looking at the folder with both curiosity and a sense of foreboding.

“Yes sir,” Nitze said. “In total, there are four of these plans, sub-operations, so far all falling under the umbrella of Operation Mongoose. These being Operation Cross, Operation Hat Trick. Operation Tentpole, and Operation Columbus. All of them are in somewhat early stages of development.”

“Give me the short rundown?,” Nixon remarked, rubbing his temple with both his middle and index fingers.

“Sir, before we continue,” Nitze continued. “I want to explain that the operations contained in this dossier are what we call frameup operations. They have a long history and have been used in warfare to much success when achieved properly. While I cannot speak to my personal backing of such maneuvers, it is our duty to provide you with all potential routes in achieving the nation’s goals in Cuba.”

“Well Jesus Christ, are you going to tell them to me or not?,” Nixon responded. Both of his hands now firmly on the table and staring directly at the Defense Secretary. In the pit of his stomach, he felt a lurch.

“We’ll start with Operation Cross sir,” Lemnitzer began as he cleared his throat. “Cross calls for the organization and carrying out of numerous attacks against Cuba prior to the brigade’s landing. These attacks are to take place across Cuba as a whole, largely cities. Its main objective being to draw Cuban military attention across the entire nation and spread their security thin. These attacks consist of actual bombings, shootings, assassinations, urban and forest fires, this that and the other things; all meant to create as much chaos as possible.”

“So… We’re reporting things such as this…,” Nixon interrupted. “And also just going ahead and doing them.”

“In short, yes.” Nitze answered with a quick nod. “We believe that Operation Cross used in conjunction with Operation Siren could end in the brigade holding the advantage at the time of the landing and will provide ample time for their disbursement before a proper Cuban reaction can be organized.Its design is not necessarily to achieve any form of military advantage in the traditional sense, but to instead divert Castro’s attention in all directions and distract him from areas such as Trinidad. Trinidad, as you know, currently houses the most dissident populations against the communist government. Reporting things, many of them being false, while also carrying out operations of a similar nature and having those actually taking place will create a fog of war Castro couldn’t cut with a knife.”

“We believe the confusion, if generated properly…” Lemnitzer added. “If generated properly, could lend the brigade as much as 2 to 3 days of extra time before the full breadth of the Cuban response is capably organized.”

As Lemnitzer talked, Nixon opened the folder and gazed over the documents, he flipped past Cross and began reading Hat Trick, he made it only several lines before his stomach started to turn.

“What in the hell is this?…,” Nixon said in hollow shock.

“Operation Hat Trick… sir… is one of the two of our proposed operations that can be defined as false flag operations, what we call them. Hat Trick…”

“It calls for staging a goddamn assassination attempt on me or Henry for one…,” Nixon shot back. Images and sounds of the crowd around his car in Venezuela back in 1958 filling his brain.

“It is one of the primary suggestions… yes sir, but not the only one,” Lemnitzer said. “With your just taking office, it is believed that a foiled attempt resembling something akin to the attempt against President Truman… foiled in the perceived planning stages of course… leaked to the media, with ties established to Castro’s government or influence… could create a discernible increase in public sentiment toward a war pitting the United States as the primary aggressor against Cuba.”

“It also…,” Nitze joined in. “It also proposes the possibility of frame up assassination attempts, potential killings of higher profile Cuban refugees in Florida. Hijacking and crashing or shooting down American or Mexican civilian aircraft. Sinking ships of Cuban refugees in the Gulf of Mexico… Setting off explosives in American civilian centers… And other acts of terrorism, all..”

“All so we can blame Castro and the government for them?,” Nixon finished, his voice hollow.

“That is the line of thinking, yes sir.”

Nixon, without turning his head up from the pages, remained silent and allowed his eyes to peer up in a menacing stare at both of the men, the dark bags under his eyes only further crafting the image of a fiercely angered chief executive. He stared for several seconds before turning his attention once again to the dossier, licking his finger, and turning the page.

“Operation Tentpole, sir…,” Lemnitzer said carefully. “Is an out and out assassination plan created in conjunction with Central Intelligence and Richard… the target being Fidel Castro. A method of approach has yet to be settled upon and we are unsure if such an operation can be properly fielded before the timetable set forth for Operation Pluto arrives.”

“Standard agency operation then?,” Nixon asked.

“Yes, more or less,” Nitze answered.

“And what’s Columbus? I’m assuming we’ve saved the worst for last?”

“In short sir,” Nitze began. “Operation Columbus calls for the Defense Department’s usage of B-26’s matching colors and identifications of those in the Cuban air force, very similar in the intended fashion of what Operation Pluto calls for. These aircraft would be tasked with targeting American holdings at the Guantanamo Naval Base and passing the blame off onto the Cubans. Columbus would require this attack… appear as successful as possible to unify the nation and allow for the direction of an overwhelming retaliation.”

When Nitze finished his sentence, Nixon closed the folder and tossed it onto the table like a hand of cards before leaning back in his chair and staring at the papers with visible disgust.

“Jesus fucking Christ…,” Nixon said solemnly, standing up from the table and crossing his arms without ever once breaking eye contact with the folder. “Lemnitzer… Paul…”

“Yes sir…,” Nitze responded after a moment of silence.

“Under no fucking circumstance,” Nixon shifting his gaze to the Defense Secretary. “...Under absolutely no goddamn circumstance is Columbus to move forward. Is that understood? I don’t even want this filed if that can be avoided… got that? Burn that goddamn thing”

“Absolutely.”

“There is no goddamn circumstance where I’m going to order the bombing of our own boys.”

“Absolutely sir, again, its the duty of the Defense Department to present you with every option,” Nitze said, returning his own copy of the dossier to his case.

“That’s not an option,” Nixon said, “As for Hat Trick… Anything happening on American soil or directed at American citizens is strictly off the goddamn table. That includes… what did you call them… frame ups… I’m not going to be responsible for ordering the intentional targeting of a goddamn American or the American people thinking that I could allow for something like to happen under our watch. Out of the question. End of discussion gentlemen.”

The President looked up at the clock and then to his watch before uncrossing his arms and placing them in his pockets.

“We’ll call it for this today… Dismissed,” Nixon said.

“Thank you sir,” The other two men recited in unison before they too, stood to make their exit from the room. The air was still thick with tension as if smoke from an invisible fire had filled the room. Nitze, the first to reach the door, quickly exited and left Lemnitzer with several feet before his exit.

“Lyman…” Nixon said from his chair.

The general stood boltright, stuck in place at the sound of his name.

“I want updates on the developments of Cross and Tentpole. Proceed with those. Focus Hat Trick on actions in Cuba proper… Don’t ever draft or suggest something like Columbus to me again. Or its your ass.”

Lyman Lemnitzer, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, nodded and left through the door as quickly as possible.
 
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