Lusitania

Donor
So instead of Paraguay it is Bolivia who is defeated and split up by it's neighbors unlike OTL in this TL, interesting even if I would love a TL were Bolivia keeps it's coastline ^^
Prior to the WW2 both Paraguay and Bolivia suffered territory loses, Paraguay losses were in the 19th century, while Bolivia were late 19th and first half of 20th century. iOTL Paraguay does not threaten its neighbors but Bolivia has started some sort of legal proceeding against Chile demanding its port back.

iTTL Bolivia fall to communist forces served as a catalyst for additional territory adjustment in favor of Bolivia by its government, to both rally its people to continue fighting and also to legitimize the continued fighting against the imperialistic countries around it by the communists and its supporters. Note that Bolivia makes no mention of the territory it lost to Peru since that was were it was getting all its weapons and supplies through communist revel occupied Peru.

Chile was the only centrist government (democratic) in the alliance against the Bolivian threat. Something that had more to do with antagonistic and hostile attitude of the American administration than with Chile closeness to Federation. The ongoing Communist insurrection in Peru and Bolivia had already had a huge impact in Chile. Since early 1960s refugee camp was operating in northern Chile with over 10,000 refugees and more than 50,000 illegal migrants lived in Chile from those countries (estimated 1968 level). Chilean military had moved substantial number of troops to the border regions of the two countries to protect Chile and to stop the flow of refugees too. This was all prior to the Declaration of war by Bolivia in 1968/69. The need to coordinate response with its neighbors who were also affected resulted in Chile aligning itself with Federation. This of course had great implication for both America and Federation. For the Americans it was another country lost to the Federation led Alliance. For the Federation while a political coup it placed greater strain of the Federation forces who had a two ocean strategy (Atlantic and Indian) and brought additional demands for Federation (or Federation led) naval forces in Pacific. One advantage was that the alliance of Chile and Argentina allowed both countries to reduce forces along their common border and move them north.

The 1970s will be very traumatic times for the region not only in Bolivia but its other neighbors to the north.

Cool timeline
Thank you, glad you enjoying,
Wonder how much Hispanic immigration the Southern Cone would siphon away from America? A low skilled labor shortage could force an increase in wages.
hm. its actually going to go everywhere. With potential of Columbia and Peru also falling to communism the number of refugees fleeing with be huge. Already the number of Spanish speaking refugees in America is over 100,000 with majority of educated Columbians and Peruvians also migrating. The Fall of Lima had huge phycological impact and number of refugees on the move was in the tens of thousands. More next decade.
 
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Lusitania

Donor
@Lusitania When was the monarchy restored?There was a president in the 1960s but during the African War there was a King Duarte II.

I also got confused with that.
Yes there is a change from Republic to Kingdom during the 1960s. It will be explained during the government section. Probably in 2 regular posts.

due to way that the TL is written with sections dealing with government, economics and so forth all interacting with World section it can get difficult when a topic transcend multiple sections. At this moment what I can say is there was a change and we will explain it in greater detail in a few posts.
 
My question is how would this immigration on Latin America? With a revived economic status on Chile, Argentina, and Brazil, would many impovished Latin nations look towards these three countries for immigration or would they still move towards the United States?
 

Lusitania

Donor
My question is how would this immigration on Latin America? With a revived economic status on Chile, Argentina, and Brazil, would many impovished Latin nations look towards these three countries for immigration or would they still move towards the United States?
It depended on the location of the people. Those in southern Peru and Bolivia would flee towards the more prosperous South America countries. While those north of equator favoring US due being the easiest to travel to. The only difference being the rich and those educated. While the rich preferred the US the majority of those with degrees chose to migrate south where their education and degrees were recognized. The biggest deterrent for some was people political views with many of those with left leaning views either being rejected or choosing to migrate north. Another major country that was starting to receive slot of attention was Canada.

In the late 60s the majority of those choosing to migrate or flee to southern countries were refugees who would cross border but the biggest deterrent at the end of 1968/69 was the heavy military presence along the borders and communist rebels in southern Peru. Even so by time Bolivia fell to communists and Lima fell to communist rebels there were six (6) refugee camps housing tens of thousands of Peruvians and Bolivians in the southern countries. Chile had one (mixture of Bolivians and Peruvians). Argentina had two while Paraguay had one and Brazil two with majority of those in camps were Bolivians.

As war of words became war of weapons the Southern countries worried about communist rebels amongst the refugees. Starting in 1968 there was a real push to control these refugees and refugee camps became armed camps. With soldiers guarding both the camp and patrolling the areas around them and border. The camps were divided into family areas and separate area for single men As you mentioned these countries economies were starting to grow and develop plus being stable meant that many refugees were economic refugee and not those fleeing war or political attacks. Even with hostilities the number refugees arriving continued to grow. The first country to start granting refugee work permits was Argentina which started using them to supplement the agricultural labor shortage. Of special note only families were recruited and single men left in camps.

another thing that happened after Lima fell was the arrival of thousands of Peruvian refugees by boat. With smugglers dropping them between Arica and
Pasigua. The Chilean navy attempted to intercept the boats and arrest the smugglers when I could but most smugglers travelled by night when they go close to Chile.

So as we closed out 1960s and got ready for the 1970s Latin America was on the crusp of greater humanitarian catastrophe as the communist insurrection grew.
 
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I wonder if Portugal has caused any large scale differences in the UK? Interesting to me as it's where I'm from.
 

Lusitania

Donor
I wonder if Portugal has caused any large scale differences in the UK? Interesting to me as it's where I'm from.
The Portuguese close relationship with Britain both during WW2 and afterwards had a profound impact on Britain. During the war Portugal sold Britain with over 2.5 billion dollars of products, not only Tungsten but other minerals and agricultural products. After the war it forgave that debt in turn for military support and cooperation in rearming the Portuguese armed forces and till mid 1960s the Portuguese purchase of military hardware was the difference between projects getting cancelled as iOTL or they moving forward. Such as the new aircraft carriers, planes, and military technology for the Portuguese-British collaboration almost doubled the British military purchasing power as plane orders were doubled and costs of development spread between the two countries.

On the economic side the survival of many British firms and brands was made possible by the open Portuguese market, over time many firms did move to the Federation but overall latest figures show a 10% increase in British GDP due to Portuguese market for British products that iOTL were replaced by American products. Even products that were assembled in Federation many of them contained British parts at least till Labor party came to power in late 1960s (more on the British Labor debacle in the Foreign Affairs section to be posted at later time).

As for British citizens hundreds of thousands of them did migrate to the Federation after the war and in the 1950s either on their own, joining family or as part of work exchange and assignment programs. They along with Germans and Spanish formed the largest percentage of immigrants in the Federation. In the 1960s they were joined by British citizens, British-Asian/Indians from Africa and South Africans enhancing the English speaking community in the country.
 
1960 - World - Uruguay & Paraguay

Lusitania

Donor
1960 – 1969

World (cont.)

Uruguay and Paraguay

Uruguay

Uruguay reached the peak of its economic prosperity thanks to the Second World War and the Korean War, when it reached the highest per capita income in Latin America. The country supplied beef, wool and leather to the Allied armies. In 1946 a Batlle loyalist, Tomás Berreta was elected to Presidency, and after his sudden death, Batlle's nephew Luis Batlle Berres became the President. In 1949, to cover the British debt for the beef deliveries during WWII, British owned railroads and water companies were nationalized. The 1951 constitutional referendum created the Constitution of 1952 which returned to the collective executive model and the National Council of Government was created.

The end of the large global military conflicts by mid-1950s caused troubles for the country. Because of a decrease in demand in the world market for agricultural products, Uruguay began having economic problems, which included inflation, mass unemployment, and a steep drop in the standard of living for the workers. This led to student militancy and labor unrest. The collective ruling council was unable to agree on harsh measures that were required to stabilize the economy. As the demand for Uruguay's export products plummeted, the collective leadership tried to avoid budget cuts by spending Uruguay's currency reserves and then began taking foreign loans. The Uruguayan peso was devalued, inflation reached 60% and the economy was in deep crisis.

The Blancos won the 1958 elections and became the ruling party in the Council. They struggled to improve the economy and advocated a return to strong Presidency.

In 1966 the leftwing Uruguay guerrilla movement Tupamaros assassinated two members of the National Council of Government. The National Council had lost the public support and a referendum was planned for 15 March 1966, meanwhile evidence of American involvement in the country worried not only Brazil but also Argentina. As the referendum grew closer so too did the number of attacks including a bombing at a political rally held by the Colorado party. People became afraid of going out in public and neither of the four options in the referendum received more than 50% of the vote as required by law. Fearing anarchy General Gregorio Conrado Álvarez Armelino who was in charge of the capital’s Republican Guard moved to establish order and seize power.

Diego Gestido one of the country’s leaders and considered by many a hero appealed for support from Uruguay neighbors. Meanwhile the Americans came out in support of the coup. Diego Gestido contacted both governments of Argentina and Brazil and in a hurried telephone conversation between governments of Argentina and Brazil they agreed they send in their forces and re-establish civilian control. On 19th of March both Brazilian and Argentina forces moved into Uruguay and quickly established control of the country. Majority of Uruguay forces did not oppose the Brazilian/Argentinian forces and the Republican Guard only put-up token opposition before surrendering while Commander Gregorio Conrado Álvarez Armelino took refuge in the American Embassy. The US condemned the “invasion”, and the UN with American pressure passed a motion condemning Brazil and Argentina “aggression”. Diego Gestido thanked Argentina and Brazil and reiterated President JK of Brazil speech that both Brazilian and Argentina troops would withdraw from Uruguay within six months after elections and civilian government was sworn in.

Soon after the establishment of civilian government and security established the constitution proposal was slightly revised and a new referendum was conducted, and this time was passed by 65%. Two months later, on 1 June 1966 Diego Gestido was elected President and the following month both Brazilian and Argentinian troops withdrew from Uruguay well ahead of the six-month deadline.

With the support of Argentina and Brazil the Uruguayan security forces conducted raids and captured most of the leadership of the Tupamaros insurgency. At same time the government of President Diego Gestido moved to align Uruguay’s economy with Argentina and Brazil. His government signed an agreement to link Uruguay rail system with both Argentina and Brazil including the building of a new road/rail bridge over the Uruguay River. In 1969 Uruguay joined its two larger neighbors as associate member of the Lusitania Commonwealth and opened the country to foreign investment.

Paraguay


After the Paraguayan Civil war (1947) and overthrow of the Higinio Moríñigo regime, Juan Natalicio González assumed the Presidency, but he was soon overthrown and followed by Presidents who held power for only a few months each. Some stability was achieved after Federico Chávez was elected on 10 September 1949. Three weeks after taking office, Chávez imposed a state of siege, using his executive emergency powers under the Constitution of 1940 to attack the supporters of González and of ex-President Felipe Molas López.

The growing economic problems after two decades of extreme political and social unrest had undermined and shattered Paraguay's economy. The national and per capita income had fallen sharply. The Central Bank's practice of granting soft loans to the regime's cronies was spurring a rise in inflation and a growing black market. By 1953 political and military support for the 73-year-old Chávez had eroded.

Chavez's decision to run for re-election disappointed younger politicians, who wanted power and military officers who did not approve reduction of military's budget in favor of National police. In early 1954 the recently fired Director of Central Bank Epifanio Méndez Fleitas joined forces with General Alfredo Stroessner, who was the Commander-in-chief of the armed forces, in a plot to oust Chávez. Méndez Fleitas was unpopular with Colorado Party stalwarts and the army, who feared that he was trying to create a dictatorship like his hero, President of Argentina Juan Domingo Perón. On 4 May 1954 Stroessner ordered his troops into the streets and staged a coup. Fierce resistance by police left almost fifty dead.

As the military strongman behind the coup, Stroessner was able to place his supporters in positions of power in the provisional government. He then quickly made moves to secure power for himself. About two months later, a divided Colorado Party nominated Stroessner as their presidential candidate for Presidential elections. For many party members he was a temporary choice, as Morínigo had been for the Liberals in 1940. When Stroessner took office on 15 August 1954, few imagined that this circumspect, unassuming forty-one-year-old would be a master politician capable of outmaneuvering and outlasting most of them all or that they were witnessing the start of the sixth of Paraguay's extended dictatorships.

President Stroessner used political repression, threats, and death squads in maintaining power and remained dictator of Paraguay. He had virtually unlimited power by giving a free hand to the military and to Minister of Interior Edgar Ynsfrán, who began to harass, terrorize, and occasionally murder family members of the regime's opponents. Stroessner's rule took a hardline stance from the beginning. Soon after taking office, he declared a state of siege, which gave him the power to suspend constitutional freedoms. Under the state-of-siege provisions, the government was empowered to arrest and detain anyone indefinitely without trial, as well as forbid public meetings and demonstrations. It was renewed every 90 days until he was overthrown, except for a brief period in 1959. Although it technically only applied to Asunción anyone charged with security offenses could be brought to the capital and charged under the state-of-siege provisions—even if the offense took place outside the capital. Thus, for all intents and purposes, Stroessner ruled under what amounted to martial law for nearly all of his tenure.

The retirement of González and the death of Molas López removed two of his most formidable opponents. Méndez Fleitas prepared to stage a coup in late December 1955. As a result, Stroessner purged the military of Méndez Fleitas' supporters and sent him into exile in 1956.

Stroessner was at the time barely in control of the Colorado Party, which was split in competing factions by rival politicians, while the army was also not a dependable supporter of his rule. The economy was in bad shape and deteriorating further, with inflation growing. His economic austerity measures proved unpopular with the nation's military officers, who had long grown used to getting soft loans from the Central Bank; with fiscally dodgy businessmen, who disliked the severe tightening of credit; and with increasingly poor workers, who organized 1958 Paraguayan general strike demanding increased pay.

The 1958 elections gave Stroessner the second Presidential term. The vote was fixed to favor the regime and opposition blossomed into a guerrilla insurgency soon afterwards. Sponsored by exiled Liberals and febreristas, small bands of armed men began to slip across the border from Bolivia and from its two other neighbors Argentina and Brazil. Venezuela sent large amounts of aid to these groups starting in 1958. The following year, the new Cuban government under Fidel Castro funneled Soviet assistance to the United National Front.

The guerrillas received little support from Paraguay's conservative peasantry. The Colorado Party's peasant pynandí irregulars ("barefoot ones" in Guaraní) had a well-deserved reputation for ferocity in combat, torture and executing their prisoners. Growing numbers of people were interned in jungle concentration camps. Army troops and police smashed striking labor unions by taking over their organizations and arresting their leaders.

Stroessner decided to accept the growing calls for reform from the army and the Colorado Party. In April 1959 the state of siege was lifted, opposition exiles allowed to return, press censorship ended, political prisoners freed, and a new Constitution promised to replace the authoritarian 1940 Constitution. After two months of this democratic "spring" the country was on the verge of chaos. In late May, nearly 100 people were injured when a student riot erupted in downtown Asunción over a local bus fare increase. The disturbance inspired the legislature to call for Ynsfrán's resignation. Stroessner responded swiftly by re-imposing the state of siege and dissolving the legislature. The 1960 parliamentary elections were boycotted by all opposition parties.

An upsurge in guerrilla activity and antigovernmental violence followed, but Stroessner and his colleagues stood firm. Several factors strengthened Stroessner's hand. First, United States military aid was helping enhance the army's skills in counterinsurgency warfare. Second, the many purges of the Colorado Party had removed all opposition factions. In addition, the new economic policy had boosted exports and investment and reduced inflation.

Another major factor in Stroessner's favor was a change in attitude among his domestic opposition. Demoralized by years of fruitless struggle, psychological exhaustion and exile, the major opposition groups began to sue for peace. A Liberal Party faction, the Renovation Movement, returned to Paraguay to become the "official" opposition as the Radical Liberal Party (Partido Liberal Radical - PLR).

In the elections of 1963, Stroessner allotted the new party twenty of Congress's sixty seats. Four years later, PLR members also returned to Paraguay and began participating in the electoral process. By this time, the Febreristas, a sad remnant of the once powerful, but never coherent revolutionary coalition, posed no real threat to Stroessner and were legalized in 1964 as Revolutionary Febrerista Party. The new Christian Democratic Party (Partido Demócrata Cristiano - PDC) also renounced insurgency violence as a means of gaining power. This enabled Stroessner to crush the still aggressive Paraguayan Communist Party (Partido Communista Paraguayo - PCP) by mercilessly persecuting its members, families and their spouses and to isolate the exiled Colorado Epifanistas (followers of Epifanio Méndez Fleitas) and Democráticos, who had reorganized themselves as the Popular Colorado Movement (Movimiento Popular Colorado - Mopoco). The American government helped Paraguay fight the communists as part of the Cold War.

Under "liberalization", Ynsfrán, the master of the machinery of terror, began to outlive his usefulness to Stroessner. Ynsfrán opposed political liberalization and was unhappy with Stroessner's increasingly clear intention to stay as President for life. A May 1966 police corruption scandal gave Stroessner a convenient way to dismiss Ynsfrán in November. In August 1967, after the Constitutional Assembly elections a new Constitution created the two-house Paraguayan legislature and formally allowed Stroessner to serve for two more five-year presidential terms.

In 1966 the US became increasingly reliant on Stroessner and Paraguay to keep tabs on what it deemed troublesome South American regimes of Brazil and Argentina following the overthrow of US friendly government in Uruguay. This had a negative impact on trade with both Brazil and Argentina, but that same year Brazil and Paraguay entered into negotiations to develop the Itaipu hydroelectric dam on the Paraná River located on the border between Brazil and Paraguay. Both political and military leaders in Paraguay grew excited about the potential of this project to transform Paraguay economy and to fix souring relations between Paraguay and its neighbors. In 1967 under severe American pressure President Alfredo Stroessner broke off negotiations with Brazil using the excuse of Brazil and Argentina invasion of Uruguay the previous year. News of the Paraguay decision put the two countries in direct confrontation with Brazilian government accusing President Alfredo Stroessner of reneging on his agreement due to American pressure. In Asunción there was huge opposition to the decision and many within the Colorado Party and military opposing President Alfredo Stroessner decision.

The leading figure in the opposition to President Stroessner was his friend and colleague General Andrés Rodríguez. Whom on 23 December 1967 overthrew President Alfredo Stroessner. Forces loyal to General Rodríguez were able to seize the capital, Asunción, and surrounding region but units loyal to Stroessner and the Colorado Party continued to control majority of the country and began moving against General Rodríguez. President Rodríguez requested help from its neighbors (Argentina and Brazilian) and both those countries’ forces moved into the Uruguay and defeated the Paraguayan forces loyal to Stroessner. The US, Stroessner’s main backer condemned the military intervention but President Rodríguez re-iterated his legitimacy as President of Paraguay and the right to request assistance from the Brazil and Argentina to quell insurrection. Six months after moving into Paraguay both Argentina and Brazilian forces withdrew. On 15 June 1968 Brazil and Paraguay signed the Itaipu dam treaty allowing for the start construction of the dam the following year.[1]

In 1968 Bolivia government fell to Communist and President Rodríguez ordered about half of country’s military to the border region which at first seemed provocative until Paraguay received a ultimatum from Bolivia to return all illegally occupied Bolivian territory otherwise face war. Both Argentina and Brazil along with Chile pledged to defend Paraguay and in 1969 the first units from Argentina and Brazil moved into Paraguay to defend it from Bolivian aggression.


[1] The Itaipu dam was to be located on the border between the two countries, 15 km (9.3 mi) north of the Friendship Bridge. The project ranged from Foz do Iguaçu, in Brazil, and Ciudad del Este in Paraguay, in the south to Guaíra and Salto del Guairá in the north. The plan called for an installed generation capacity of the plant to be 14 GW, with 20 generating units each providing 700 MW and divided equally between each country. Since Brazil’s electricity needs were greater than Paraguay, the treaty allowed Paraguay to sell the excess electricity to Brazil.

We conclude the world section with two smaller but still important Portuguese aligned countries in South America. With the inclusion of Paraguay and Uruguay the Americans were left with only the northern part of the continent aligned and supportive of American position (Venezuela, Columbia, Ecuador, and Peru). The southern part (Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay) were partially aligned with the Portuguese but more so choosing an independent path. Bolivia had fallen to the communists and both Peru and Columbia were also in jeopardy of falling. This left the Americans requiring allies in its fight against communists with little to no choice but to request assistance of the southern American countries in trying to contain communist threat.

Notes: Uruguay - iOTL Commander Gregorio Conrado Álvarez Armelino overthrew the civilian government and Uruguay was under military control for greater part of 1960s and 1970s. There was no Brazilian or Argentina intervention and no move to integrate Uruguay economy with its two larger neighbors. Paraguay - President Stroessner continued to be Paraguay president and the ITaipu Dam was only built in the middle 1970-1980s. Here it is started about 5 years ahead of schedule and Paraguay economy receives the economic benefit much sooner. On the downside it is involved in war with Bolivia which never happen. Questions/ Comments?

Return on April 18 as we return to the government section.
 
One would think after so many foreign policy failures regarding the Lusitanian Commonwealth there would be a shift in US modus Operandi. Fighting belligerent communist Bolivia might serve as a bridge for all sides.
 
One would think after so many foreign policy failures regarding the Lusitanian Commonwealth there would be a shift in US modus Operandi. Fighting belligerent communist Bolivia might serve as a bridge for all sides.
Yeah, it might. I can't see the US not coordinating with them anyway, to protect Straussner...
 

Lusitania

Donor
One would think after so many foreign policy failures regarding the Lusitanian Commonwealth there would be a shift in US modus Operandi. Fighting belligerent communist Bolivia might serve as a bridge for all sides.

Yeah, it might. I can't see the US not coordinating with them anyway, to protect Straussner...
The American war against communism during the 1960s was on the minds of the American people and consumed the four American government administrations. The situation in Latin America seemed to start off right with the liberation of Cuba but it soon took a different turn as communist rebels appeared in most of the countries of the region. So great was the threat that both Britain and Canada were involved in the fight against the communists in British Caribbean territories while the Americans increased the number of troops in the region every year so that by 1969 had reached 749,000.

To the American public during the first half of the decade the Latin America War was just another war against communism being fought by US forces. But as the number of troops increased and the conflict affected more countries both the American public and government became increasingly concerned. The number of American states grew to include almost every country with exception of Southern Douth American countries. By middle of the decade the US forces were operating in central America, Columbia, Peru, Equador, Bolivia and Venezuelana. For all the forces in Latin America the Americans seemed to be loosing ground (with the exception of several Central American countries) because of the actions and policies of the various governments which included attacks on the people who the government felt supported the communist which increased support for the rebels. The communist were able to use these policies and actions so that by 1968 the falling of Lima Peru had a huge impact of the 1968 American Election. President Humphrey took the brunt of the blame for the American failure in Latin America (Bolivia falling to communists and falling of Lima )

Under President Johnson and later president Humphrey the Americans tried supporting reforming the conditions in which the people lived in and provided additional support for social benifits and education. (Guatemala first and then its neighbors countries ) but this approach was rejected by larger countries who had biggest insurgency problems.

The election of president Nixon brought a more focused American approach. Gone was the old antagonist US towards those not towing American line and demand for structural and democratic reforms as the US government sought out any ally it could use in the fight against communism. That included Chile, Argentina and Brazil in South America. This meant that reforms that Central America had used successfully or development the southern South American had used was sacrificed in name of fighting communist threat by means of military action

In Africa it strengthened its alliance with the its two largest allies (Nigeria and Kenya) but also worked with the continents strongest powers the Federation and France.

shortly after Nixon was sworn in as President the US forces prepared to retake Lima and a new weapon was to be used against the communist rebels. Agent Yellow was to be sprayed on the Andean forests destroying the rebels biggest source or revenue “cocoa leaves” while Agent orange used in South East Asia sprayed on forest to destroy the foliage used by rebels to hide from US forces.

Meanwhile in the south fighting along Bolivia’s border with its four southern neighbors intensified.
 
1960 - Politics

Lusitania

Donor
1960 – 1969


Politics

The Elevation of the Monarchists

wx81JPV.png

The Bragança Coat of Arms

In 1955 the new Portuguese Assembly approved the repeal of the Monarchist Banishment. Following the vote, the casket containing the body of the last Portuguese king, Dom Manuel II, returned to the Portuguese Federation for burial in 1956. Accompanying the Casket was the presumed claimant to the defunct Portuguese throne, Dom Duarte Nuno, Duke of Braganza. Dom Duarte Nuno and his family settled in Portuguese Federation and for the next decade toured the Federation and visited every province elevating the status of the Portuguese Monarchists and providing a modern image to the Portuguese Monarchy. In the 1962 elections the Monarchists became the 2nd largest political party due in part to the visibility Dom Duarte Nuno provided it.

On 16 October 1964 while visiting the city of São Salvador do Congo in the province of Carmona an assassination attempt was made on Dom Duarte Nuno’s life. The assassin was captured by security forces and he was identified as Antoine Gizenga from the Democratic Republic of Kongo, a supporter of President Lumamba and a communist. Dom Duarte Nuno made a complete recovery but the attempt on his life increased his profile and the profile of the Monarchists considerably and they made great gains in the regional elections of 1964.

In 1965 President Semedo health deteriorated and was hospitalized on 2 May 1965 and he slipped into a coma on 7th of June. The triumvirate and cabinet grappled with either nominating someone as President or waiting for the regular National elections which were only due to be held on 3 November 1966. On 1 July 1965, the Monarchist Party sponsored a non-binding motion in the Portuguese Assembly to elevate Dom Duarte Nuno as king of the Portuguese Federation. In a surprise move the National Union supported the Monarchist motion and the matter was referred to the Portuguese Executive government who referred the motion to the Portuguese Constitutional Court. On 5 September 1965, the constitutional court ruled that the Portuguese Federation constitution could be modified by a vote by Portuguese Executive and joint session of the Portuguese Assembly and Corporative Chamber. On 6 October 1965, the Executive branch of the government unanimously approved the holding of a referendum on the return of the Portuguese Monarchy to the Portuguese Federation. On 17 October 1965, the joint session voted 379 for 156 against and 15 abstinences on holding the referendum.

On 3 November 1965 while the country continued to face repeated external pressures it held a referendum on the return of the Portuguese Monarchy. During the leadup to the election several African leaders including descendant of the last King of Congo were elevated to Portuguese nobility by Fundación da Casa de Bragança. The organization owned and managed all the private assets of the House of Braganza and they along with the nobles and government of the country nominated some of the most prominent Portuguese citizens including Africans, Indians, Asians as representatives of the new Portuguese nobility which would be strictly ceremonial and hold no political power. The referendum was not only a referendum on Monarchy but also framed by the Portuguese government as a rejection of Communism and those opposed to the Portuguese Federation. The Referendum had a turnout of 61% and the return of Monarchy was approved by 59% of the voters.

On 1 January 1966 Dom Duarte Nuno was crowned King Duarte II of the Portuguese Federation.[1]


6Cw89cJ.png

Official Portrait of King Duarte II


Elections

On 9 November 1960, the regional elections took place with 16 parties registered and allowed to participate in the election. The parties that participated in the election were the National Union, Agrarian, Lusitania National, Social Democrat, Portuguese Progressive, African Party, National Action, Iberian Union, Berber Action, Guinea Solidarity, Ovimbo Workers, Hindu National, Cabinda National, Swahili Progressive, Sundanese Radical and Catholic Renewal. The National Union Party was the only one that provided a full slate of candidates in all the constituencies. The National Union party won 40% of the provincial chambers and 30% of all local chambers.[2]

On 4 November 1962, the national elections took place with seven parties registered and allowed to participate in the election. The parties that participated in the election were the National Union, Monarchist, Agrarian, Lusitania National, Social Democrat, Portuguese Progressive and African.[3] This was the last elections that the National Union Party was the only one that provided a full slate of candidates in all the constituencies. The Monarchists, Social Democrat and Progressive were able to run candidates in 75 - 95% of all provinces. Included in the national elections was the Presidential election in which President João Semedo riding sentiment from the attempted coup ran unopposed for re-election and was elected with 89% of the vote.

Results

Party
Votes
%
Seats
National Union
48
164
Monarchist
18
65
Agrarian
8
28
Lusitania National
6
26
Portuguese Progressive
3
9
Social Democrat
12
47
African
4
11
Invalid/Blank votes
1
--
Total
24,101,801
100
350[4]
  • Registered Voters/ Turn out
28,901,000
83

On 8 November 1964, the regional elections took place with 12 parties registered and allowed to participate in the election. The parties that participated in the election were the National Union, Agrarian, Lusitania National, Social Democrat, Portuguese Progressive, African, Iberian Union, Berber Action, Guinea Solidarity, Ovimbo Workers, Hindu National, and Catholic Renewal. The National Union Party was the only one that provided a full slate of candidates in all the constituencies. The National Union party won 60% of the provincial chambers and 40% of all local chambers.[5]

On 6 November 1966, the national elections took place with seven parties registered and allowed to participate in the election. The parties that participated in the election were the National Union, Agrarian, Monarchist, Lusitania National, Social Democrat, Portuguese Progressive and African. Three of the Opposition parties (Lusitania National, Portuguese Progressive and Social Democrat) joined together and formed the Democratic Alliance ticket running on a single platform on continued Portuguese Federation, strong military but increased democratic rights. Some observers expected the Nationalist Party to invalidate the Alliance and skew the election, but the National Union Party formed its own alliance with the Monarchist Party and the Agrarian Party. The National Union party, Monarchist Party and the Democratic Alliance provided a full slate of candidates in all the constituencies. The election was the most contested since multi party elections had been allowed and campaign was marred by several anarchist and rebel attacks, but security forces were able to either prevent the attacks or neutralize the perpetrators before anyone was seriously injured. The National Union and the Monarchist Party received support for the government’s continued strong military and diplomatic stand against the backdrop of the Malaysian and Borneo Insurrection, South African Civil War and the stand-off against both the Pan-African Alliance and Arab League Alliance.

Results

Party[6]
Votes
%
Seats
National Union
32
115
*Monarchist
15
54
*Agrarian
5
18
Democratic Alliance
  • Lusitania National
  • Portuguese Progressive
  • Social Democrat
40
143
African Party
6
20
Invalid/Blank votes
3
--
Total
26,481,882
100
350[7]
Registered Voters/ Turn out
31,155,156
85.0

On 6 November 1968, the regional elections took place with 12 parties registered and allowed to participate in the election. The parties that participated in the election were the National Union, Agrarian, Lusitania National, Social Democrat, Portuguese Progressive, African, Iberian Union, Berber Action, Guinea Solidarity, Ovimbo Workers, Hindu National, and Catholic Renewal. The National Union Party was the only one that provided a full slate of candidates in all the constituencies. The National Union Party riding a wave of nationalism after winning the African War won 75% of the provincial chambers and 52% of all local chambers.

In 1969 the first major review of the constituencies was announced, the National Assembly was increased by 35 members with provinces witnessing the largest population growth in the Iberian Peninsula, Portuguese West Africa and Portuguese East Africa being allocated 28 of the new members.



Lusitania Commonwealth

In 1961 the Portuguese Federation, the Republic of Galicia, Guinea Boke, Republic of Bali and Republic of Lombok formed the Lusitania Commonwealth. The commonwealth established economic, military and political support between the five countries as well as providing free movement of people and goods between member states. As part of the agreement Portuguese industries agreed to establish factories and create jobs in these countries while the Portuguese government agreed to provide economic and military support to bring those countries standard of living to Portuguese levels. The Portuguese escudo became the official currency of both Republic of Bali and Republic of Lombok. While Guinea Boke and Galicia maintained their own currencies but when the Republic of Katanga joined the Commonwealth in 1965, Guinea Boke and Republic of Katanga both adopted the Portuguese escudo as their official currency also.

In 1965 the Republic of Katanga became the 6th member and Brazil became an associated member of the commonwealth allowing it to attend meetings and establish single trade policy with all six countries.[8] Following Brazil's lead Argentina also joined as an Associated Member that year.

In 1968 the Lusitania Commonwealth expanded again as the newly formed Portuguese allied African countries: Kingdom of Fez, Kingdom Marrakesh, Republic of Casamance, Kingdom of Kongo, Republic of Rovuma and Sultanate of Zanzibar became members bringing the number of full members to 12. In 1969 the countries of Namibia, Zambia, Malawi, Botswana and Rhodesia also joined increasing the Commonwealth to a 17-member economic and military organization, the number increased to 18 when the 3rd Asian country, Malacca Federation joined the Commonwealth. That year Senegal – Mali Federation, Guinea, Togo, Gabon, Nationalist China, and Kingdom of Baroda also became associated members. In 1969 Uruguay became the 3rd Associate Member from South America and the Commonwealth size, economic clout and strength became more attractive to many companies around the world with 18 full time members and 9 associate members.


Government Cabinet

At the start of the 1960s the government renewal program started in the last years of the 1950s entered the second phase as many of the ministers from the 1940s and 1950s retired and new faces were promoted to many of the ministries. Africans, Emigrants, and Indians joined the traditional Portuguese Europeans and moved into prominent ministries. When the 1969 Portuguese cabinet picture was published, the Minister of Foreign Affairs used the picture of the diverse Portuguese government and one of the USA government of President Nixon with only white men to highlight which country’s government better represented its people and which country offered real ability to be promoted and rise to the top for all races and colors and sexes.

Name
Department
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King Duarte II[9] (1965 –
Monarch
João Semedo (1945 – 1965)President
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Dr. Antonio Rapazote (1945 -
Prime Minister (Triumvirate)
João Simões (1936 – 1969)

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Joao Hugo Eduardo de Sequeira[10] (1969 -
Defense Minister (Triumvirate)
Pedro Magalhães Mai (1922 – 1967)

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Marcelo Caetano (1967 -
Minister of Finance (Triumvirate)
Rafael da Silva Neves Duque (1936 – 1964)

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Aristides Maria Pereira[11] (1964 -
Minister of Agriculture
Luis Barbosa (1936 – 1966)

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Eduardo de Arantes e Oliveira[12] (1966 -
Minister of Transportation and Communication
Amilcar Silva (1936 – 1962)

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João Carlos Roma Machado Cardoso Salgado[13] (1962 -
Minister of Economy & Industry
José Caeiro da Mata (1940 – 1962)

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Paulo Arsénio Veríssimo da Cunha (1962 -
Minister of Foreign Affairs
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Cecília Supico Pinto (1952 –
Minister of Education
Marcelo Caetano (1950 – 1967)

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Guilherme Kuerten[14] (1967 -
Minister of Justice
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Francisco de Paula Leite Pinto (1950 -
Minister of Youth & Sport
Dr. Froilano de Mello (1950 – 1960)

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Dr Pundolica D Gaitonde[15] (1960 -
Minister of Health
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João de Avelar Maia de Loureiro (1950 –
Minister of Urbanization and Public Health
Augusto Cancela de Abreu (1940 – 1962)

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César Henrique Moreira Baptista (1962 -
Minister of Interior
César Henrique Moreira Baptista (1956 – 1962)

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António Gabriel de Quadros Ferro[16] (1962 -
Minister of Information (Culture)



Census

In 1960 Portuguese census provides following information:

Territory[17]
(0000)
% increase from 1950
% European
% African
% Indian
% Asian
% other[18]
Iberia
13,190
22
72
12
2
2
12
Azores
140
-28
92
1
<1
1
5
Madeira
150
-25
91
2
<1
1
5
Morocco & North Africa
2,100
75
24
11
2
6
62
Cape Verde
75
-25
3
78
<1
<1
18
Guinea
500
12
22
57
1
1
19
Equatorial Africa
399
19
10
76
1
<1
12
West Africa
12,393
80
11
63
2
3
21
East Africa
14,136
80
4
58
6
3
19
India
750
-18
9
4
77
1
9
East Indies
2,116
-74
4
4
1
83
8
Macao
236
-62
10
<1
<1
83
6
Total
46,185
39


Urbanization

In 1960 the number of cities that had population greater than 200,000 reached 30 but more importantly was the growth of African cities like Luanda which had surpassed Lisbon as the largest city in the country.

Ranking
City
Population 1960 (0000)
1
Luanda
1,298
2
Lisbon
1,230
3
Lourenco Marques
791
4
Porto
597
5
Beira
508
6
Benguela
504
7
Cidade Salazar
406
8
Amadora
396
9
Tetouan
395
10
Silva Porto
389
11
Matola
376
12
Nova Lisboa
359
13
Lobito
309
14
Larche
309
15
Braga
307
16
Coimbra
306
17
Villa Alhucemas
306
18
Nampula
305
19
Vila Pery
299
20
Nacala-Porto
281
21
Macau
236
22
Leiria
231
23
Quelimane
234
24
Bissau
221
25
Aveiro
219
26
Sintra - Queluz
214
27
Setubal
209
28
Panjim
201
29
Nador
200
30
Castelo Branco
200



[1] In 1942, the Duarte Nuno married Princess Maria Francisca of Orléans-Braganza, daughter of Pedro de Alcântara, Prince of Grão-Pará. Their marriage reconciled two branches of the House of Braganza, in two different ways, reuniting the Portuguese and Brazilian Brigantine houses and specifically reuniting the Miguelist and Liberal Braganzas, which had been estranged since 1828, when the War of Two Brothers was waged between King-Emperor Pedro IV & I, founder of the Liberal Braganzas, and King Miguel I, founder of the Miguelist Braganzas.
[2] National Union Party controlled half of provincial and local chambers with the appointment of half the councilors while it was able to form alliances with Monarchists and other regional parties in half of the remaining provincial and local chambers.
[3] The Communists Party and the Christian Democrats continued to be barred as well as twelve small regional parties representing small ethnic groups were also barred from participating due to their inability to meet party registration regulations.
[4] 129 women were elected.
[5] National Union Party continued to control all provincial and local chambers with the appointment of half the councilors.
[6] The National Union, Monarchist and Agrarian formed a loose Alliance but continued to run independent candidates unlike the Lusitania National Party, Portuguese Progressive Party and Social Democrat who ran a single list in all regions. In 1967 the Monarchist Party started suffering an identity crisis as its main objective (the restoration of the Monarchy) had been achieved. In a party vote at its annual convention 69% voted in favor of joining the National Union, On 22 November 1967 it merged with the National Union although some members joined Lusitania National Party, Portuguese Progressive Party and Social Democrat Party.
[7] 155 women were elected.
[8] Associated Members of the Commonwealth only participated in economic and trade sessions. They enjoyed reduced trade restrictions and lower to no tariffs on trade with Commonwealth full members. In addition, Commonwealth Associated members were encouraged to sign similar agreements between themselves. The free movement of people, and military cooperation was not included as part of Associate members agreements.
[9] King Duarte II was born in 1907 in Austria. He was great grandson of Miguel I of Portugal. In 1920 he was recognized as Duke of Braganza and heir to the defunct Portuguese throne. In 1922 the Pact of Paris reconciled both branches of the Portuguese royal families. In 1942 he married Princess Maria Francisca of Orleans-Braganza great-granddaughter of Pedro II.
[10] Joao Hugo Eduardo de Sequeira was born in 1915 in Burma then part of British India to Portuguese Indian parents, in 1922 he and his parents returned to Goa. He attended University of Lisbon where he graduated with a degree in Medicine in 1940. In 1945 he received a degree in Law from the University of Coimbra. In 1950 he started working for the Ministry of Health but in 1955 he transferred to the Ministry of Defense where he managed a variety of different portfolios. In 1963 he became the Deputy Defense Minister. As the Defense Minister’s health deuterated at the same time as the African Wars it was Dr Sequeira who managed the majority of the important events during the war. In 1968 with João Simões’ retirement Dr Sequeira became the country’s Minister of Defense.
[11] Aristides Maria Pereira was born in 1923 in the province of Cape Verde. In 1945 he graduated from the University of Lisbon with a degree of Engineering and worked for several major corporations. In 1958 he started working for Portuguese agriculture giant Sumolis as Vice President. In 1964 he was recruited by Portuguese government as Minister of Agriculture.
[12] Eduardo de Arantes e Oliveira was born in 1907, he entered Military College at age of 18 and he went on to receive a degree as Military Engineer. graduated from University of Lisbon with degree in Engineering and received a degree in Civil Engineering in 1942. He then headed Lisbon’s Public Works department till 1950. He then headed the Public Works department of province of Luanda. In 1960 he was appointed as Deputy Minister of the Department of Transportation and Communication. In 1966 he was appointed as Minister of Transportation and Communication.
[13] João Carlos Roma Machado Cardoso Salgado was born in 1916 and graduated from University of Coimbra with degree in economics in 1941. He worked for Bank of Portugal for next 10 years when he moved to University of Lisbon as dean of department of Economics and working part time for the Department Economy & Industry. In 1958 he became Deputy Minister and appointed as Minister in 1962 after Minister Silva retired.
[14] Guilherme Kuerten was born in Dresden Germany in 1935. In 1946 he immigrated to Portugal with his family. A naturalized Portuguese citizen he graduated from University of Luanda in 1957 with a degree in Law. He then received a Doctorate in Law from University of Coimbra in 1961. He taught Law at the University of Lisbon till 1965 when the Minister of Justice recruited him as Deputy Minister. In 1967 he was the first naturalized Portuguese to be appointed to Cabinet.
[15] Dr Pundolica D Gaitonde was born in 1913 in Goa. In 1930 he received a scholarship to study medicine at the University of Lisbon. He graduated with a degree in medicine in 1936 and he went to work at the Maria Pia Hospital in Luanda. In 1940 he became the chief surgeon at the Hospital and in 1946 he became the hospital administrator. In 1952 he was appointed Minister of health for the province of Luanda. In 1956 he was appointed as national Deputy Minister of Health. In 1960 he was appointed as Minister of Health with the retirement of Dr Mello.
[16] António Gabriel de Quadros Ferro was born in 1923. He graduated from University of Lisbon with a degree in Historical Philosophy in 1948. He worked as professor and published several books and became extensively imbedded with Portuguese culture and was an arts critic and a philosopher. In 1962 with the Portuguese government wishing to modernize the country’s culture and provide a modern image nominated Ferro as Minister of Culture and Sports in 1962.
[17] The only remaining Portuguese possession not shown is Ajuda (fort in Benin) which had less than 25 inhabitants.
[18] Other includes Mulato or Mixed Race the largest growing demographics in the Portuguese Federation and Berber which was considered a separate group.


So few house keeping items first,
Post 481 was moved from Politics to world section to better reflect its implication to the whole country and world importance.


This post is the entire Political section which I thought be nice to post in its entirety. As for each section a few comments, ITOL Salazar also played with the idea of re-establishing the monarchy but unsure he could trust Duarte he decided to forego and instead change constitution to have the congress elect the president. Here the monarchist become of the United party allies and the ceremonial position of President was not wanted by any of the Triunvante so it became surplus and the elevation of the King seemed to solve several major concerns. The elections are becoming of concern to the party as people start voting for opposition parties and the United Party by end of the decade is going to be faced with new challenges and how it will react in the next decade will determine direction of the country. Remember the election process is rigged in the United favor but still they are being forced to share power in many local and provincial councils. Cabinet - this is a very telling as minorities have started making inroads in the top cabinet posts. Two Indians, an African and woman in major political positions in government. This of course would not even compare to the diversity in the junior ministries or assistant ministries. Telling at the level in which the government went to try incorporate the non Europeans into the country and just as important the party. Census is from 1960 and by 1970 will have changed greatly but several major trends are being shown already. Lastly is the level of urbanization the figure only includes the actual population within city limits and not the metropolitan populations that in almost every case surpassed the central city listed. Questions/ Comments?

Return in 2 weeks on May 2 when we post Portuguese Armed Forces section.
 
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Lusitania

Donor
The Lusitanian Commonwealth is getting stacked.
The Lusitania Commonwealth turned out to be one of the Federation's greatest accomplishments and it almost did not come to be. British historian Arnold Joseph Toynbee book on the Portuguese Lusitania Commonwealth title “Lusitania Commonwealth: How the Portuguese Federation stumbled onto its greatest achievement” published in 1971 goes on to provide several interesting tidbits. I was able to get a copy of the book and here are a few quotes.

“In 1960 the Portuguese having just survived the first decade as a Federation but still with a huge task ahead of it and while still facing several major challenges were at a loss about what to do with the rag tag of dependencies they had accumulated over the last decade. The two East Asian countries of Lombok and Bali along with Galicia in the Iberian Peninsula was joined by Guinea Boke another breakaway region the Portuguese had somehow bungled into existence. These four countries were poor, utterly dependent on Portuguese handouts and protection.

The Portuguese triumvirate was split on what to do with these “colonies”. The options discussed was to annex them, cast them adrift or to continue supporting them. With Simões advocating their annexation with Rapazote was in favor of casting them out with a bit of declining support while president Semedo was looking at the larger picture. He argued that the ability of the Portuguese to annex any country was over and US and west Europe attitudes had changed much during the last decade when the Portuguese had absorbed several territories successfully. He also argued about about “abandoning these countries least they become springboards for attacks of the federation."

Toynbee went on in the chapter one and two in detail to show how Semedo over a period of several months he slowly put together his vision about greater federation political sphere in which these countries would become an extension of the federation. At first there was much resistance to his idea but the fact they were relatively small and connected to the federation won out in the end. Even so the announcement of the founding Lusitania Commonwealth was derided by many government officials in private.

In chapter 3 Toynbee goes to to state “the turning point in the importance of the Commonwealth was the inclusion of Katanga in 1965. For that country vast mineral deposits provided the Portuguese with immense wealth and power. The people of Katanga having just fought a bloody war of independence from Zaire were not about to be dominated by any other country even one they owed their independence to. President Moïse Kapend Tshombe was not interested in bribes or personal gains but in partners in the development of his newly independent country. The US, British and French courting him and during his visit to Europe after the signing of the peace treaty they promised him much aid. So when he stopped in Lisbon on his way back home the Portuguese asked him what he wanted and needed. President Tshombe being a shrewd business man asked for everything: military support, economic development, access to advisors and also subsidies while allowing Katanga to maintain control of its resources. To his surprises the Portuguese said yes they be willing to help Katanga standard of living reach the Portuguese and encourage Portuguese companies to invest in Katanga. Thus Katanga joined the Commonwealth and the Portuguese-Katanga came to dominate a large % of the copper mining. One of the first announcements was the building of huge copper processing plant in Katanga providing jobs to Katanganese and increasing the value of Katangan exports.” Before Tshombe left Lisbon he visited the Christ King monument across the Tejo Estuary and was rumored to say to his ambassador that he was shocked at the Portuguese acceptance and promises and wondered what would of been of his country had the Federation not existed."

In chapter 6 Toynbee talks about entry of Brazil into the commonwealth “when Brazil attempted to negotiate greater access to the federation market which by 1965 had overtaken the Brazilian and was growing at much greater rate the Portuguese balked at the idea of negotiating just with Brazil and instead demanded the Brazilians join the commonwealth to which the Brazilians refused since it would seem they were subordinate to the Portuguese which would of been completely unacceptable to them. Then a compromise was reached in which the Brazilians would join as 'Associate members' thus entering as equals. The compromise had an unexpected economic and political benefit as Argentina also joined thus providing the three countries an huge economic boost. Companies in either of the 3 countries had access to a much larger market and neither of the three countries dominated or towered over the other as was the case with dealing with the US. Investment in all three countries by European and even American companies grew and the whole commonwealth economies grew.” This is another example of what started as diplomatic struggle turned into another economic advantage that would see huge impacts in the next decades.

Lastly I wanted to quote Toynbee observations from chapter 12 “the inclusion of newly ‘liberated’ or ‘self proclaimed independent countries’ in Africa was not the biggest of achievement of the commonwealth in the 1960s since their inclusion was guaranteed by the fact the installation of Portuguese sponsored governments in these countries. But the telling sign of its importance and prestige was the admission of the Malacca Federation as a full member and more importantly the admission of both nationalist China and Kingdom of Baroda as associate members and the growing clout of the commonwealth.”

Ironically the book by Toynbee was not very well received by the Portuguese government and was placed on restricted list while in Britain it was viewed with disdain and seen by many on the left as Portuguese paid project. In end the book while very well written and insightful was a product of its political environment and not wanted by neither country.
 
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How are the British feeling on the Federation so quickly replacing them with Israel while suffering little to no disruptions from the British withdrawal?

Are the Federation's Military Uniforms based on the Nazi's? Despite everything they did uniforms well and the modern Portuguese Armed Forces are largely a German production.
 
1960 - Portuguese Armed Forces

Lusitania

Donor
1960 – 1969


Portuguese Armed Forces

During the 1960s the Portuguese army was re-organized and grew to deal with several major foreign threats and situations foremost amongst them was the emergence of the Pan-African Alliance and the Arab League Alliance. The Portuguese armed forces were also involved in the Malaysian Communist Insurrection in South East Asia. In addition to these major incidents and military operations the Portuguese armed forces continued its NATO obligations and through the Brazil - Portuguese Federation Alliance was involved in supporting Brazilian forces fight against communist insurrections within Brazil.


Armed Forces Organization

In 1962 the Portuguese army witnessed growth with the addition of 3 new infantry divisions, then in 1965 2 new mechanized and 1 armored divisions were created. This was followed by the doubling of the Portuguese reservist divisions to 20 in 1965 and increased to 30 in 1968. The Portuguese army continued to be organized into 4 armies and comprised the following units:
  • Iberian Army: [1]
  • 36 border battalions (size 800 - 1,000) with emphasis on defense (10 in the Iberian Peninsula, 2 in Azores, 2 in Madeira, 16 in Portuguese Morocco, 3 in Ifni, 3 in Portuguese Sahara).
  • 3 infantry divisions (Minho, Ceuta, Melilla).
  • 3 mechanized divisions (Ribatejo, Larache, Bens).
  • 1 armored division (Alentejo).
  • African Army:[2]
  • 31 border battalions (size 800 - 1,000) with emphasis on defense (2 in Cape Verde, 5 in Guinea, 4 in Equatorial Africa, 10 in West Africa and 10 in East Africa).
  • 5 infantry divisions (Congo, Huambo, Lourenco Marques, Beira, Lunda).
  • 3 mechanized divisions (Benguela, Quelimane, Niassa).
  • 2 armored division (Carmona, Limpopo).
  • 3 regiments (Bissau, Gabu, and Muni).
  • Indian Army:
  • 7 border battalions (4 in Goa, 2 in Daman and 1 in Diu)
  • 1 Infantry Division (Panjim)
  • Asia Army:[3]
  • 15 border battalions (4 in Timor, 3 in Flores, 3 in Sumbawa, 3 in Sumba and 2 in Macau),
  • 2 Infantry Division (Timor, Flores)
  • 4 regiments (Riau, Wetar, Flores and Sumbawa)
In 1960s, the reservist divisions became an integral part of the Portuguese armed forces as they provided the Portuguese with the flexibility to deploy troops where required. Their training was also enhanced with integrated additional military exercises started in 1964. That year the number of reservist units was also increased and by 1966 had reached 20 divisions and by 1968 at the height of the Portuguese armed forces expansion had grown to 30 divisions.[4] The biggest factor with the reserve divisions was the ability of the Portuguese to properly equip them with weapons, vehicles and supplies. In 1966 when the extra divisions were activated due to the Pan-African and Arab League threats many divisions were equipped with older equipment from WWII and early 1950s. Panzer IV and M4 tanks, older trucks and other vehicles stored in Portuguese military storage yards were hurriedly recommissioned and used by reservist divisions as they rushed to the border regions in response to the invasion by African and Arab armies. In 1968 with a new wave of reserve and regular divisions expansion announced the Portuguese army developed a plan to upgrade the reserve divisions to similar weapons and vehicles as regular troops by end of the 1970s.

During the 1960s the Portuguese Navy continued its modernization program with new ships being delivered throughout the decade. In 1962 after three years of sea trials and upgrades both the “Diogo Gomes” and “Bartolomeu Dias” Audacious-class carriers were commissioned. Included with the commissioning of the new aircraft carriers were the commissioning of County class destroyers which were delivered from British and Portuguese naval yards from 1960 to 1966. When both the new aircraft carriers were delivered the navy was divided into 2 fleets: Atlantic and Indic Navy. The navy comprised of the following ships:

  • 28 Destroyers (4 Fletcher class, 4 Battle Class, 20 County class).
  • 2 Audacious-class Aircraft carriers (“Diogo Gomes” and “Bartolomeu Dias”).[5]
  • 1 Helicopter carrier “Vasco DaGama” (Implacable class carrier).[6]
  • 14 Light cruisers (2 Minotaur Class, 12 Goa class).
  • 26 frigates (2 Goncalo Velho class, 8 Pedro Nunes class, 16 Gazela Class).
  • 12 submarines (7 Orca III class, 5 Orca IV class).
  • 6 Torpedo Boats.
  • 12 gunships.
  • 8 river gunboats.
  • 30 patrol boats.
  • 7 mine warfare vessels.
  • Naval Support Ships (6 survey vessels, 10 support vessels, 8 troop transport ships and 5 training ships).
The ships were divided into the 2 fleets as follows:
  • Atlantic Navy (1 CV “Diogo Gomes”, 1 HC “Vasco DaGama” 18 Destroyers, 16 Frigates, 7 light cruisers, 6 Submarines, 4 Torpedo Boats, 8 Gunships, 5 river gunboats, 15 patrol boats, 3 mine warfare ships, and support ships).
  • Indic Navy (1 CV “Bartolomeu Dias”, 10 Destroyers, 10 Frigates, 5 light cruisers, 6 Submarines, 4 Torpedo Boats, 4 Gunships, 3 river gunboats, 15 patrol boats, 4 mine warfare ships, and support ships).
During the 1960s the Portuguese air force came into its own, new airbases were built and infrastructure and organization was upgraded. The air force took on the army structure and was organized into 4 air force commands: Iberian, West Africa, East Indic and Asian. Each command was comprised of the following squadrons: [7] [8]
  • Iberian:
  • 16 airbases with 6 on the Iberian Peninsula, 2 in Azores, 1 in Madeira, 4 in Portuguese Morocco, 1 in Ifni, and 2 in Portuguese Sahara.
  • West African:
  • 12 airbases with 2 in Cape Verde, 2 in Guinea, 2 in Equatorial Africa, 6 in West Africa.
  • East Indic:
  • 10 airbases with 7 in East Africa, 2 Goa and 1 in Daman.
  • Asian:
  • 4 airbases with 2 in Timor, 1 Sumbawa and 1 in Macau)


Portuguese Armed Forces changes during 60s

Demographics

The integration of colonial troops and Metropolitan forces since the early 1940s had left the Portuguese armed forces as a functioning fully integrated military forces with non-Europeans continuing making major inroads in all aspects and hierarchy of the Portuguese armed forces. This included Air force and Navy pilots, officers and military hierarchy. During the African conflicts, several divisional generals were non-white and in 1969 the Minister of Defense Erasmo Jesus de Sequeira, born in Panjim Goa exemplified the diverse Portuguese military and government structure. By 1969 the Portuguese armed forces (army, navy and Air force) demographic study identified those of African descent accounting for 37% of all non-commissioned personnel followed by European 19% with Indian 12%, Asian 11% and Mixed 21%. For its officers, Europeans made up the largest segment with 43%, followed by Indians, Mixed and Africans at 19%, 17% and 12% respectively and Asians 9%.

Recruitment

In 1962 the Portuguese Armed forces trades, and profession programs were expanded. The armed forces in partnership with many large Portuguese manufactures and universities / technical colleges started offering trades and professional training starting at age of 18. Military personnel received salary and training in variety of trades and professions for period of 4 years with an obligation of completing 2 years of additional military service for every year of trades and professional training after attaining their profession. At same time, the number of fulltime military positions was also increased to provide the military with additional professional soldiers. In 1964 the salaries for professional soldiers, and officers as well as soldiers participating in the professional and trades program was increased and became comparable to private sector. In addition, those that were married continued to receive government housing and family subsidy.

In 1960s with the integration of Portuguese Reservist divisions into regular armed forces, the permanent staff component of the reservist divisions was expanded. In 1966 reservists began training alongside regular forces and participating in joint military exercises. In 1968 the first two women’s reservist divisions were formed. Women over the age of 21 could join and received 3-month basic training then served 1 month per year. In 1969 the first women units were deployed in support situations, but women units were housed separately from men and due to conservative male attitude and would take long time to be accepted as part of regular forces.


Military Forces Upgrades and Realignment

All three Portuguese military branches (Army, Navy and Air Force) continued operating independently but cooperation and joint operations were enforced. Joint Military exercises were conducted with all three branches participating. The Grand Marshal continued to coordinate the three branches with headquarters in Belem and regional offices in Benguela, Pemba and Panjim.

Armed Forces Technology

The Portuguese – Israeli secret joint nuclear program code named Operation Covenant continued in the 1960s. The Israeli nuclear facility Dimona in the Negev desert came online in 1961 while the Portuguese secret facility in Menongue in the province of Lunda Sul (Portuguese West Africa) came online two months after the Israeli one. By 1964 both the Portuguese and Israelis had developed the technology to make nuclear bombs. While the world was suspicions of Israeli nuclear activities and monitored both the uranium it bought from US and the spent nuclear material from its nuclear facility it was unaware of the Portuguese involvement in the project continued to be a secret including the mining of uranium in the Federation. The delivery of a squadron of CACC 302B.1 in 1966 provided Israel with the aircraft capable to attacking any Arab nation in the Middle East.

In 1963 the Portuguese Army setup Department 1917 to research and develop chemical weapons. Two research facilities deep in Portuguese East and Portuguese West African provinces were established. During the remainder of the decade the Portuguese were able to obtain and conducted research on some of the most lethal biological agents available.


National Arms Industrial Development

During the 1960s foreign military procurement became more difficult. The Portuguese military requirements for advanced military technology met with greater resistance including from its traditional military ally Britain, in response the Portuguese military enhanced its R&D budget in conjunctions with Portuguese private companies. Following the African wars against both the Pan-African Alliance and Arab League Alliance the Portuguese captured some of the most advanced Soviet military hardware. Portuguese armed forces and Portuguese military industrial corporations studied and learned much from the Soviet’s hardware.[9]

During the 60s both FBP and FMBP grew and continued to develop both inhouse weapons and adapt weapons made by other countries to fit Portuguese military and security needs. Both companies continued to be major exporters of pistols, rifles machine guns, mortars as well as ammunition throughout South America and Asia. During the 1960s sales to European countries decreased but orders to Latin America and Asia grew as these regions were rocked by internal strife and communist rebels. The two most popular rifles were the LV-50 and LV-25.

In 1960s the companies’ extensive R&D divisions were operating at full capacity as the country’s diverse military needs and adversaries required numerous different weapons. In 1962 FMBP developed a smaller howitzer for hilly and mountainous terrain, based on the L5 with L10 ordnance. The collaboration Between FMBP and Israel continued in development and upgrade of the Israeli TCM-20 towable aircraft gun, TCM-30 mobile aircraft gun and the LAR-80 Rocket artillery.

During the 1960s FBP and FMBP developed a variety of weapons using either western or Soviet weapons technology. They included the GLF-3 Rocket propelled grenade based on the RPG-2 and RPG-7, the M1950 Machine gun with 7.62×51mm cartridge based on the Browning M1919A4, the CSC-84 recoilless rifle based on the M2CG (Carl Gustaf recoilless Rifle), the VLM-50 machine gun with 7.62×51mm cartridge based on M60, the VLM-60 with 20 mm rounds based on the M61 Vulcan Six-Barrel Gatlin Gun and FMLG-50 automatic Grenade launcher with 40mm based on the MK 19.

During the 1960s the Portuguese Navy and the two-main naval drydocks “Arsenal do Alfeite” dry docks in the Tagus Estuary and the “Viana do Castelo” dry docks north of Porto became involved in development of four major projects: the development of the Orca IV class hunter-killer submarine, Type 82 destroyer (being built in conjunction British Navy), Santarem class frigates and Alexo class light cruisers.[10] In 1966 the British Conservative government of Alec Douglas-Home was defeated by the Labor party led by Harold Wilson who opposed the close British – Portuguese military cooperation and the continued sale of military equipment to the Portuguese Federation. On 2 August 1969, the Labor government announced notice to terminate all joint military developments and ban the sale of military hardware to the Federation. In response to the British actions the Portuguese Military performed their own Naval review. From the 1969 Portuguese Naval review the “Arsenal do Alfeite” drydock became responsible for the building of the D Henriques CV class aircraft carriers (based on CVA-01specs) and Gomes Class destroyers (based on Type 82 destroyer). The “Viana do Castelo” was re-configured to produce the Santarem class frigates, Alexo class light cruisers along with Orca IV class hunter-killer submarines.

The 1960s also saw major changes in Portuguese aviation as the three major aerospace companies: CACC, Bristol-Lusitania, and AVIPOR came into their own and Portuguese aircraft and rockets came to dominate Portuguese military deployment while at same time receiving interest from outside the country.

The CACC jet fighter 200 and jet bombers 300B series received several upgrades increasing the speed, upgrading radar and electronics plus providing capability to carry rockets and missiles. The last version of the 200 series, the 200.6 had the capability of firing 4 AVIPOR SWM-4 missiles. In 1962 CACC 201 jet fighter flew its first successful test flight and certification was received in 1967. While the first planes were only delivered in late 1968 and 1969 too late for use in the African Wars its arrival provided the PAF with increased range and airpower. With a top range of Mach 2 (2,299 km/h) the single pilot plane was armed with 2x30mm guns and capable of carrying rockets, missiles, and bombs. The CACC 300B bomber series also saw two major upgrades including upgraded Mota-Engi engines allowing the bombers to set new Portuguese altitude record of 20,000 meters, increased range, and speed. In 1961 the first 301B bombers were tested and the first 301B.4 bombers were delivered in 1964. While the 301B.4 offered additional range and payload capacity over the 300B bombers only 12 were delivered. In 1965 the new much larger and powerful strategic bomber the 302B was commissioned and started being delivered to PAF. The 302B.1 Bomber had a cruising speed of Mach .90 and ability to carry 1 × free-fall nuclear bomb or 20 × 450 kg conventional bombs.

During the 1960s due to shake up of the British Aerospace Industry and forced mergers Bristol Lusitania became more independent from its British parent company. In 1964 the British parent operations were merged into British Aircraft Corporation by the British government. As part of the forced merger of Bristol Aerospace company into British Aircraft Corporation, Bristol Aerospace sold and transferred its helicopter division to Bristol-Lusitania. In 1966 The remaining divisions of Bristol Aerospace company in Britain was bought out by Rolls-Royce thus Bristol name disappeared in Britain. The remainder of Bristol’s subsidiaries were included in the purchase with the exception of Bristol-Lusitania which continued as independent company with now majority Portuguese ownership.

In 1961 Bristol-Lusitania helicopter division acquired several helicopter patents from its British parent company and received the contract to maintain all the army and navy helicopters. In 1966 Bristol Lusitania started developing their own versions of the Westland helicopters being used by Portuguese army and navy at same time they received several captured Soviet helicopters and utilized technology of the Soviet Mil Mi helicopters into its new models. In 1969 the Portuguese versions started being manufactured as British cancelled its military procurement and development agreements with Portuguese.

In 1968 Bristol-Lusitania receives the TU-126 (damaged) which was studied in detail for modern airborne early warning and control (AEW&C) plane to replace the Avro Shackleton the Portuguese were using. The British had developed the Hawker Siddeley Nimrod but refused to sell them to the Portuguese. In 1969 in conjunction with Israel and Brazil, Bristol-Lusitania began development of the R-50 (AEW&C) plane based on the Bristol-Lusitania 55 jet. While Bristol-Lusitania reviewed the Antonov transport planes, it was determined that Bristol-Lusitania 205 and prototype 215 transport planes were superior to the Soviet models.

In 1969 CACC, Mota-Engi, and Bristol-Lusitania began working on the next generation of Fighter jets and bombers capable of operating on the new aircraft carriers being built and for use by the PAF. At same time, it received majority of the Su-7B, Su-15, MiG-21 and Yak-28 fighter planes, and TU-16 Bombers captured in the African wars.

In 1960 at the height of Portuguese-British military cooperation the Portuguese became involved with the British to develop a supersonic reconnaissance aircraft. The two main British companies involved in the development was Bristol and Avro. The project like a lot of other projects at that time suffered from both changing government priorities and limited resources. This was the reason that Portuguese were allowed to become involved in the project. The British had decided they wanted a Mach 3 plane capable of both reconnaissance and nuclear weapon delivery and the Avro 730 was modified to handle specification only to be cancelled as the Portuguese were brought in. The Portuguese were at the time interested in a reconnaissance aircraft and with their participation and sharing of the cost a revised 730A reconnaissance aircraft project was revived only few months after being cancelled. In 1962 the first prototype was built, and after 2 crashes and many delays the plane finally approved and certified in last year of Alec Douglas-Home government. The Labor government Harold Wilson looked the project and one of its first acts cancelled the project with only 3 planes built and operating in Britain, but the Portuguese who as part of the agreement and subsequent British merger of 1963 had negotiated that Bristol-Lusitania would be the country’s manufacturer continued manufacturing the plane and by the African wars had built three. The Avro 730 specifications were Maximum speed: 1,990 mph (3,200 km/h, 1,730 kn) Maximum speed: Mach 3. Cruise speed: 1,250 mph (2,010 km/h, 1,090 kn) / M2.5, Range: 5,754 mi (9,260 km, 5,000 nmi) and Service ceiling: 66,400 ft (20,200 m).

In 1960s OGMA updated the basic and intermediary training planes being used by both Airforce and Navy for pilot training. OGMA trainer aircraft Basic – O100, Intermediary Airforce - O200, Intermediary Navy – O300 and Advance supersonic jet Crossover, joined the Multi Engine - O400 plane in providing the air force and navy pilot training program with a complete modern array of training jets. These jets were not just manufactured for the Federation but also for South America, Indian Subcontinent and East Asian countries customers. In addition, several airlines purchased training planes from OGMA to meet their growing internal demand for pilots. Meanwhile the OGMA maintenance division continued as the air force and navy plane maintenance company. In addition, it also handled the aircraft maintenance for several South American, African and Asian countries.

AVIPOR original purpose was to manage both the Falcon rocket project and develop air to air missiles, but as the space race between USA and Soviets intensified it was also tasked with developing rocket technology capable of launching satellites. In 1964 as part of the rocket technology interest the Portuguese government also expressed need to develop the country’s own ICBM. To accommodate these needs the Malame development and manufacturing grew and the base and attached town grew immensely during the 60s with the town’s population reaching 20,000 by end of decade. In 1965 Israeli firm Elbit Systems a division of Elron Electronic Industries took a 30% stake in AVIPOR becoming involved in the development of the SWM-4 Air-to-Air missile. Similar to the British “Red Top” missile but with improved guidance and electronics. In 1969 the SWM-4A was launched which had all-aspect capability. In 1968 AVIPOR received majority of the captured soviet SA-5, S-125 and S-200 surface to air missiles for analysis and incorporation into future Portuguese Air-to-Air missiles. In 1964 the Falcon III was developed with a range of 600km, accuracy of 150m and payload of 789kg. In 1966 – 1967 AVIPOR plants worked 24-7 to fulfill both Federation and Israel orders for Falcon I, II and III rockets.[11]

In 1963 AVIPOR began working on larger rockets code named “Navegador” to launch satellites.[12] The Portuguese were able to recruit several British scientists and engineers who had worked on the cancelled British Black Knight program but in 1964 the British government authorized the Black Arrow rocket program and most of the senior Black Knight personnel stayed behind in Britain while only a quarter of those contracted to move to the Federation actually moved. From 1964 to 1968 AVIPOR made good progress in the Navegador Rocket program. In 1966 the Malame region defenses were doubled with anti-aircraft missiles and two air force bases. In 1967 just before the Portuguese - African War two infantry divisions and armored divisions were stationed north of Malame. No test launches were conducted during 1967 due to tensions in region and subsequently war breaking out. In November 1967 following the end of the war test launches were restarted and in November 1968 the first satellite Ofeq 1 (Israeli) was successfully launched. In January 1969, the first Portuguese satellite FPSat1 was launched. In May and November 1969, the launch of 2nd and 3rd Portuguese satellites failed.[13] In 1969 AVIPOR started development on AM-1 ICBM.


1620128567573.png

Diagram showing 3 stages of Navegador Rocket.

BRAVIA developed the “Adargueiro” medium tank in the early 1960s while at same time continuing to manufacture the heavier Rino tanks, and Besoiro halftrack trucks for both the Portuguese army and also for export with Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Hyderabad, Mysore and Baroda amongst BRAVIA major customers. The Rino III was introduced in 1961 and Rino IV the most advanced Portuguese tank and comparable in terms of armor, power and guns to Chieftain British tank was introduced in 1965. During the African wars, the Rino III and Rino IV tanks were the mainstay of the Portuguese army and outperformed the South African Centurion and Soviet T-62 tanks while better crew training and larger numbers of Portuguese tanks provided the Portuguese with an advantage against the T-64 tanks. In 1969 the Israeli army became the first country to order the new Adargueiro III and Rino IV tanks. BRAVIA was one of the major recipients of the Soviet hardware captured in African War. T-62, T-64 tanks, BTR-60 along with other vehicles were turned over to BRAVIA for analysis and eventual incorporation into Portuguese weapons. The Adargueiro tank provided the Portuguese with a more maneuverable and stronger armored vehicle for its mechanized divisions and by middle of the 1960s was outselling the larger and more powerful Rino tanks due to versatility and cheaper price.

UMM continued to be the military’s principal vehicle manufacturer; manufacturing trucks, variety of all-terrain vehicles and the Chimite armored car which together with BRAVIA’s Besoiro halftrack truck were the bestselling Portuguese military vehicle export.



[1] The Ribatejo Mechanized Division was stationed in Germany as part of NATO commitment. The Melilla and Bens divisions were formed in 1965.
[2] The Lunda division was formed in 1962, the Niassa and Limpopo divisions were formed in 1965.
[3] The Flores division was formed in 1962 and was stationed in Malaysian Peninsula for most of 1960s fighting communist rebels.
[4] In 1966 the reservist divisions were located as follows: 3 in Iberian Peninsula, 3 in Morocco, 5 in West Africa, 5 in East Africa, 1 in India, 1 in East Indies plus in 2 in rest of Africa (regiments in Sahara, Cape Verde, Guinea and Equator). In the 1968 reservist divisions were located as follows: 3 in Iberian Peninsula, 4 in Morocco, 9 in West Africa, 8 in East Africa, 1 in India, 2 in East Indies plus 3 in rest of Africa (regiments in Sahara, Cape Verde, Guinea and Equator).
[5] The Portuguese Navy’s principal planes operating from the two aircraft carriers were the Supermarine Scimitar and Dehaviland Sea Vixen and Fairey Gannet AS.1 /4 and AEW.3 for anti-submarine, early warning and control.
[6] In 1964 following the commissioning of the two new aircraft carriers the CV “Vasco DaGama” was upgraded / retrofitted as a Helicopter Carrier, included in the retrofit was new engine, new electronics, upgraded anti-submarine and anti-aircraft defenses, and radar plus re-arrangement of flight deck. The retrofits were completed in 1966 and the carrier launched for sea trials. It was hurriedly commissioned in spring of 1967 at the height of the African conflict. The “Vasco Da Gama” was equipped with 3 different British helicopters: Westland Wessex, Westland Wasp and Westland WS-61 Sea King that were purchased from British as part of the “Vasco DaGama” upgrade.
[7] Portuguese air command squadrons including strike, bombing, anti-submarine, early warning and control and transport squadrons. The Portuguese Air Force (PAF) principal strike aircraft was the CACC 200.3, 200.5, 200.6 & 201.2 fighters. While CACC 300B.2, 300B.4 and 301B.4 bombers made up the PAF bombing squadrons. The Portuguese air force operated Avro Shackleton for Anti-submarine warfare (ASW) and maritime patrol aircraft (MPA). For reconnaissance it operated Avro 730 and lastly the transport squadrons operated Bristol Aerospace Series 205, 205T transport planes.
[8] In 1965 the PAF started receiving the first CACC 302B.1 Long range bombers and two squadrons were formed one in Beja and one in Silva Porto. The significance of the arrival of these larger and more powerful bombers became self-evident with the bombing of Bir Moghrein in Mauritania in 1967.
[9] See 1960 – 1969, World, Africa, Portuguese Nuclear Deterrence and Collapse of Pan African / Arab League fronts.
[10] In 1964 the Portuguese and British navies began planning for the next class of aircraft carriers, and escort destroyers. The Type 82 destroyer was to be a joint project between the two countries. The new CVA-01 aircraft carrier was designed to replace the Audacious and Implacable class carriers and to be mostly built in Britain. Each country would build their own Type 82 destroyers while Britain would build the first 3 carriers while Portuguese would build the 4th carrier. The CVA-01 fleet carrier had a displacement of 54 tons, speed of 30 knots and capability of carrying 50 aircraft. The Type 82 Destroyer had a displacement of 7,100 tons, crew 397, range – 10,600km, speed – 29 knots, 4.5 inches (114 mm) Vickers Mk.8 gun, GWS 30 Sea Dart SAM Launcher (38 rounds + 10 additional warheads), Ikara A/S Launcher (at least 24 rounds), Mark 10 Limbo A/S Mortar.
The Santarem class frigates had displacement of 4.200 tons, crew – 320, range – 8.300km, speed – 30 knots and was armed with 2x2 4.5inch Mark N6, 4x2 40mm / L70 Bofors and 1x Squid A/S mortar. It was capable of carrying 1 × Wessex HAS Mk 3 helicopter.
[11] Both Portuguese Federation and Israel fired over 500 Falcon rockets against their adversaries. During the Israeli 6 Day War the Falcons were fired against Egyptian, Syrian and Jordanian airbases destroying hundreds of aircraft and making the airfields unusable for the duration of the war. During the Portuguese African Wars, the Portuguese fired hundreds Falcon rockets against air, naval and land bases crippling the adversaries command structure and ability to launch air strikes against the Portuguese forces.
[12] In 1962 when President Semedo visited Washington an agreement was signed for NASA to launch of 10 satellites (weather, communication, and scientific research) for the Federation but in 1963 amongst worsening diplomatic relationship the US cancelled the agreement and Portuguese Federation decided to develop its own rocket program.
[13] The Navegador Rocket specifications: Height 14 meters., 3 stages, payload to 250km 155 kg, payload to 500 km 121 kg. The May 1969 launch failure was determined to be due to failure of 2nd stage to pressurize. The November launch failure was due to FPSat3 failure to maintain orbit and fell back to earth 1 hour after launch.


So first to those who read my previous post I ask you to forget it since it dealt with 1970s and not 1960s. I have now posted the 1960s Portuguese Military post.

So few items to mention and that was the Portuguese collaboration with several countries. The most complex and important of course was the British-Portuguese military collaboration which benefitted both countries immensely. British military procurement and development was far greater than iOTL because of continued and growing Portuguese involvement in contributing to the development of equipment and just as important the Portuguese purchase of said technology and equipment. But as will be detailed in the Foreign Relations section the continued collaboration was opposed by many in Britain. With Britain cutting off the Portuguese ties in late 1960s when Labor Party came to power. Something that would affect both countries. The second country that Federation developed a strong military collaboration was Israel. This collaboration would serve both countries by providing them with ability to develop nuclear capabilities but also give Israel a new defense partner who viewed its neighbors with anguish and concern. The Israeli defense industry is bigger and more advanced due to its collaboration with the Federation, a collaboration that will only strengthen with withdrawal of the British. Lastly is the Federation collaboration with Brazil that will also grow as time progresses.

Portuguese military industry is also a major factor in the Federation ability to defend itself. It has grown along way since its small beginnings in the 1930s. The industry received a huge boost during WW2 and while it had a certain German influence over the 1950s and 1960s took on its own unique characteristics with British influences. Note iOTL the 1960s was when Portugal mired in the Colonial wars developed many of its own military industries such as Bravia. Many of the companies mentioned in the post are actual companies that were founded in Portugal during the 1960s. Questions/ Comments?


Return in 2 weeks on May 16 when we start posting Portuguese economic section.
 

Lusitania

Donor
How are the British feeling on the Federation so quickly replacing them with Israel while suffering little to no disruptions from the British withdrawal?
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The British ended the war owing Portugal over 2.5 billion (iotl was 300 million). The British financial situation was very dire and British hoped for easy terms from the Portuguese plus maybe selling some surplus military hardware in return to write down Portuguese debt. The Portuguese counter proposal completely shocked the British. Wiping out of all British debt, buying both surplus and new military hardware for hard currency and both agricultural and minerals and all the British had to do was let British firms sell and invest in Portugal. This seemed too good and the British government and lawyers searched through draft agreement sent by the Portuguese for hidden clauses but could find none. So the British - Portuguese agreement was signed but due to the sensitivity was kept as state secret. The agreement was set to expire in 1969. At which time the full debt and accrued interest was cancelled.

For the first decade there were little to no conflict or issues between the two countries. The troubles started in the mid 1950s when Portuguese Federation seemed to beneficiary of territory and influence in both South East Asia and Indian subcontinent. From then on opposition grew especially amongst British intellectuals and labor party.

The greater discord and opposition to the cosy British - Portuguese military cooperation and collaboration grew in the 1960s. Even the conservatives grew all armed at Portuguese growth and influence (whereas they had been happy to help a weaker state the alarms in many corners grew as Portuguese become more assertive and pursuing a more independent path one which at times contradicted British interests. The formation of the Pan African Alliance was viewed by many in London as a direct result of Portuguese strength. This was followed by the expulsion of majority of non Africans from Pan African countries. To which it seemed the Portuguese gained from such actions. The final nail in the coffin of British - Portuguese relations was of course the SA debacle and Portuguese African Wars. Leaving Federation undisputed power in Africa, in control of half a dozen British commonwealth countries and occupying huge swaths of territory. Diplomatic efforts to “return” Federation to its proper borders failed as Portuguese determined to not let these countries and territories become bases to attack the federation sought their own diplomatic solution. From 1967-1969 the British and Portuguese relations were tense with British and commonwealth kicking out Zambia, Malawi and Rhodesia from the commonwealth while at same time Uganda, Tanzania and Douth Africa withdrew on their own. Therefore the Labor government severed as fast as possible the British- Federation agreement. Only the fact that the 2.5 billion debt has grown to 20 billion with interest prevented the government from terminating military and economic relations sooner. Plus the fact it had been a labor government that had negotiated the agreement after the war. Therefore the government had no choice but to let it run out at end of 1969.

As for the Israeli situation. We will cover that in another post soon.
 
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Lusitania

Donor
How are the British feeling on the Federation so quickly replacing them with Israel while suffering little to no disruptions from the British withdrawal?.
The Israeli - Federation relationship went back to the end of WW2 with the Jewish people grateful for the Federation effort in rescuing tens of thousands of Jews from the Nazis. The Portuguese sent equipment and supported sending Portuguese-Jewish war veterans during the Israel war of independence.

From 1948 to 1957 Israel tried to mend fences with its neighbors but the Arabs refused any attempts at peace. Due to Portuguese - Muslim animosity and attempts by Israel to establish better relations with its neighbors the Israeli - Portuguese military cooperation was kept low key, but my mid 1950s the Israeli government had come to realization there be no peace with its neighbors and only military might keep them at bay this was followed by the 1956 Suez Crises which cemented Arab- Israeli animosity and Israel sought to increase its military abilities. At time due to ongoing French -Arab tensions France was Israel’s primary military supplier and who was providing Israel with nuclear assistance including detonator.

The Suez Crises made Israel realize that it needed to diversify and strengthen its friends and countries it could count on. The Federation already a staunch ally was one of the first country it strengthen its collaboration. The Portuguese eager for all the assistance it could obtain including nuclear welcomed the Israeli move. Thus the Portuguese - Israeli nuclear, rocket and military collaboration grew. Portuguese sold to Israel tanks, planes and other hardware at cost while Israeli technology improved Portuguese hardware so that by the Portuguese African Wars and Israeli 6 day war both countries were much stronger and better armed. Portuguese rockets fired from Israel wrecked havoc with Arab forces damaging military bases, ports and airfields allowing the Israeli complete air superiority in first day. Thus proving to Israel that it collaboration with federation was crucial for its survival. Israeli military and electronic companies grew in size shd their products now being used not only in Israel but also in federation. So just as Britain tightened its sale of military goods and finally stopped the Israeli stepped in and became one of the federation major arms supplier. They and another emerging technology country Nationalist China would play crucial role in the Federation ability to stay competitive in the global arms race.
 

Lusitania

Donor
Are the Federation's Military Uniforms based on the Nazi's? Despite everything they did uniforms well and the modern Portuguese Armed Forces are largely a German production.
The Federation Military had an intense German collaboration between 1932-1938 when all German military advisors left. The Portuguese military structure was reformed and modernized based on German military doctrines. Following the war some of the German military advisors returned to Portugal and joined the military. So while Federation military structure has its roots in German military that is as far as the influence goes.

The uniforms for example are a continuation of the Portuguese uniforms with British / American influence.

As for Portuguese military vehicles and equipment the German influence from the war years and late 1940s was replaced by Portuguese/British design and appearances. The Portuguese were keen to replace any outward sign of Portuguese - Nazi collaboration as fast as possible and copying British designs even if guts of the equipment was German origins.
 
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