A Light in the East: A Korean TL

So Korea now includes southern Manchuria culturally?

Yes, and the region will be called the Korean Plain ITTL, as I had stated earlier (11th footnote).

I see Silla continues to use its old name.

Again, this was something that I had covered a while ago (13th footnote, in the same post as above).

For the curious, I've also repeatedly mentioned why I've decided to use "Goryeo" instead of "Goguryeo" in the footnotes of the posts covering events post-427.

(This is an extremely long TL as it is.)


Good guess, but an alternate Yeon Gaesomun or a Taizong (of Tang) won't exist until at least the late 7th-early 8th century (and even that seems highly doubtful), due to entirely different circumstances. For comparison, I'll probably wrap up details for the late 6th-early 7th century hopefully by the end of this year, so I haven't planned that far just yet.

Have a happy new year also.
Sincerely,
Zeppelinair

Happy New Year to you too!

Thanks. :)

I'll try my best to increase my number of updates for this year (hopefully 12-24 "longish" ones), as work on them had been significantly stalled from 2013-4 for various reasons.
 
This is late, but I'd like to thank everyone who voted for me during the 2014 Turtledoves despite the fact that I only managed to post two (longish) updates last year.

I was unable to post an update within the last two months because I was unusually busy. However, I've been patiently working on one within the last several weeks, and it will hopefully be posted by the end of this week. Assuming that there are no major delays in the future, I should hopefully be back on track with 1-2 updates per month or so.
 
枉尺直尋/왕척직심 [1]

연수/延壽 48-60 (458-470)

After the defeated states officially accepted Goryeo's ruler as their own, everyone except for the main members of the royal families were allowed to return to their homes. Over the following months, countless individuals who had been displaced due to the chaos of war gradually reentered their towns and villages, while various officials who chose to remain in Yodong and Pyongyang were bestowed princely or aristocratic titles according to Goryeo's class system, resulting in its expansion [2]. In a sharp break with tradition, all of the generals, including those of non-Goryeo origin, who had been convicted of major crimes were exonerated by the emperor through a general pardon [3]. As major cities began to gradually rebuild after the widespread devastation, various goods began to flood into the markets due to widespread domestic and foreign trade, in which both overland and maritime trading routes were significantly expanded, greatly facilitating the empire's recovery. In particular, southern merchants, who had been blocked from major northern routes by Goryeo for decades due to geopolitical concerns, were now granted access to areas within core Goryeo territory, leading Yodong to became a major trading hub [4].

Several months after the peninsula had been unified, over 20,000 troops were sent northward into Buyeo in order to compel the last ruler to surrender. Their efforts were met with minimal resistance, as the Buyeo court was unwilling to militarily confront a determined Goryeo. Buyeo's eventual demise led to the transfer of the royal seal, along with a myriad of other valued goods, while most of the aristocrats were brought to Yodong and incorporated into the expanding Goryeo court. After numerous invasions had fragmented and weakened the state over time, the centuries-long state that had once cemented its dominance across Southern Manchuria, in addition to greatly influencing Goryeo and Baekje's cultures, ultimately came to an end [5]. In the same year, Goryeo also sent 50,000 troops to the Japanese archipelago in order to reassert its influence, and although Tsukushi (Kyūshū), Iyo (Shikoku), and Yamato (southern Honshū) [6] were overrun within two years, it took three more years to force the remaining Japanese statelets to pay tribute, although low-scale conflicts sporadically continued to occur thereafter. Ambassadors were also dispatched to Tamra (탐라/耽羅; modern-day Jeju) and Jindo (진도/津島; Tsushima (対馬) in Japanese) from 460-2 in order to establish stable relations with both islands, after which they sent various tribute gifts in order to convey their gratitude [7].

Despite several natural calamities that had devastated the peninsula, the fall harvests from 458-60 were unusually productive, allowing the war-weary populace to gradually recover. Not wishing to put undue pressure on the people, the emperor decided to hold a private banquet in Yodong during the 50th year of his reign, which was fully funded by existing funds from the state's treasury. Several hundred of the highest-ranked aristocrats were invited in order to celebrate the Dongmaeng holiday (동맹/東盟) in the tenth month, which had been held for centuries to celebrate Chumo's foundation of Goryeo, as well as the fall harvest [8]. The crown prince, Go Joda (고조다/高助多) was specifically honored for his undying courage during war, while representatives from the defeated entities were also welcomed with open arms. However, the Baekje prince Buyeo Gyeongsa (부여경사/扶餘慶司) and his Seorabeol counterpart, Kim Jabi (김자비/金慈悲), filled in for their deceased fathers, as they had passed away in 459 and 458, respectively [9]. As a result, everyone in attendance tacitly acknowledged that with the deaths of the two rulers and the official banquet, the centuries-long civil war had symbolically come to an end [10].

* * *​

All those invited to the banquet arrived early, as many were eager to tell stories and converse with one another. As various events were lively held in the background, food and wine continued to be passed around, while the air was filled with conversations. However, as one glanced around at the various people in attendance, the main table stood out, as the individuals seated around it remained relatively quiet. A few began to whisper to each other in vain attempts to break the silence, but the atmosphere remained subdued. The emperor seemed to be lost in thought, although he occasionally carried out terse conversations with others around him. After a while, he slowly rose up, and cleared his throat.

“I would like to extend my gratitude to all for attending. As I had made clear before when inviting all of you to this banquet, we are here today in order to celebrate our hard-earned unity, in addition to honoring everyone who had made this all happen. However, we must also remember the countless sacrifices that have been made in the process.”

“As all of you will be aware of, we have been at war since time immemorial. Not only have we tirelessly repulsed countless invaders, but we have also endlessly fought extensive conflicts with ourselves for centuries. As a result, our people have suffered tremendously throughout, hindering our efforts to live uninterrupted due to threats of conflicts. While it was originally my father's will to end the constant strife that had plagued our land, it is I who ultimately managed to carry out his fervent wish for us to stand together as one.”

“It is important for us to remember our past, and we must now build our future together so that our painful memories can never be repeated.”

“My best wishes to all for good health.”

After low murmurs of consent, he sat down, and everyone began to talk again in earnest. Meanwhile, at the main table, the ruler directly addressed those around him.

“I would like to offer my deepest condolences to the deceased.”

The two princes affected bowed their heads.

“Your fathers were great men, and I greatly respected them during their time for their steadfastness, as they endured countless hardships of their own. While it has been a great pity that us five rulers were unable to work together for the greater good, I am glad that we can now finally put aside all of our differences and look towards a brighter future.”

“I have always revered Buyeo's influence, as it, along with that of Gojoseon, has always remained as the basis for our cultural identity. Similarly, I have admired Baekje's willingness to fight bravely in the face of unsurmountable odds, fiercely contesting disputed territories for almost a century. In particular, after 371, multiple waves threatened our southern capital, Pyongyang, although my ancestors and I turned the tide with great effort after counterattacking Baekje's capital twice. Baekje and Gaya also expanded their trading routes into China and Japan, enabling them to flourish, while Seorabeol continued to hold its ground despite repeated attacks from Baekje, Gaya, and the Wae (Wa).”

Buyeo Gyeongsa responded, “Our ancestors must have been short-sighted to fight as bitter enemies, as joining the greater cause instead would have been in the interest of all.”

The monarch slowly shook his head. “Not at all, as our efforts define us as a people. While my ancestors had traditionally regarded hostile attacks from tributaries as major nuisances, countless struggles gradually hardened our armies over time, which will now enable us to collectively direct our efforts outward against foreign acts of aggression.”

Kim Jabi of Seorabeol countered, “Yes, but each of our regional loyalties had grealty emboldened us to risk our lives and fight to the end. However, now that we have been unified, we are obliged to live for Goryeo, fight for Goryeo, and die for Goryeo. How will you force everyone to do your bidding if our differences will continue to set us apart?”

“It has and will never be in my interest to suppress established traditions and cultural works if they each have their own benefits, although my hope is that they will gradually be molded into one cohesive culture over time. My aim is not to blindly force everyone to carry out my demands, rational or not, but rather to work together and learn from each other. After all, the five of us came about because we were able to subjugate and incorporate various competing entities (statelets) over the centuries, although repercussions had been relatively minimal because each state's citizens ultimately accepted their roles as part of the greater whole. I do not think that our current situation is any different.”

Go Joda took over from his father. “I would like to state that none of this would have been possible without my father's oversight. While it was my decision to fight on the field of war, I was determined because I was inspired by my father's lofty dream to break the endless cycle of retributions, and was willing to risk my life to accomplish the impossible.”

Everyone quietly nodded.

The ruler carried on.

“In other words, while I remember the bitter disputes as if they had only occurred yesterday, I am willing to let the past go and come together for the greater good. As I have made clear before, despite all of our differences, we are all ultimately part of one family. Let us create a world together so that we will never again have to fight as enemies.”

“We will uphold your command.”

* * *​

After the country had settled down, the emperor requested all of the historical records from what had been Buyeo, Baekje, Gaya, and Seorabeol in order to compile a comprehensive history of the Korean people, which encompassed the Buyeo, Ye, Maek, Okjeo, Malgal, and Han (한/韓) tribes, in addition to frequent interactions with several foreign minorities, such as the Han (漢; Chinese), Xianbei, and Khitan, that had gradually immigrated to the region over time [11]. The project involved numerous historians from various regions traveling across the country to extensively reconcile and reinterpret countless written and oral records in order to promote Goryeo's version of events above all others, while myths and legends were separated from the rest and recategorized under a different group of texts. Additionally, in order to conform to Goryeo propaganda, various elements of Buyeo's history were directly implemented into that of Goryeo, while Baekje, Gaya, and Seorabeol were treated as breakaway entities that had continued to remain in revolt for centuries [12]. The entire endeavor was completed in 465 after five years of extensive compilations, ultimately resulting in an output of ten large volumes [13].

Meanwhile, the vast majority of the remaining state expenditures were contributed towards major infrastructure projects in order to invigorate society, as well as reorganizing and training the expanded military in preparation for future conflicts. In order to train the army more efficiently, martial arts that had been practiced for centuries beforehand were codified under Goryeo's version of Subak (수박/手搏), which utilized military training methods without the use of weapons, although they were used creatively in different contexts by implementing weapons such as swords, spears, and bows as well. In addition, the mastery of the bow on horseback continued to be emphasized among the core troops, stemming from Goryeo's origination as a nomadic entity located within rugged terrain. On the other hand, various regional wrestling forms, collectively referred to as Ssireum (씨름), continued to be practiced within villages among the common folk as a form of entertainment [14]. The main palaces at Yodong, North Pyongyang, and Guknae were also gradually expanded to reflect the country's higher standing, while the one in South Pyongyang (formerly Wirye) was repaired and buttressed. These collective developments meant that it was around this time that the monarch began to be figuratively referred to as Cheonja (천자/天子), or the Son of Heaven, in written records [15].

Additionally, cultural, religious, and philosophical ideas began to be widely exchanged among regions. Numerous temples sprouted up across the country, as Buddhism was widely promoted as the state religion, although Confucianism, as well as the various strands of Muism, also flourished, the latter of which encompassed various shamanistic beliefs with differing practices within each region [16]. Educational policies also flourished, as while Goryeo's Taehak was widely promoted among the literati, differing regional versions were also gradually incorporated, while similar trends began to occur for the production of diverse cultural goods, such as statues and jewelry. Various forms of poetry, which had mostly been transmitted for generations as oral songs in the native Korean language for centuries, also began to be systematically compiled in texts using Chinese characters [17]. Various yearly festivals with origins in shamanism had utilized several Korean instruments, such as the Geomeungo (거문고), a four-stringed zither, which complemented various court songs and dances, while others, such as the Kkwaenggwari (꽹과리), a hand gong, was used in folk music and performances. However, Goryeo and Baekje's extensive trading relations with the Wei and Song, respectively, additionally led to significant imports of Chinese instruments by the 5th century. As a result, the unification led Goryeo, Baekje, and Chinese forms to be gradually transmitted to Gaya and Seorabeol, and vice versa, while all of the Korean forms were eventually introduced to Japan [18].

The sudden unification also meant that the Goryeo court needed to conduct a nationwide census in order to not only incorporate the fringes of the empire, but also to systematically tax each region and city/village, as well as ensuring that regional governments would thoroughly represent the inhabitants. While more specific figures are no longer extant, it can be deduced from extant data that soon after the end of the war in 458, around 5 million inhabited Goryeo's core territory stretching from the Korean Plain to Wirye, while 4 million resided within the peninsula south of Pyongyang, 6 million west of the Liao (Yo) River, and 3 million across the Japanese archipelago, resulting in a total population of 18 million simultaneously ringing the Yellow and East Seas. In comparison, the Wei's population was around 20-25 million, while the Song's inhabitants numbered around 15 million [19]. Meanwhile, the system of regions that had been administered under Baekje, Gaya, and Seorabeol generally remained in place, although some population transfers, migrations, and adjustments of borders, including within the possessions west of the Liao River, were implemented to more effectively control the populace, while various place names were also gradually changed [20]. In addition, Liaoxi (Yoseo), which had around 500,000 inhabitants, began to be directly incorporated into Goryeo after 465, as opposed to ruling it separately as part of the former Chinese provinces [21]. These developments collectively ushered in China's Later Three Kingdoms Period in 460, although some historians would place the beginning date at 418, as Go(gu)ryeo had seized Youzhou (幽州; modern-day Hebei) and Qingzhou (青州; modern-day Shandong) earlier from the Yan in 407 and 410, after which the Wei had nominally unified North China in 418 due to the Jin conquest of the (Later) Qin, while the Song had replaced the Jin in 420.

Traditionally, the Goryeo military had relied heavily on armies raised by aristocrats, although they began to be gradually consolidated under the central government beginning in the late 4th century in order to fund large campaigns. As a result, by the mid-5th century, a majority of over 100,000 mobilized soldiers were directly recruited and trained under various generals who swore allegiance to the monarch. On the other hand, almost 60,000 that had been previously recruited from Baekje, Gaya, Seorabeol, and Buyeo (25,000 recruited by Baekje late in the war were allowed to return to their villages) were assigned to their respective royal families, which in turn pledged allegiance to the emperor. By 470, 125,000 trained troops had been raised from core Goryeo territories, while an additional 60,000 hailed from south of Pyongyang, 30,000 from the two Chinese provinces, 25,000 from the steppe, and 10,000 from what had been Buyeo, boosting the total to 250,000. Of this number, approximately 75,000 (including 25,000 from the steppe) continued to be directly headed by influential aristocrats in order to minimize political friction in the short term. As the state lacked expenditures to continuously train such a large army, mostly composed of farmers, throughout the year, it decided to adopt the Wei's rotation system by 465. Specifically, only 50,000 farmers were called upon each season, while 50,000 elite troops (30,000 from core territories) were mobilized throughout the year, which resulted in no more than 100,000 active soldiers at any point in time [22].

Relations between the Wei and Goryeo continued to remain tense, although diplomatic relations were tentatively restored to stabilize tensions, while Goryeo resumed sending substantial amounts of tribute in order to avoid alienating its hegemonic neighbor. Envoys were also sent to the Rouran, Xia, and Song in order to restrain the Wei's influence, all of whom were warmly welcomed in light of the geopolitical conditions, despite protests from the Wei. Initially, Tuoba Han (拓拔翰), the third son of Taiwu, managed to seize power in 456 as Emperor Chengping (承平) with the backing of Zong Ai, the regent, after which the army narrowly suppressed Gai Wu's revolt in the following year, and briefly regained the initiative against the Song. However, he retained the throne for less than two calendar years before a rift developed between him and the regent, resulting in the ruler's assassination. While Zong Ai temporarily took on state affairs for less than a month, a fierce struggle occurred between him and an opposing faction, after which the regent was eventually executed on charges of high treason [23]. The victorious faction then installed Tuoba Jun (拓拔濬), the oldest grandson of Taiwu through the former crown prince, Tuoba Huang (拓拔晃), as Emperor Tai'an (太安) in 458 [24], although infighting continued to occur afterward, while the Song court was embroiled in political conflicts as well. As a result of internal turmoil within each, the Wei and Song agreed to a ceasefire in 461 after the former swiftly recaptured its lost fortresses, and a stalemate ensued from 458-60.

The tentative peace conducted between the two meant that both cultures continued to flourish during peacetime, as they had done for decades beforehand, in which the Wei placed a significant emphasis on religion and philosophy, while the Song's aristocrats turned to poetry and song, including the use of the fu (賦) genre in order to express their complex emotions during times of turmoil. Additionally, while Buddhism was curtailed to a degree by the Wei court as a result of the devastating nomadic uprising, which had partly been motivated by severe religious tensions, most temples continued to remain open, while persecution of monks generally remained minimal, and similar disturbances in Song territory only resulted in minor crackdowns as well [25]. However, court struggles continued to greatly intensify for both entities, as numerous officials were either imprisoned or executed as a direct result of factional conflicts. In addition, the Wei emperor overexerted himself by conducting punitive campaigns against nomadic neighbors across far-flung frontiers, most of which ended inconclusively, while the Song emperor was privately criticized for his sexual immorality, which, along with his extreme paranoia of his officials and royal family members, began to take a severe toll on his health [26]. These series of events eventually resulted in the premature deaths of the Wei ruler in 467, and the Song counterpart in 468, resulting in Tuoba Changle (拓拔長樂) and Liu Zixun (劉子勛) taking the thrones as Emperor Huangxing (皇興) and Yijia (義嘉), respectively [27].

In 468, Wei envoys sent a message to Goryeo requesting the ruler's daughter for marriage, as the emperor sought more concubines for his harem, and the western entity sought to restore closer relations with its prior wartime enemy, despite its earlier catastrophic experience with the Song. After thoughtful consideration, the ruler of Goryeo eventually agreed to the plan, although because his daughter had already been married, he decided to send a missive stating that he would select another princess to comply with the Heqin (和親) request. Before negotiations were finalized, however, an official close to the Goryeo emperor advised him not to carry on with his promise, as similar marriage alliances in the past had usually allowed the dominant state to conquer the other one after covertly gaining access to its secrets. Realizing that a hasty decision could potentially result in severe consequences, the ruler decided to send another notice informing the Wei ruler that the alternative princess had unfortunately died during the selection process. This sudden turn of events did not sit well with the emperor in North China, as he suspected that this was not the truth, and angrily sent a special envoy to chastise the neighboring ruler, as well as demanding another princess suitable for marriage. Goryeo responded by officially apologizing for the faux pas, and stated that it would take time for the court to carefully select another suitable candidate. While the Wei remained unsatisfied, further exchanges between the two continued to drag on for years with inconclusive results [28].

With minor exceptions, such as a major flood in what had been Seorabeol in the fourth month of 469, Goryeo continued to flourish from 460-70 [29]. During this time, the emperor also visited various regions across the Korean Plain (Southern Manchuria), the peninsula, and the Chinese holdings in order to connect and sympathize with the commoners. Due to his extensive travels, it was recorded that the populace's sprits were greatly lifted under the emperor's benevolence, eventually leading to widespread rejoicing across the empire. As a result, in preparation for the Dongmaeng holiday of the emperor's 60th year (470), a royal decree was issued a month beforehand in order to celebrate the years of unprecedented prosperity, and festivities were scheduled to be conducted across the nation for several weeks [30]. Additionally, Yodong was set to host an open banquet on the final day, giving time for numerous officials and commoners from disparate regions to arrive by sea, while entertainers from disparate regions were also invited to perform. Countless individuals continued to revel for days on end, while food and wine continuously flowed like water, and pardons were temporarily granted to petty criminals in order to allow them to attend the grandiose events. It was recorded that an estimated 100,000 individuals attended the final day of celebrations in the palace.

---

[1] “Fold-Chinese foot (unit)-straight-search.” Fold the short and straighten the long, or sacrifice something small to achieve something greater. The origin is unknown.

[2] According to extant Chinese and Korean records, Goguryeo's court was represented by five main aristocratic factions (부/部; bu), each of which governed the five major political regions. Of these, the Sono (소노부/涓奴部) and Gyeru (계루부/桂婁部) factions were headed by the Hae and Go clans, representing the western and central (inner) regions, respectively, as well as producing all of the state's rulers (Hae pre- and Go post-AD 53, although the founder, Jumong, is assumed to have been adopted by the Go clan). Additionally, the Jyeolno (절노부/絶奴部) faction, which represented the northern region, generally produced the queen consorts. Also, by the 4th-5th century, Goguryeo, Baekje, and Silla had 14, 16, and 17 aristocratic titles, respectively, although each title and number gradually shifted for centuries, while little information on Gaya titles remain extant.

[3] With the exception of petty crimes (robbery, debt, etc.), virtually every crime committed in Goguryeo was punishable by death, which meant that there were extremely few prisons and prisoners. These conditions also extended to generals that had lost a battle, defected to the enemy and were recaptured, or were found guilty of committing high treason. However, it would essentially have been impossible for the applicable sentences to be carried out in the aftermath of the war ITTL because most Goryeo generals would have suffered major defeats on two major fronts, while virtually all of the Baekje, Gaya, and Seorabeol generals would have been sentenced to death for leading an uprising.

[4] This was one of the reasons why the southern alliance had declared war on Goryeo ITTL, as the northern entity's gradual expansion south had cut off southern trading routes.

[5] Buyeo first appears in Chinese sources in the 3rd century BC, suggesting an earlier foundation date. It was specifically recorded as bordering the Amur and Liao Rivers, and the Xuantu Commandery (around the Yalu/Amrok River), as well as reaching into modern-day Primorsky Krai, although this may also have included tributaries. Jolbon Buyeo, a southwestern region, eventually broke off by the 1st century BC under Jumong, which was then renamed to Goguryeo, and may have occurred due to ideological disputes, and because the founder was born out of wedlock. For the next few decades, the state attempted and failed to reincorporate the breakaway entity, while a later invasion from the Xianbei in 285 caused East Buyeo (north of the Tumen/Duman River) to break off as well, after which the original entity became North Buyeo. IOTL, East Buyeo was conquered by Gwanggaeto in 410, while North Buyeo (as a remnant around the Songhua River) surrendered to Goguryeo in 494 due to nomadic pressure, although the peninsular reunification ITTL means that the latter's demise occurs earlier. While yet another Buyeo remnant, Dumakru (두막루/豆莫婁), which was located around the Nun River, north of the Songhua (near where the Buyeo people are said to have originated), also existed from the early 5th century to early 8th century, it remained as a relatively minor entity.

[6] These are the mythological names for the three largest Japanese islands (Hokkaido was not directly incorporated until over a millennia later, while northern Honshū was inhabited by the Emishi/Ainu at the time). The current nomenclatures did not come into use until the country was consolidated between the 6th-8th centuries, during which the archipelago was split up into numerous administrative provinces. Chinese records during the AD 1st-3rd centuries indicate that Japan was divided among around 30 competing statelets that paid tribute to China, although the number would have gradually decreased over the centuries, after which the Yamato unified them by the 6th century IOTL.

[7] Envoys from Jeju had contacted Silla, Baekje, and Goguryeo at least since the AD 5th century, although the Samguk Sagi states that a Tamra envoy arrived in the Silla court in the 1st century BC to pay respects to Park Hyeokgeose, the founder. The island's emissaries also may have contacted a Japanese polity as early as the AD 3rd century, while a political entity may have been established several centuries before. On the other hand, Tsushima (“Jindo”, or Jin Island, was the Korean nomenclature at the time), had remained culturally Japanese long before the AD 1st century. However, its proximity to the peninsula meant that wokou raids were often launched from the island, while Korean influences also occurred due to trading relations, in addition to vassalage from the 14th to 19th centuries. The latter is currently referred to as “Daema Island” (대마도/對馬島) in Korean.

[8] “Dongmaeng” was the term used to refer to celebrations of the fall harvest in Goguryeo in the tenth month of the lunar calendar, in addition to commemorating the state's foundation. Similar celebrations also occurred across various entities within Southern Manchuria and the Korean Peninsula, and they are believed to have incorporated various Korean cultural practices that had been carried on for centuries, if not millennia, before the 1st century BC, long before Chinese influences eventually began to take hold.

[9] Go Joda's exploits have been retroactively added because I forgot to include them. Go was the family name of all Goguryeo rulers after AD 53, and very little is known about this individual (who is different from the one ITTL due to butterflies) because he died before his father did, although he is recorded as having a penchant for politics. On the other hand, Buyeo Gyeongsa eventually became known Gaero of Baekje (개로왕/蓋鹵王; r. 455-75) IOTL, while Kim Jabi later ruled as Jabi of Silla (자비 마립간/慈悲 麻立干; r. 458-79).

[10] IOTL, the civil war lasted for over a millennia, as a Yan (Warring States) invasion (Warring States) in ~300 BC initiated migrations from Gojoseon into the peninsula (as well as from the peninsula into Japan), accelerating further after Gojoseon's collapse in 108 BC. Various statelets from Southern Manchuria to the Korean Peninsula were gradually absorbed into Goguryeo, Baekje, Gaya, and Silla by the 4th century, while Buyeo had been established earlier near the Songhua River by the 3rd century BC. Silla nominally unified the peninsula in 668 after allying with the Tang, but the territory north of Pyongyang briefly came under Tang control until a revolt founded Balhae in 698. Silla was later thrown into turmoil by the late 9th century due to severe regional fragmentation, soon after which Goryeo reunified the peninsula in 936. Meanwhile, Balhae collapsed in 926 due to an explosion on Baekdu Mountain and an ensuing invasion from the Khitan, although a Liaodong remnant held out from 938-86, and sporadic uprisings lasted until 1116.

[11] Goguryeo became a multiethnic entity due to its gradual expansions within southern Manchuria and the northern Korean Peninsula, while Gojoseon and Buyeo migrants established themselves in Baekje, Silla, and Gaya during periods of turmoil. However, both Chinese and Korean records suggest that most of the various ethnic groups spoke related dialects/languages and practiced similar customs. On the other hand, the Mohe/Malgal in the Korean Peninsula are assumed to be equivalent to the Ye and Maek tribes, while the ones in Southern Manchuria were either composed of Buyeo tribes, or ones of Tungusic origin that were assimilated into Korean culture over centuries. While Goguryeo royals generally intermarried with other aristocrats to retain the bloodline, their physiognomies as depicted in tomb murals indicate both northern (Buyeo) and southern (others) traits, suggesting that marriages between the two groups took place early on. Tribes throughout Southern Manchuria and the Korean Peninsula are assumed to have spoken the same language after the 3rd century BC due to major southbound migrations from Gojoseon and Buyeo during periods of turmoil. However, different states had different dialects, as well as regional variations. The “韓” is also different from the “漢,” and the former character was adopted as an approximation of the pronunciation in Korean (unrelated to meaning), although they are currently pronounced identically as “Han” in both Mandarin (although with different tones) and Korean due to sound shifts for over two millennia.

[12] Both reinterpretations also occurred IOTL. Specifically, the Gwanggaeto Stele (constructed in 414) states that Baekje and its neighbors had stirred up trouble in the late 4th century, despite remaining as “loyal” tributaries for decades beforehand. However, details from the Samguk Sagi suggest that by the mid-4th century, Baekje had already considered itself to be equal in status with Goguryeo, in addition to various entities within China during its fragmentation, and the two eventually went to war from 369-71 over territorial disputes. On the other hand, the stele refers to the state's founder as “Chumo (Jumong),” and does not mention the river crossing myth, although the Samguk Sagi mentions details that had previously been associated with Buyeo's foundation. These suggest that by the early 6th century, Goguryeo began to incorporate Buyeo's foundation myths into its own in order to counter Baekje (South Buyeo post-538)'s claim that it was the “main” successor to Buyeo. Baekje and Silla also gradually altered their national histories over time in order to make as seem as if they had managed to swiftly conquer Mahan and Jinhan, respectively, along with Gaya for Byeonhan, by the 1st century AD, although these accounts contradict Korean and Chinese records (including the Samguk Sagi itself) indicating that the various statelets continued to last well into the 4th century.

[13] IOTL, Goguryeo had compiled 100 volumes detailing its history at least by the 6th century, which may have been gradually written over several centuries, although this was later condensed into five in the year 600. On the other hand, Baekje is specifically recorded to have compiled a group of historical texts in 375 under the supervision of Go Heung, a Confucian scholar, as well as three others afterward. While all of these texts are no longer extant, both the Samguk Sagi and the Nihon Shoki have cited various passages.

[14] The Chinese characters used to write “Subak” are the same of that used for the Chinese “Shoubo,” although it is unclear if the styles were related. On the other hand, “Ssireum” is a native Korean word, and does not have a Chinese equivalent. While the populace generally relied on farming for food, inhospitable terrain (mountains and forests) meant that hunting was commonly practiced, especially among the upper class, and virtually all Goguryeo tombs are decorated with illustrations of various hunting scenes.

[15] While the Gwanggaeto Stele refers to Chumo as “天帝之子” (son of the Heavenly Emperor), and semantically equivalent to “天子,” the latter never appeared in Korean sources.

[16] Shamanistic practices continued to exist in Korea alongside Confucian and Buddhist ones, the latter two of which were gradually transmitted to Goguryeo and Baekje by the 4th century through trading relations with China, as well as to Silla one to two centuries later, due to the latter's relative remoteness. In particular, the Samguk Sagi mentions omens by Goguryeo and Baekje shamans during their conflicts with Silla and the Tang, while similar events are depicted centuries later in histories of Goryeo and Joseon as well.

[17] While most of the earliest extant records of Korean poetry and/or song are recorded within Goryeo texts (between the 10th and 14th centuries), earlier sources also contain a handful with origins before the 1st century BC, including a poem composed by a Gojoseon scholar before 108 BC (in Chinese sources), as well as another composed in 17 BC by Yuri of Goguryeo (r. 19 BC-AD 18), in addition to others by Baekje, Gaya, and Silla. They are generally assumed to have been written in Chinese characters and sung in Korean.

[18] Both “Geomeungo” and “Kkwaenggari” are native Korean words that cannot be represented in Chinese characters, although they did have alternative hanja terminologies. Chinese instruments (including Central Asian ones) were also gradually transmitted to the Korean entities IOTL in a similar manner. Korean instruments and their playing methods were later introduced to both China and Japan by the late 5th-early 6th century, and was incorporated as one of the many "styles" utilized in each of their court music.

[19] Population records during Korea's Three Kingdoms Period are scarce due to the systematic destruction of Goguryeo and Baekje sources, while those for Silla were limited.

However, Chinese sources record that during the AD 1st-3rd century:
  • Lelang's Population: 406,000
    Xuantu: 231,000
    Four Commandaries: 1 million (conjectured)
    Entire peninsula: 3 million (conjectured); 5-6 million including Southern Manchuria
Meanwhile, in the mid-7th century IOTL, Chinese and Korean sources record:
  • Baekje: 760,000 households, or 4-4.5 million people (660)
    Goguryeo: 697,000 households, or 3.5-4 million (668); possibly up to 5 million before war
    Silla (including Gaya and Wirye/Hanseong): No records, but presumably around 4-5 million.
    12-14 million total.
In other words, it can be assumed that by the mid-5th century ITTL:
  • Former Han Commanderies: 1-1.5 million
    Liaodong: 1 million
    Han River Valley (Wirye and surroundings): 0.5-1 million
    Elsewhere in “core” Goguryeo: 2 million (Goguryeo “core” total: 5 million)
    2 million in Baekje (without Wirye)
    Gaya and Seorabeol (Silla): 1 million each (B-G-S total: 4 million)
    9 million total (8 million IOTL with less migrations from China and the steepe).
For perspective:
  • Combined land masses of Baekje, Gaya, and Silla: Less than 2/3 of South Korea (<2/3 of 100,000 sq. km./38,600 sq. mi.)
    Goguryeo's “core regions”: Larger than North Korea, Liaoning, and Jilin put together (>454,000 sq. km./175,000 sq. mi.).
    Japan (excluding Emishi/Ainu territories): 200,000 sq. km./77,200 sq. mi.
    Wei: IOTL - 2,000,000 sq. km./772,000 sq. mi; ITTL - 1,500,000 sq. km./577,500 sq. mi.
    Song: ~ 2,000,000 sq. km./772,000 sq. mi.
In other words, Go(gu)ryeo ITTL in 460 would have been roughly half the size of the (Northern) Wei, and a third of that of the (Liu) Song. Additionally, the Wei and Song's populations are taken from Chinese sources, although the Wei ITTL does not control the western and easternmost regions, and the Song's historical estimate of 10 million excludes non-Han populations (although several million would have also been assimilated). Some of the non-Han populations are assumed to have been closely related in ethnicity, culture, and language with the Tai-Kaidai (Thailand, Laos) and Austronesians (Vietnam, Cambodia). While they would eventaullyhave been displaced or assimilated as a result of centuries of migrations of Han Chinese from the Han to Tang dynasties, they are also assumed to have contributed some terminologies to the Chinese dialects over time.

[20] At the time, Goguryeo had five capitals (부/部; bu) and five provinces (also bu), labeled according to the four cardinal directions, along with a central/inner one, which were further subdivided into towns (성/城; seong) and villages (촌/村; chon), although Guknae (Ji'an, Jilin), Pyongyang, and Hanseong (Chaeryŏng, South Hwanghae) were administered separately as gyeong (경/京). Baekje similarly maintained a system of five capitals (bu) and five provinces (방/方; bang), subdivided into gun (군/郡) and hyeon (현/縣), as well as various towns and villages. Both states' five regional systems are surmised to have had origins in Buyeo's Sachuldo, covered earlier here. Chinese records also mention 22 Baekje damro (담로/擔魯), which are surmised to have been established by the 3rd-4th century in order to complement the main system, and were headed by immediate members of the royal family, although the specific number would have varied over time. On the other hand, Silla was loosely divided into six regions (bu), each of which consisted of various towns and villages, while Gaya was headed by at least 10 main cities that struggled with each other for control, although all four systems became more complicated over time.

[21] Liaoxi (Yoseo in Korean) had been part of Gojoseon for centuries before it was conquered by the Yan (Warring States) at around 300 BC.

[22] This system had been implemented by the Wei IOTL for similar reasons, and I have referred to this policy earlier here in Footnote 9.

[23] IOTL, Tuoba Yu (拓拔余; r. 452), Taiwu's youngest surviving son, briefly took control in 452 (reigned as Emperor Chengping, but no posthumous title) with Zong Ai's aid, but his rashness led the regent to assassinate him later in the year, soon after which Tuoba Jun seized power. While Tuoba Han had initially been backed by the court as the successor, he also had an antagonistic relationship with the regent, and the latter killed him earlier in the year in order to pave the way for Tuoba Yu. However, both princes were born significantly after the PoD (Taiwu himself was born in 408 IOTL, while the divergence occurred in 395 ITTL), which would have provided enough time for butterflies to occur.

[24] Posthumously known as Emperor Wencheng of the Northern Wei (北魏文成帝). IOTL, Tai'an was his reign name from 455-9, as well as others before and after. His mother (Consort Yujiulü; 郁久閭椒房) was the sister of a Rouran royal family member that had defected to the Wei earlier during Taiwu's reign, and was the first consort of Tuoba Huang.

[25] Similar cultural developments occurred within the Wei and Song IOTL, while Daoism was also briefly promoted by a Wei advisor under Taiwu's reign, as stated in an earlier chapter. While the Wei also heavily suppressed Buddhism in the first of the “Three Disasters of Wu” under Taiwu in 446, this has been butterflied away ITTL, as there would have been a far larger emphasis on stabilizing court matters, in addition to more hostile and stronger neighbors, causing the monarch to refrain from potentially alienating the populace further by inciting social strife. Emperor Wencheng was also a devout Buddhist IOTL, although the ruler ITTL might have had different religious beliefs due to butterflies.

[26] Similar events occurred in IOTL as well during both rulers' reigns. Specifically, the Wei's borders remained unstable due to continuing nomadic and Song pressure, which involved several campaigns against the Rouran and Tuyuhun and clashes with the Song, all of which ended inconclusively, as well as a visit to the Gaoche/Tiele. While the Song's Emperor Wen (r. 424-53 IOTL) was lauded for his administrative policies, he was assassinated by one of his sons after major setbacks on the battlefield. His descendants, beginning with Emperor Xiaowu (who became mentally unstable after a concubine's death in 462), were collectively recorded for their sexual depravity and paranoia, after which the dynasty collapsed in 479 due to severe infighting. These events would have contributed to Wencheng and Xiaowu's early deaths IOTL (ages 25 and 34, respectively).

[27] IOTL, Tuoba Hong (拓拔弘), the crown prince, was installed as the ruler in 465, while Wencheng's second son was Tuoba Changle, but butterflies mean that Changle (different individual from IOTL) had been the crown prince ITTL. On the other hand, while Liu Zixun, aged 10, nominally controlled most of the Song's territories in 466 during his reign IOTL, Liu Yu (劉彧), his uncle, was located in Jiankang, the capital, and managed to oust and execute his nephew later in the same year through military means. Tuoba Hong is posthumously known as Emperor Xianwen of the Northern Wei (北魏獻文帝), while Liu Zixun (reigned as Yijia) was never assigned a posthumous title due to his illegitimacy.

[28] For reference, Heqin involved the marriage of a ruler and a princess between a state and a vassal. IOTL, a similar series of events occurred beginning in the third month of 466 under orders from Empress Wenming (文明皇后), the queen dowager, for Emperor Xianwen (北魏獻文帝), her stepson. In response, Jangsu promised to send a daughter of one of his younger brothers IOTL because his daughter had already been married. However, the official specifically warned the Goguryeo ruler by mentioning that a similar agreement between the Northern Wei and the Northern Yan decades before had resulted in the latter's demise, causing negotiations to then drag on for years until the Wei ruler's death.

[29] The flood in Silla IOTL was serious enough for the ruler to visit the affected regions. While the Samguk Sagi also records that a star drifted from the north to the southeast in the ninth month of 467, and that a solar eclipse occurred in the first day of the tenth month of 468, they would not have significantly affected public sentiment IOTL or ITTL.

[30] Historically, within East Asia, 60 years figuratively represented a lifetime, as the sexagenary cycle, which consisted of ten heavenly stems (天干) and twelve earthly branches (地支), repeated on the 61st year, as the component stems and branches repeated every eleven and thirteen years, respectively. This 60-year cycle then formed the main calendar system for marking years, and were also used concurrently with era names (연수/延壽 48-60 in this update) of the ruling monarch. However, the latter was variable because it depended on the length of the reign, while Chinese rulers before the Ming changed them at whim during their reigns, necessitating the requirement of both systems.
 
I was just glancing through, and a lot of events that occur in China seem to be exactly the same despite how butterflies should change things a bit.

If the POD is in 395, events like the following should probably be somewhat different, if not totally so, but they occur in the same years they did historically:

  • Huan Xuan's usurpation in 403
  • Huan Xuan's defeat in 404
  • Helian Bobo's creation of the Xia in 407
  • Tuoba Gui's assassination by Tuoba Shao and then Tuoba Shao's assassination by Tuoba Si, both in 409
  • The Eastern Jin's conquest of Chang'an in 417
  • Liu Yu's usurpation in 420
  • The events surrounding Emperor Wen of Liu Song, his assassination by his son, and the son's assassination by Emperor Xiaowu in 453
Other events that I found overly similar to history, but plausible enough I won't criticize, include: first, the succession struggle after Emperor Wu of Liu Song's death; and second, the succession struggle with Emperor Taiwu of Northern Wei's death and the fight against Zong Ai. I could go into additional facts about why I think some of these events are implausible and shouldn't have happened in a timeline, if needed, but nothing the identical dates should be sufficient notice.

While the timeline eventually begins to diverge, as it does with more recent posts, it should have diverged much earlier. For example, in the latest post, it's mentioned that this Tuoba Changle is different from the real-life one. But his father Tuoba Jun was born in 440, Tuoba Jun's father Tuoba Huang was born in 428, and Taiwu was born in 408. With even just ten years after the POD, things should start changing: the idea that Taiwu even reaches adulthood isn't a given, and it's perfectly possible that he is rendered infertile by smallpox in childhood or that breaks his neck in a riding accident before he ever fathers Tuoba Huang and gives him the exact same name. And then the same possibilities of premature death or prolonged survival apply to Tuoba Huang. And then to Tuoba Jun. And then to Tuoba Changle. The possibility that a timeline even reaches Tuoba Changle seems low.

I'll go a step further. It's downright implausible for all of these historical figures to die in the exact year they did in our timeline (or otherwise within a few years of their historical death) while fathering children with the exact same names, for sixty years without serious divergence.

EDIT: There's also the identical use of several era names, such as Xiaojian, Chengping, Tai'an, and Yijia, using dates similar or identical with historical ones. It's not surprising to have an era name such as Tai'an, because it's a common era name, but it is surprising that Tuoba Jun in this timeline uses it in a similar period that Tuoba Jun historically did.

I also think dislike the use of era names as reign names, because that's not a Chinese practice during this period, and even nowadays it's customary to refer to Chinese rulers using the practice that was then contemporary. However, this is a bit more acceptable. The notion that later historians in an alternate 2015 will refer to all Chinese monarchs by era name, even when contemporaries used posthumous or temple names, is tolerable.
 
Last edited:
I was just glancing through, and a lot of events that occur in China seem to be exactly the same despite how butterflies should change things a bit.

Thanks for the criticism.

It would have been nice if you had pointed the issues out earlier, given that most of them involve chapters that I had written out over two years ago, but I'll see what I can do.

If the POD is in 395, events like the following should probably be somewhat different, if not totally so, but they occur in the same years they did historically:

I don't think that it's entirely unreasonable for individuals born before the PoD to carry out similar actions, although I will admit that the dates should have been moved around.

  • Huan Xuan's usurpation in 403
  • Huan Xuan's defeat in 404
  • Helian Bobo's creation of the Xia in 407

These generally seem to be dating issues. I'll mull this over for a week or so before deciding on the altered dates.

  • Tuoba Gui's assassination by Tuoba Shao and then Tuoba Shao's assassination by Tuoba Si, both in 409

I'll admit that this sequence of events would have been unlikely, and I'll think about what alternate princes to use, as well as potentially using a different date.

  • The Eastern Jin's conquest of Chang'an in 417

If this is just a dating issue, that can be easily altered. The attack itself wouldn't have been particularly unlikely given that North China was in severe disorder at the time.

  • Liu Yu's usurpation in 420

Again, this seems to be a dating issue, which I will fix.

  • The events surrounding Emperor Wen of Liu Song, his assassination by his son, and the son's assassination by Emperor Xiaowu in 453

This event was indirectly related to the Wei-Goryeo War ITTL, so the dating doesn't seem to be an issue, but I will think about alternate names.

Other events that I found overly similar to history, but plausible enough I won't criticize, include: first, the succession struggle after Emperor Wu of Liu Song's death; and second, the succession struggle with Emperor Taiwu of Northern Wei's death and the fight against Zong Ai. I could go into additional facts about why I think some of these events are implausible and shouldn't have happened in a timeline, if needed, but nothing the identical dates should be sufficient notice.

The turmoil within the Liu Song can be changed in terms of both the princes and/or the dates. On the other hand, the chaos after Emperor Taiwu seems reasonable given that it was directly triggered by the war against Goryeo (Goguryeo IOTL), but I will change the names of the princes that were involved, due to the existence of different individuals.

You may have also noticed that the first of the Three Disasters of Wu has been butterflied away ITTL, as I had indicated in a footnote, as well as several other differences.

While the timeline eventually begins to diverge, as it does with more recent posts, it should have diverged much earlier. For example, in the latest post, it's mentioned that this Tuoba Changle is different from the real-life one. But his father Tuoba Jun was born in 440, Tuoba Jun's father Tuoba Huang was born in 428, and Taiwu was born in 408. With even just ten years after the POD, things should start changing: the idea that Taiwu even reaches adulthood isn't a given, and it's perfectly possible that he is rendered infertile by smallpox in childhood or that breaks his neck in a riding accident before he ever fathers Tuoba Huang and gives him the exact same name. And then the same possibilities of premature death or prolonged survival apply to Tuoba Huang. And then to Tuoba Jun. And then to Tuoba Changle. The possibility that a timeline even reaches Tuoba Changle seems low.

I never specifically mentioned this, but every individual born after the PoD ITTL is different from the one IOTL. I'll apologize for not making that clear. Currently, the only individual that remains identical in both timelines is Jangsu (current Goryeo monarch; reigning as Yeonsu), who was born in 394, a year before the divergence. The issues that you bring up with the Chinese/Xianbei individuals also apply to some of the Korean ones, but the dates have been shifted around enough for the latter to remain plausible.

As I've stated above, I'll change any of the names/dates that seem unreasonable in the next few days by indicating them in a separate post.

I'll go a step further. It's downright implausible for all of these historical figures to die in the exact year they did in our timeline (or otherwise within a few years of their historical death) while fathering children with the exact same names, for sixty years without serious divergence.

Some of the deaths were directly linked to entirely different events ITTL, but I am more than open to any suggestions on alternate princes.

As a sidenote, I realized an accidental inconsistency shortly before I posted a long summary on 12/28/14, as I had specifically indicated that there was a Heqin marriage between Tuoba Huang and an unnamed Song princess, but later contradicted myself by saying that a (Wei) princess that had been sent to Emperor Wen (of Song) was poisoned later on. I'll retroactively correct myself by saying that the Song princess was married to either Emperor Taiwu or one of his princes, which I'll eventually decide in the next few days.

EDIT: There's also the identical use of several era names, such as Xiaojian, Chengping, Tai'an, and Yijia, using dates similar or identical with historical ones. It's not surprising to have an era name such as Tai'an, because it's a common era name, but it is surprising that Tuoba Jun in this timeline uses it in a similar period that Tuoba Jun historically did.

I was wary of using the first era name chosen by each ruler because of the date gaps involved, but I am also open to any suggestions on alternate era names.

Some of the era names (including Tai'an) have been used by several other rulers as well, so I don't think that it's unreasonable to retain those.

I also think dislike the use of era names as reign names, because that's not a Chinese practice during this period, and even nowadays it's customary to refer to Chinese rulers using the practice that was then contemporary. However, this is a bit more acceptable. The notion that later historians in an alternate 2015 will refer to all Chinese monarchs by era name, even when contemporaries used posthumous or temple names, is tolerable.

I only used the era names for sentences written in the present tense, and historians ITTL will still refer to deceased rulers by their posthumous temple names.

I thought I had made that clear earlier within the footnotes, but I'll apologize for not making that clear.
 
I think you've clarified a helpful amount. I didn't look at the footnotes because I felt that they were mostly background information and information about OTL. I now understand that the people involved are different, but I just don't think they should have identical given names, dates of birth, era names, dates of death, etc. That's my main objection. If you change these aspects, I think the story goes from implausible to being plausible. But in my opinion it's unlikely that there's still going to be so many similarities.

Examples:

  • Huan Xuan only usurped the throne in 403 because he won over Sima Yuanxian, but Huan relied on a traitorous general, Liu Laozhi, to do so. It's quite likely that this Liu would have decided that Sima was less of a threat than Huan, and refused to defect. This would mean Huan has no chance to win, and the Liu Song dynasty is likely (but not necessarily) stillborn.
  • But for 404, after Huan did take over, he was in a very strong position. He chose to flee the capital Jiankang after he lost some minor battles, and at the critical battle in his home base, Huan's men were defeated by a smaller Jin force basically because of the weather (if Huan's forces were upwind instead of downwind, Huan might have won). Liu Yu might have been the most prominent general, but other generals also won in the field. Liu Yu managed to outlive and kill them, but it's just as possible that one of the others wins.
  • Liu Bobo (he hadn't changed his surname yet) at some point became Yao Xing's favorite, and was promoted despite objections from Yao's brother, until he was in a good position to rebel. But it's just as likely that Liu never becomes Yao's favorite, or suffers demotion, or something similar. So there might not be a Xia in 407.
  • And if there's Liu Bobo and the Xia, Yao Xing's Later Qin state might be able to resist better, and ward off the Jin invasion in 417. And even if the Xia was around, perhaps a few timely deaths would make the Later Qin succession struggles less fratricidal, producing the same result.
I don't think anything I mentioned or anything you wrote must happen or absolutely can't happen. Basically every battle could turn out to be "the nearest-run thing." It's just that you wouldn't expect all of these things to turn out identically. So if you want your story to include the rise of Helian Bobo or the usurpation of Liu Yu, that's fine. It's just that for an alternate history, it's not alternate enough. Too many things are the same as our history.

So for era names specifically, I have no particular suggestions. If you wanted to use era names from later in Chinese history, that's probably fine by me. If you use an era too well known and identified with one Emperor, such as Kangxi or Qianlong, I might object that it's confusing. It seems to me that era names involving colors or animals are generally limited to rebels or minor, but that's not a rule. If you took the characters used by rebels or even foreign monarchs, it's probably okay too. You could PM me if you need help, but I honestly think that if you used the characters of any Chinese or Japanese era name between 500-1500 or so, you could get away with it. Using random examples from Japan, "建永" or "天延" or "正中" all suffice as Chinese era names. If Korean states employ Chinese era name traditions, these names would also suffice. On the other hand, "孝" and "義" are very rare characters in era names. I count only three and four, respectively, examples where they are used by anybody of note. Contrast "天" and "太" and "元" which have probably been used hundreds of times.

Lastly, I note that these are my only notes and objections right now, and additional ones might be forthcoming soon, or might be in two years. No guarantees.
 
I think you've clarified a helpful amount. I didn't look at the footnotes because I felt that they were mostly background information and information about OTL. I now understand that the people involved are different, but I just don't think they should have identical given names, dates of birth, era names, dates of death, etc. That's my main objection. If you change these aspects, I think the story goes from implausible to being plausible. But in my opinion it's unlikely that there's still going to be so many similarities.

Glad I could clarify, and I'll think about the details that need to be changed.

Examples:

  • Huan Xuan only usurped the throne in 403 because he won over Sima Yuanxian, but Huan relied on a traitorous general, Liu Laozhi, to do so. It's quite likely that this Liu would have decided that Sima was less of a threat than Huan, and refused to defect. This would mean Huan has no chance to win, and the Liu Song dynasty is likely (but not necessarily) stillborn.
  • But for 404, after Huan did take over, he was in a very strong position. He chose to flee the capital Jiankang after he lost some minor battles, and at the critical battle in his home base, Huan's men were defeated by a smaller Jin force basically because of the weather (if Huan's forces were upwind instead of downwind, Huan might have won). Liu Yu might have been the most prominent general, but other generals also won in the field. Liu Yu managed to outlive and kill them, but it's just as possible that one of the others wins.
  • Liu Bobo (he hadn't changed his surname yet) at some point became Yao Xing's favorite, and was promoted despite objections from Yao's brother, until he was in a good position to rebel. But it's just as likely that Liu never becomes Yao's favorite, or suffers demotion, or something similar. So there might not be a Xia in 407.
  • And if there's Liu Bobo and the Xia, Yao Xing's Later Qin state might be able to resist better, and ward off the Jin invasion in 417. And even if the Xia was around, perhaps a few timely deaths would make the Later Qin succession struggles less fratricidal, producing the same result.
I don't think anything I mentioned or anything you wrote must happen or absolutely can't happen. Basically every battle could turn out to be "the nearest-run thing." It's just that you wouldn't expect all of these things to turn out identically. So if you want your story to include the rise of Helian Bobo or the usurpation of Liu Yu, that's fine. It's just that for an alternate history, it's not alternate enough. Too many things are the same as our history.

This is helpful, and I'll look into it.

However, I will note that at this point, it's impossible for me to change everything, because of the content that I've already written out. As a result, I'll probably change the founder and/or the name of the Xia analogue, given that the details were relatively minimal, but I will retain Liu Yu and the Song after altering some of the other details.

This can also be explained by the fact that the butterflies almost immediately affected Manchuria, Korea, and North China, but were slow to make their way to South China.

(I've also never indicated this, but a butterfly net over East Asia will be in place for the time being in order to minimize divergences, as the current details are more than enough.)

So for era names specifically, I have no particular suggestions. If you wanted to use era names from later in Chinese history, that's probably fine by me. If you use an era too well known and identified with one Emperor, such as Kangxi or Qianlong, I might object that it's confusing. It seems to me that era names involving colors or animals are generally limited to rebels or minor, but that's not a rule. If you took the characters used by rebels or even foreign monarchs, it's probably okay too. You could PM me if you need help, but I honestly think that if you used the characters of any Chinese or Japanese era name between 500-1500 or so, you could get away with it. Using random examples from Japan, "建永" or "天延" or "正中" all suffice as Chinese era names. If Korean states employ Chinese era name traditions, these names would also suffice. On the other hand, "孝" and "義" are very rare characters in era names. I count only three and four, respectively, examples where they are used by anybody of note. Contrast "天" and "太" and "元" which have probably been used hundreds of times.

I will note that "永樂" has been used by both Gwanggaeto and the Yongle Emperor (Ming), the latter of which is "well-known" and "identified" with that particular ruler, although they do involve different countries with different modern pronunciations. I actually did think about using era names of rulers from other time periods, but was concerned about being inconsistent, and using too much time to decide on relatively minor details. However, I will PM you if I have questions about the era names and anything else above.

Additionally, you may or may not have noticed that I refrained from using Jangsu's personal name in the recent chapter after the peninsular unification elevated his status, given that emperors were customarily referred with their era names. It is possible that he was solely referred to with his era name(s) even IOTL, but the evidence is inconclusive.

Lastly, I note that these are my only notes and objections right now, and additional ones might be forthcoming soon, or might be in two years. No guarantees.

Well, I realized that the issues that you indicated had been present even earlier within version 1.0 (link in first post), which meant that they had actually been there for three years or so without you noticing, despite your extensive posts within both threads. As a result, the details are so ingrained that it's impossible for me to make all the changes, but I can certainly retcon the minor ones that you've indicated. Specifically, I had been relatively lax on researching developments within China when I had been writing the TL several years ago, hence why title dates frequently don't match with dating for the details in the main text for earlier chapters. However, given that I've been paying much more attention to China recently (within the last year or so), including the resulting potential butterflies, there should be much less issues for you to worry about moving on forward.

To give two examples, while I was writing the most recent chapter, I thought about changing details for the Longmen Grottos (in terms of the location, construction dates, and potentially the associated dynasty), as well as using a different dynastic name for the one succeeding the Liu Song, such as the Chu or Wu, as opposed to the Southern Qi IOTL.
 
Threads about Korea

Hi everyone, I'm back.

I decided to take some time off (around half a year) from posting after RL eventually caught up with me. However, I occasionally checked the forums during my spare time, and back in September, someone (not on this website) contacted me by email with a few questions for his EU mod (among other things), so I didn't take my mind entirely off from AH.

After thinking about the Korea-related threads for months, I realized that the points I wanted to make were (in)directly related to my TL. As a result, I decided to respond to seven that I thought had not been adequately explored, spending about a week typing and editing them. Given that one was posted before my hiatus starting in late June, and that four would be necromancies (I could respond thoroughly, but late nonetheless), I decided to post them all here. It might get a bit confusing because some of my points are related, and I additionally touched on some of the responses, but they should hopefully make sense overall. Some of you might recognize similarities with my responses elsewhere as well.

If you wish to comment on any of the content below, please keep in mind that because my main focus is on my TL, my responses will be limited (and delayed).

However, anyone who wishes to contact me by PM is welcome to do so.

---

Didn't know this until recently.
According to Emperor Akihito:

So let's say the Korean origin of their Emperor is more recognised and emphasised by Japan and continues throughout the centuries. How does this change Japan's perception of Korea? How does this change politics within Korea? Or any at all?
Some things to note, for users not familiar with Korean history:
Kingdom of Baekje
Yamato Dynasty

Baekje would have had to unify the peninsula first, as Silla was very antagonistic towards Japan after hundreds of wokou raids for centuries.

This could have occurred shortly after Baekje allied with Silla in 551 to seize the Han River Valley from Goguryeo, or around 642-59 under Uija, when it:

  • Seized around 40 fortresses (within former Gaya territory) from Silla in 642
  • Retook 7 in 645 that Silla had taken in the previous year
  • Took an additional 17 from 647-9
  • Allied with Goguryeo and the Malgal (Mohe) in 655 to seize around 30 in northern Silla, then attacked 2 others in 659
  • After Baekje's fall in 660, Goguryeo (and the Malgal) besieged Hanseong (Seoul) in 661 for 20 days, and the fortress ran low on supplies before retreat due to adverse weather
  • Goguryeo then stirred up the Baekje restoration movement with Japanese help to tie up Silla and Tang forces until 663
In other words, Silla had been on the brink of collapse after losing almost 100 fortresses.

As a result, Kim Chun-chu (later Muyeol) was forced to request an alliance with Goguryeo in 642, then went to the Tang instead after Yeon Gaesomun demanded territory. As a result, historians still debate exactly why Baekje lost against Silla (and the Tang), as some claim that Baekje underestimated Silla, while others argue that it was due to numbers (370,000 vs 25,000). Had the Tang decided not to invade or had been repulsed, Silla would have inevitably been carved up between Baekje and Goguryeo. However, the Tang might have eventually allied with one to conquer the other, as they would have been serious threats to its influence in Northeast Asia. This was also why it sided with Silla to ultimately conquer Korea altogether, although the Tang were pushed out from the peninsula in 676, Silla temporarily severed diplomatic ties for 50 years, and Balhae was established in 698.

Given that both Baekje and Goguryeo largely maintained cordial relations with Japan for centuries, as Japan was very receptive to envoys and traders, their influence would have increased further after Silla's sizable population (3-5 million) was divided between the two. This may ultimately have resulted in Japan becoming a Korean tributary over time.

IOTL the invasions failed due to storm.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mongol_invasions_of_Japan
There certainly were other logistical problems in hte planning and execution of the invasion itself, but still: what if the storm never happened that day? What if the weather was just fine?

Would the Mongols be able to make a landing? How far can they go into the coast? Will they be annihilated? Can they successfully invade Japan to the fullest? What will such an invasion look like?

Possible at least over the short term. However, quite a few members seem to have compared Japan with Korea. Here's my take:

Goryeo was officially not an empire, but it essentially functioned like one for several reasons:

  • The military regime took over in 1170 after the monarch and the court abused their powers.
  • Despite conflicts and assassinations among generals, the junta remained wary of threats to their influence, and ramped up funding for their land assets and the military.
  • When the Mongols invaded, the military rejected diplomacy while the court welcomed it, resulting in 4-7 million dead (out of 8-12 million) over 9 invasions in 28 years. Specifically:
    1. First: Northern & central regions. Despite victories elsewhere, Goryeo sued for peace after the capital was surrounded (Ganghwa was not considered at the time).
    2. Second: North/central. Mongols failed to take Ganghwa, retreating after a commander was killed elsewhere.
    3. Third: Across the peninsula. First with significant casualties, lasting four years. Goryeo eventually requested a ceasefire and dictated terms after four southern regions managed to hold out despite not experiencing war for over 300 years. Given the extensive duration and scope, casualties may have approached that of the sixth.
    4. Fourth: Entire country. Abandoned due to Güyük Khan's death.
    5. Fifth: North/central. Withdrawn after a 70-day siege on Chungju failed.
    6. Sixth: Entire peninsula. Most devastating with 206,800 PoWs, suggesting 1 million dead (approximating the entire Imjin War). Withdrew after two fortresses held out.
    7. Seventh to Ninth: North/central. After the last Choi general was assassinated in 1258, the Goryeo court fully complied with all but one demand in 1259, as the monarch and his successor refused to leave Ganghwa until 1270, after which it fully submitted to Yuan influence 39 years after the war had began.
  • During the war, the junta ordered the recarving of the Tripitaka Koreana, an extensive Buddhist canon text, and elevated Dangun Wanggeom, the first “ruler” of Gojoseon, to the status of a god. Both nationalist methods dampened opposition (despite massive costs) until the last ruling general died in 1270, and a military rebellion lasted until 1273.
(Sidenote: Other dynastic founders had been revered as gods centuries earlier, but it was the first time that the Dangun had been treated as such.)

Had the generals not been in power when the Mongols invaded, several campaigns would have forced Goryeo to become a tributary, similar to the earlier Khitan and Jurchen invasions, with less casualties and political interference. Ultimately, the population would not recover for over 500 years (permanently dipping below that of Japan), and Goryeo monarchs functioned as Yuan princes, frequently replaced on whim. This would also have been why unlike Japan, a Korean military dictatorship would have been unsustainable.

While my knowledge of the Kamakura Shogunate is relatively limited, an extended resistance for decades fully backed by the populace doesn't seem particularly feasible for Japan, given that regional identities were relatively stronger. Korea had also been subject to countless invasions for over a millennia beforehand, while Japan had yet to experience one.

Was there a way for Korea to conquer Japan during the time period between Imjin War and Meiji Restoration?

I've thought of three scenarios:

1) Korean (or perhaps Ming Korean) revanchist attack on Japan during or after Imjin War.

2) Korean intervention during Sekigahara.

3) A Jurchen-Joseon joint expedition of Japan after the Jurchen invasion of Korea, in the fashion of Yuan - Goryeo invasion of Japan.

Please come up with scenarios that you deem plausible, or comment on the options I listed above.

None would really have been possible. Joseon had lost a third of its arable land, as well as destruction of infrastructure, around 1-2 million dead (out of 6-8 million), and resettlement of 50,000+ Koreans in Japan (including countless highly skilled workers and scholars) or sold as slaves to European traders. Also, the main palace was so thoroughly devastated that it was not rebuilt until 1865. As a result, Korea would have been too busy picking up the pieces to even consider a counter-invasion in the short term.

The court was then beset with severe factional disputes over the long term. Although Gwanghaegun had served as regent during the Imjin War, as well as attempting to build a strong northern defense and patiently negotiating with both the Ming and Jurchen (later Manchu) during his reign, he was fiercely criticized for his illegitimate birth and contrary policies. Eventually, after three pretenders were executed, the opposing faction replaced him with a puppet (Injo). After extensive purges, the court then immediately sidelined Yi Gwal, the general who had made the coup possible in the first place, as they feared that their fragile legitimacy might be undermined if they gave too much power to the military. As a result, he led a coup and seized the capital before the royal army quickly defeated him, then was assassinated by his followers, after which the military quickly withered away.

The Jurchen then invaded in 1627 at the urging of Korean defectors, as the court refused to negotiate with the “barbarians.” While the populace initially held firm in the northern regions, forcing the invaders to negotiate, the second invasion in 1636 was a disaster after negotiations broke down, and the Qing raised a much larger army. Although local militias again scored victories in the countryside, the court's lack of preparations enabled the Manchu to rapidly advance to the capital within two weeks and cut the ruler off from his Ganghwa refuge, which even the Mongols had failed to accomplish. Depleted resources and miscommunication among the main divisions further cut into morale, and Ganghwa's capitulation a month later forced Injo to surrender and kowtow to Hong Taiji, after which 600,000 PoWs were transported to Liaodong to cement Joseon's tributary status.

In other words, the country would have been too devastated during Seonjo's later reign (populous regions, especially in the south, were thoroughly ravaged), too focused on the northern border and diplomacy under Gwanghaegun, and too disorganized under Injo as the military all but ceased to exist after a thoroughly brutal coup and a minor uprising. The fact that local groups scored many of the victories in both wars also doesn't reflect very well on the trained military expected to somehow invade Japan, alliance or no alliance.

Historians argue that Hideyoshi's invasions of Míng China and Joseon Korea, though a failure, left China and Korea weak enough for Manchu conquest. What if Hideyoshi decided not to invade?

Hideyoshi would have almost certainly invaded unless he was incapacitated by 1592, as he was inspired by Nobunaga's militaristic plans, and had already ordered Korea to “make way” for an invasion of China years before. He was also willing to destroy the diplomatic status quo between the two that had lasted for over a millennia, while the court fiercely opposed his campaign. Ironically, because of this, Japan was essentially forced to become a Joseon vassal post-war until the Meiji Restoration after Korea sought punishment.

However, if he (or another counterpart) had decided not to invade, Korea would almost certainly have allied with the Ming (or another dynasty) to gradually push further north, which had already occurred for centuries (the border was not delineated until the mid-15th century). Once more cash crops from the Columbian Exchange begin to rapidly flood in, advanced agricultural techniques could have enabled rapid population growth (more so for Korea), with major societal, economic, and military developments by the 19th century.

In OTL, Japan's first contact with the West was during the height of Sengoku period, though its development was hampered by the Tokugawa shogunate in the 1600s by putting the entire country into near-total seclusion. The rest is history.

But, what if Japan opened up to the world much, much earlier?

Let's say at some point around the late Heian period up to the early feudal era, Japan decided to try and look outwards to know her neighbors more, assumed a more proactive approach with regards to trade and foreign relations with Korea and Imperial China and, maybe, decided to transform herself into a maritime-oriented power centuries earlier than OTL.

Assuming the Japanese successfully established firm and relations with the polities of East/Southeast Asia in a much earlier timeframe, how long before they venture out beyond the Pacific and, by chance, reach the Americas before (or at least around the same time as) the Europeans?

How will Japanese history turn out ITTL?

China, Korea, the Ryukyus, and various entities in Southeast Asia all had active trading profiles linked across the Indian and western Pacific oceans for centuries.

As a result, Japanese attempts to somehow impose a monopoly would have resulted in severe political tensions (especially with China), and the Pacific was a major barrier.

For those focused on a successful Japanese “conquest” of Korea:

First, there were two stages to the war: Imjin (1592-4) and Jeongyu (1597-8). The southern defenses had crumbled because all of the previous 10+ invasions were from the north. However, the defenders held in the first due to pockets of resistance on land and superiority on sea, and in the second due to improved land defenses to the point where Japanese naval superiority for two months after Chilcheollyang failed to support their army. A minor rebellion also broke out in 1596, and Admiral Yi was later falsely accused of treason, tortured, and imprisoned due to Seonjo's paranoia. While Won Gyun also refused to listen to the Japanese spy's suggestions, after minor engagements, he was repeatedly criticized by Seonjo and Gwon Yul, his superior, forcing him to lead his troops to utter annihilation against his will. More admirals also participated in Myeongnyang than at Chilcheollyang despite less ships (13 commanding 13 ships vs 10 with 103 ships), although some were present in both, so the court's meddling would not have meant much over the long term.

In addition, while Yi did significantly boost morale with victory after victory, land resistance by both professional and peasant troops also contributed. Most land victories occurred either before or on the day of their naval counterparts, while others stretched out for months, meaning that they were not specifically inspired by Yi, while their stiff defense shocked the Japanese, forcing them to slaughter them en masse instead of using them for mass labor. The arquebus was also rapidly reengineered in Korea within a year and successfully deployed in battle by the winter of 1592, in addition to other military developments (cannons, fortifications, ships, etc) within a few years. Given that Japan would certainly have invaded China if it had managed to somehow “successfully” take over Korea within a year or so, it would have been ill-prepared for an extended war with Korea or an all-out war with China. Negotiations between China and Japan would have also eventually fallen apart given that neither ruler considered the other as an equal at the time, not to mention how to divide the peninsula equally by population (Gyeonggi + South = 3/4, with South almost 2/3, while swapping Jeolla and Gyeonggi would have been geographically unstable).

The PoD is that the politicians decide that Admiral Lee Soon Shin, perhaps the best admiral in the world at the time, isn't a threat to them politically so the politicians let Admiral Lee do whatever he wants (in OTL, the politicians are afraid of his popularity and jealous of his victories, that they force him to become the rank of a common soldier before re-promoting him). Additionally, since Lee Soon Shin rekt the Japanese navy early on, he never fights the Battle of Sachon Bay, the battle that broke Japan's back for a long time. As a result, Admiral Lee never dies and continues to live on.

Could the history of Korea be changed from this one man? What will be the effect of having the great Admiral Lee alive for around 20-30 more years? Can he participate in politics with the support of the people? Would he lead an invasion force of Japan? How could history differ from this one small change?

Admiral Yi had initially been focused on destroying supply ships, as the Korean navy had been built from scratch, while Hideyoshi specifically ordered the main naval forces to avoid open battle after the loss at Hansan Island as the Japanese continued to mass produce ships. This was partially why the admiral had experienced so few casualties in the first place.

Also, there were four times when military strongmen controlled puppet rulers. Only one succeeded:

  1. Yeon Gaesomun (642-65; successors 665-8): Assassinated ruler and officials at a banquet for pacificm, replacing the former with a puppet and causing the Tang to invade, although China retreated. Regime ultimately collapsed after fall of Baekje (660) and civil war among his three sons, resulting in the Silla-Tang conquest of Goguryeo (668).
  2. Jang Bogo (828-41; never de-facto ruler): A Korean emigre from China who established a naval base to counter piracy and the slave trade, then sent troops in 839 to replace the ruler (who had overthrown his predecessor) with a puppet. However, the monarch sent someone to assassinate the admiral after the court balked at his growing influence.
  3. Goryeo Junta (1170-1270): Widespread corruption by the ruler and officials enraged the military clique, who were repeatedly humiliated, forcing the latter to assassinate the monarch (with countless officials) and enthrone a puppet. Developing factions within the military later led to major tensions, resulting in generals assassinating other generals.
  4. Yi Seong-gye/Taejo of Joseon (de facto 1388-92, de jure 1392-1408): General Yi refused to invade China and launched a coup after heading south, although he later drew up similar plans to invade Liaodong. Additionally, he established several puppets while slaughtering numerous royals and officials until he took the throne, establishing Joseon.
(Yi Gwal did briefly seize the capital in 1624, but was expelled within a few days and assassinated.)

Of the four, 1) and 4) took place soon after two wars lasting for decades, while the others involved unified military cliques. On the other hand, Joseon had not experienced war for over 150 years, and the army and navy were each split among several factions, leading to some questionable decisions. As a result, Korea would have imploded due to a coup by Admiral Yi after two devastating invasions, an uprising, and the resulting purges. In addition, Yi Sun-shin and Won Gyun frequently reported to Gwon Yul, their superior, despite the fact that none had commanded a navy before the war (Gwon remained a general). Granted, Choe Young was also Yi Seong-gye's superior, but the latter was backed by overwhelming manpower (50,000-100,000), while Admiral Yi directly commanded no more than 20,000 naval soldiers. Goryeo had also generally been on the offensive for decades in the mid-late 14th century, temporarily pushing into Liaodong and Eastern Manchuria, while Joseon was low on resources after being on the defensive for several years.

As a result, Yi Sun-shin would have quietly faded into private life if he had survived the war, similar to what his military counterparts had done. Additionally, given that Admiral Yi was 53 when the war ended, he would probably have lived for 10-20 additional years, not 20-30, ultimately not long enough to enact political changes without a bloody coup.

How would a Korean-controlled Manchuria look? Would it be possible for a Korean-Manchu commonwealth or would it be more colonial in nature? Would the population of Manchuria be mostly Korean or Manchu? How significant would be the cultural exchange if this happens? Would it be possible for them to form a single ethno-cultural identity?

Well, I will eventually cover this within my TL, and I will note that the Jurchen (Manchu post-1635) had been influenced by both Chinese and Korean culture for 500+ years IOTL.

However, there are several other possibilities:

  • Goguryeo under Jangsu (r. 412/3-91), or even Munja (r. 491-519), could have attempted to unify the peninsula after conquering Buyeo, Baekje, Gaya, and Silla. However, this would have been extremely difficult given that the state was busy consolidating after rapid expansion under Gwanggaeto (r. 391-412/3), leading to the Baekje-Silla alliance from 433-553, limiting gains to the Han River Valley (475). Entities in North China would have also become antagonistic in response to Goguryeo's growing influence.
  • Goguryeo and Baekje divide Silla up in the 7th century, and are unified with or without Chinese intervention. The Manchus would be butterflied away in this (and the above) scenario, although the Mohe/Malgal (predecessors of the Jurchen) would have likely assimilated given population estimates (10-13 mil vs 1-3 mil) and cultural diffusion.
  • Balhae would have collapsed after the eruption at Baekdu Mountain (butterflying this would be ASB), although it could have pushed south had Silla disintegrated earlier.
  • Goryeo did gradually push north from Seogyeong (Pyongyang) to the Yalu (and later Tumen) after unifying the peninsula, but were later hindered by the Khitan and Jurchen. There were several failed attempts to relocate the capital from Gaegyeong to Seogyeong (Pyongyang) for logistical reasons, as it would have depleted resources. However, Goryeo might have theoretically retained Liaodong (temporary conquest in the late 14th century IOTL due to a significant Korean presence) with a different Yuan collapse.
  • Taejo of Joseon or a successor could have attempted a push into Liaodong under different conditions after allying with a stronger Northern Yuan, as they drew up various plans to mobilize well over 100,000 IOTL. However, this would be extremely unlikely because the possibility of a decade-plus Chinese counter-invasion would have to be virtually zero (closest during the Tumu Crisis in 1449). Expansion into Eastern Manchuria would have required Chinese cooperation (splitting Manchuria up between the two states).
  • Had Japan not invaded Korea (due to a different Sengoku Period), Gwanghaegun or another talented ruler succeeding Seonjo would have had wider approval, enabling a more focused approach to the northern border. This might have eventually allowed a Ming-Joseon alliance (or their counterparts) to gradually push into Manchuria over time.
  • Major concentrated political, economic, and/or military reforms from the 18th to early 19th centuries (PoDs post-1800 would have been far too late) could have theoretically steered Joseon away from stagnation, but would require systematically transforming the court for a century or so, while territorial aspirations could entail major tensions with the Qing, also making it extremely unlikely. The Willow Palisade would also have prevented significant migrations (100,000+) to Manchuria before the mid-19th century.
Given the above, the earlier the divergence, the more likely the assimilation. While they might have temporarily retained an independent political identity under Joseon, the population ratio and cultural transfers would have largely led to the same result after Korean migrations and introduction of cash crops, although their ethnic identity might remain.

---

Hopefully that should cover everything.
 
Top