Due to the extreme delay in posting this update, I have decided to introduce a personal set of policies within this thread, and I will not respond to members who choose to ignore them. Any general questions, comments, and feedback are certainly still welcome without any restrictions, but the limits on constructive criticism will be as follows:
Each member is allowed to provide three posts concerning specific details and/or facts (except for very general issues, such as writing style or general content) within a single month, although I will allow a few days for leeway. For the purposes of this thread, each month begins on the day that I post an update.
If any member wishes to go over this limit, he or she must specifically quote a passage from at least a reliable primary or secondary source written before 1900, so tertiary sources will generally not be allowed, although sources extensively quoting specific passages of the original are allowed. For example, the Records of the Three Kingdoms will be classified as a primary source, while the Samguk Sagi would be a secondary one. English translations are acceptable, but if sources do not have English versions, I will decide on an individual basis whether they are acceptable or not. It is also perfectly fine to thoroughly criticize a source as well.
If these procedures are thoroughly followed, the new limit will be five posts, although I will allow someone to temporarily bypass the second restriction if I feel that the points are reasonable. I'll also try to be flexible with shorter posts unrelated from others regarding content, as most of them will require less effort for me to respond.
In addition, PM's are not restricted to these limits, although my responses will probably be delayed.
If you still have any questions regarding these new policies, please send me a PM so that they don't clutter up this thread, and I will edit them if necessary.
Anyway, here's the extremely delayed update.
先己後人/선기후인 [1]
Yeonsu (연수/延壽) 10-20 (420-430)
Although Georyeon initially made the decision to relocate the capital to Yodong in 420, it was not until five years later that the plans were fully carried out [2]. The main intention for the transfer was mostly due to finding a more suitable method for governing a greatly expanded population and territory, most of which had been recently conquered a decade ago. However, another reason included weakening the power of the aristocracy within Guknae Fortress, which had begun to form various competing factions, and many of them had begun to undermine the power of the monarch due to his young age and relative inexperience. Moving the capital further north also had the potential of strengthening the fortresses in the vicinity of the Liao River, along with the coastline surrounding the northernmost reaches of the Yellow Sea, which would be crucial for defense during a potential invasion from the west or north. In addition, the location of the new capital provided an opportunity for former Yan aristocrats, Xianbei and Han, to actively participate in politics as well, allowing the foreign population as a whole to gradually integrate themselves into Goguryeo society. Although this decision also meant that the southern border within the peninsula would be comparatively neglected after the move due to the population, Georyeon was confident that any issues in the short run would be resolved diplomatically, while the military would be consolidated and expanded within that time period in preparation for an extensive conflict in the long term. As a result, after a large party was held in 424 to celebrate an abundant harvest, the capital was finally relocated to the northwest.
Meanwhile, the Northern Wei [3] was making preparations to consolidate and reorganize the territory that it had recently seized in 417. Although there were no major revolts stalling Tuoba Gui's efforts, the states to the west remained strong, as they would continue to solidify their positions after the Wei began to recover after around 30 years of warfare from 386-417, when it allied with various states such as the Later Yan and Later Qin [4]. Although the latter had also managed to briefly establish relative dominance over the westernmost states within North China from 407-12 [5], relations began to sour with the Wei in 405, when the alliance was in danger of falling apart. As a result, after conflicts between the two resumed in 410, the Qin gradually began to lose its influence within the region, and a succession dispute in 414, along with a revolt in 416, eventually led to the state's demise. After 417, North China was carved up among the Wei, Jin, and Xia, but the southern one was eventually driven out from the region by 425, and after several skirmishes, a mutually agreed border between the Wei and Xia was established later in that year, allowing each state within China to consolidate its government.
Within the Wei, the monarchy and the court were struggling to consolidate their respective positions from 395 onward. Although Tuoba Gui had been dealt a stunning loss at Canhe Slope, forcing him to maintain a defensive position, he carried out a purge of his generals who were blamed for the defeat, which greatly subdued the criticism against him in the short run [6]. After he had gained the throne in 386 by unifying the various Xianbei tribes within the area, he had begun to consolidate the monarchy by implementing reforms in order to allow the throne to be passed down from father to son, rather than to a brother, reducing political tension and instability in the short term. These changes allowed him to take further steps in 405, when the state had somewhat recovered from several invasions by the Yan, by shifting the balance of power from the military to a separate aristocracy by greatly increasing the number of positions in the latter, allowing the monarchy to gain more influence in the long term. Although he hoped to eventually obtain dominance over the Yan by the end of his reign in order to further ensure the state's stability, his harsh policies toward his officials due to extreme paranoia, along with a conflict with one of his consorts, led their son, Tuoba Shao (拓跋紹), to assassinate him in 409. Although the assassin then began making a bid for the throne, he was soon caught by hostile guards and executed, causing his successor and crown prince, Tuoba Si (拓跋嗣), to lay down most of the steps for further political consolidation and territorial expansion. His plans were greatly aided when Goguryeo's two attacks on the Yan in 407 and 410 enabled the ruler to increase his influence and expand to the east. These developments allowed him to successfully confront the Qin, which had been facing multiple attacks from the Rouran, Xia, and Jin for over a decade.
Soon after taking the throne, the Wei ruler began to focus on internal consolidation. He was originally appointed as crown prince due to his intelligence and rationality, in stark contrast to his mentally unstable younger half-brother, Tuoba Shao, which led to constant friction between the two until the power struggle was finally resolved in 409. Like most rulers during the time, Tuoba Si gained the throne when he was only 17, and was also saddened by the fact that earlier in the year, his mother had been put to death so that she would not exercise undue power through her son [7]. As a result, his young age and temporary emotional issues initially led to discontent among the officials, but was mollified when he began to appoint eight main officials in order to advise him in important matters. These reforms allowed the ruler to gather diverse viewpoints, allowing with causing aristocrats to compete with each other in order to gain the monarch's attention. In addition, he reversed most of his father's policies by allowing officials from various ethnicities to openly criticize his policies. However, when an advisor, Tuoba Qu (拓跋屈), failed to successfully carry out an offensive maneuver into Xia territory, the monarch swiftly executed him for incompetence, demonstrating his willingness to serve punishment when necessary, along with reaffirming his status.
However, threats from other states continued to loom throughout his reign. Although the Xia focused mainly on fighting the Later Qin in order to avoid antagonizing two powerful states at once, the Wei continued to clash with the latter. In addition, although Tuoba Wei had attacked the Rouran and killed its ruler earlier in 391, the state as a whole continued to remain strong. As a result, the northern state consistently looked for ways to undermine the Wei by conducting several raids in order to strain the latter's resources, causing the latter to respond in kind. These issues eventually caused Tuoba Si to send diplomats to the Later Qin, Eastern Jin, and the Rouran in 414 in order to temporarily establish stable relations with each, which all complied to. Meanwhile, the Jin took advantage of the Qin's civil war by attacking it in 416, and eventually brought an end to the state in 417 by conquering its capital, Chang'an (長安) [8]. Initially, the Wei ruler hesitated to participate in the conflict between the two due to mutual agreements, although it eventually decided to send troops to the Qin in order to harass the Jin through guerrilla tactics [9]. However, the latter responded by defeating the Wei in open battle, causing the raiders to withdraw. Although the Jin's victories meant that it managed to establish a stable presence in North China, the demise of the Later Qin meant that the Wei was left without any direct challengers in the region, allowing the ruler to proclaim himself as the emperor of the Northern Wei in 418 [10].
On the other hand, Georyeon continued to strengthen his status as the monarch by facilitating significant waves of immigration into recently conquered regions. Although the massive relocation of migrants within the Korean Plain [11] and the peninsula would continue for more than a century before stabilizing, the Taewang's policies would be the beginning of gradual population and political shifts from the center to regions in the west and south, which had been considered as frontiers only a decade ago [12]. Nobles and commoners alike were heavily encouraged to move from traditional bases near Jolbon and Gungnae to remote yet fertile locations, allowing closely-knit factions to be spread out among multiple regions. Due to the extensive changes implemented within a few years, members of the aristocracy began to grumble due to the hassle of relocating large amounts of resources, such as land and workers, so many of them elected to move northwest instead of further south. However, the ruler still managed to rearrange the court and force them to abide by his will, eventually allowing him to set up a core loyal faction, while officials in remote regions were able to operate semi-independently of the central government and make certain decisions without consistently sending messengers, allowing greater efficiency as a whole. Eventually, after the capital had been relocated, Georyeon decided to change the official name of the state to Goryeo in 427 in order to indicate significant shifts in both internal and external policies [13].
Goryeo also began to actively utilize its strategic location by controlling trade between the peninsula and China, and reorganized trade routes within the Korean Plain. In addition, beginning in 415, it began to charge tribute in the form of taxes on foreign traders entering Goryeo territory, and merchants were required to carry special name tags in order to indicate their status [14]. Although these policies had the adverse effect of more Baekje ships heading directly to the Song instead of going through Goryeo ports, most traders from Gaya, Seorabeol, and various Japanese statelets decided to head to its northern neighbor in order to gain access to a growing market. In addition, Buyeo, Beili, and the Mohe had no choice but to go through its southern neighbor in order to trade, and the latter's status as an intermediary allowed the northern entities to gain access to southern peninsular markets as well. On the other hand, although the Wei had developed stable political relations with its eastern neighbor in 415, the trade volume between the two did not become substantial until ten years later, due to the chaos within North China, and the lack of ships within the Wei. However, Goryeo decided to exempt its western neighbor from most taxes due to the lower status that it had initially adopted when initially approaching the Wei for diplomatic relations, and continued to occasionally send tribute afterward in the form of gifts. As a whole, although Goryeo's policies benefited the state at a disproportionate rate in comparison with its neighbors, they also allowed everyone as a whole to come into greater contact with each other, facilitating the flow of transportation and information across East Asia.
Meanwhile, political turmoil was rampant within East Asian states, as the rulers were replaced for various reasons. Jeonji had gradually restored contacts with Seorabeol, Gaya, and polities within the Japanese islands during his reign by sending gifts to each, along with welcoming diplomats. After his death in March of 420, his first son, Guisin (구이신왕/久爾辛王), took the throne, but an official, Mokmanchi (목만치/木滿致), who had close relations with his mother, ruled as regent due to his young age. Soon after, other officials began taking advantage of the fragile situation by forming factions, eventually overthrowing the figurehead in 427 and installing Biyu (비유왕/毗有王) in his place [15]. The new ruler then began to consolidate his power by conducting a tour of the country in February of the following year in order to inspect his subjects, and provided grain to those who were in need. In 428, 50 ambassadors from Japan arrived to pay their respects, and in October, the ruler appointed one of his officials, Haesu (해수/解須), as Sangjwapyeong (상좌평/上佐平) after Yeosin's death. However, an earthquake in November, along with strong winds and abnormally warm conditions in the following month, meant that the ruler had to focus on internal affairs for several months [16]. After they had been resolved, Biyu sent a diplomat to the Song in 429 to present tribute, and the latter responded with an ambassador in April. Seorabeol also had its hands full, as the ruler's younger brother, Misaheun (미사흔/未斯欣), escaped from Japan, while the state suffered from famines in 420 to the point where many prisoners were freed in the fall, and Nulji sent an envoy to Goryeo in 425 in order to maintain diplomatic relations.
In addition, the various states within the region attempted to set up strategic alliances in order to maintain their statuses, and although there were occasional conflicts, none was willing to escalate them due to the implied involvement and protection of several other states. Baekje continued to take the initiative in persuading Gaya, Seorabeol, and statelets within the Japanese archipelago to join an alliance against Goryeo. However, the process continued to be delayed as other issues trumped military ones, as aristocrats within each state generally focused on internal issues and favored maintaining tributary statuses in order to minimize risk. Although Baekje also sent envoys to the Wei and Liu Song as well in order to explore potential alternatives, their responses regarding an invasion into Goryeo were lukewarm, as each was busy with more pressing issues concerning border disputes with other states. Meanwhile, the temporary instability in the south soon after the fall of the Jin allowed the Wei to take a stronger stance, and it eventually attacked and seized Huatai (滑臺) [17], Luoyang (洛陽), Hulao (虎牢) [18], and Xuchang (許昌), from 424-5, soon after Liu Yu, as Emperor Wu (劉宋武帝), passed away in 423. The losses eventually caused his successor, Liu Yifu (劉義符), who was enthroned as Emperor Shao (劉宋少帝), to be removed from power and replaced him with his younger brother, Liu Yilong (劉義隆), who became Emperor Wen (劉宋文帝) in 425 [19]. As a result, although the southern Chinese state was suffering from political turmoil, it began to look for ways to counter Wei's increasing influence, causing it to seek closer ties with the Xia, Rouran, and Goryeo. Although all of them promised to counter the Wei, the Xia and Rouran were faced with internal issues after their rulers passed away in 425 and 429, respectively, making it difficult for them to focus on external affairs. As a result, each state became entangled in complex alliances, which would have drastic repercussions decades later when conflicts erupted across Central and East Asia.
[1] “First body after person.” The intended meaning is devoting oneself to personal matters before thinking about issues concerning others. The origin is unknown.
[2] IOTL, Jangsu moved the capital southward to Pyongyang in 427 because Baekje still remained as a potential threat in the south, in addition to the fact that the land was more fertile in comparison to Guknae, along with allowing the ruler to curb the court's growing influence within the government.
[3] This is the first time that I have decided to revert a change I have made in a previous post. Although “Tuoba Wei” is also an acceptable nomenclature for the state, “Northern Wei” should be the predominant one based on the names for other states within North China, such as the Southern Yan. I made the change earlier because of the mistaken assumption that the Northern Wei's name stemmed from the fact that it had unified North China. However, during the time period in question, the state would have been solely been referred to as the “Wei,” and the “Northern” identifier, like corresponding ones for other states, was added afterward by historians for clarification.
[4] I didn't include this in my previous updates, but the Later Yan and Northern Wei were originally allied from 386-91, and confronted other states such as the Western Yan, although the agreement ceased to exist after the former demanded more troops. The Northern Wei also briefly allied with the Western Yan after relations with the Later Yan became hostile, which eventually culminated in the Yan's loss at Canhe Slope in 395 and its eventual collapse in 409.
[5] IOTL, the Later Qin managed to maintain a relatively strong position within North China from 400-2 and again from 403-7 due to the chaos caused by the Later Yan's continuous defeats against the Wei, but the vassal states continued to remain independent, and each state's position in regards to geopolitics frequently shifted over time.
[6] Tuoba Gui began to sentence numerous officials to death around 406-9 IOTL due to extensive attempts in order to consolidate his rule, although he would have been motivated to carry out significant purges much earlier ITTL because he could have been in danger of losing his throne after such a devastating defeat.
[7] IOTL, while Tuoba Gui justified his decision by citing examples of previous emperors who had carried out similar actions, it remains unclear whether his increasing mental instability played a major role as well, as it provided a major reason for his eventual assassination by one of his sons.
[8] Located in modern-day Xi'an, Shaanxi.
[9] Chinese records suggest that the Wei raised around 100,000 troops, but this is highly unlikely considering the fact that they mostly limited themselves to sporadic raids and guerrilla operations, and never confronted the Jin directly in a pitched battle until the latter forced them to do so.
[10] Posthumously known as Emperor Mingyuan (明元帝). IOTL, a Wei victory at Canhe Slope, and its growing dominance over the Yan soon after, meant that Tuoba Gui, posthumously Emperor Daowu (道武帝), became emperor in 398, which is not true ITTL, as the Wei was able to extend its influence only after the Later Qin's demise.
[11] This term will be used ITTL from now on as the corresponding region of Manchuria IOTL, although other alternatives may be used in future updates if necessary.
[12] These population shifts also occurred IOTL, as even though the Liaodong Peninsula was not fully conquered until 403, historical records suggest that most of the population was concentrated within the Liaodong Peninsula by the time that Goguryeo fell in 668. In addition, numerous Goguryeo artifacts used by nobles have been found south of the Han River, suggesting that many settled there permanently. However, the migration south was relatively limited in comparison, as Goguryeo did not sack Wirye until 475, and a joint attack by Silla and Baekje meant that the northern state was eventually pushed north of the river permanently by 551.
[13] IOTL, this change occurred in the same year, and the state is referred to as “Goryeo” in most Chinese records complied afterward. However, the Samguk Sagi consistently refers to the state as “Goguryeo” due to the fact that “Goryeo,” which was founded in 918, was in existence when the record was complied (1145). For a loose comparison, labeling the state as “Goguryeo” makes as much sense as calling OTL Silla “Seorabeol,” as the shorter nomenclature was not officially adopted until 503. In other words, I've made the decision to switch the “old” and “new” nomenclatures for Goguryeo and Silla due to stylistic reasons, and I will refer to the former as “Goryeo” from now on.
[14] A similar policy probably existed IOTL, given that after Goguryeo's southward expansions, states in the south had no choice but to go through their northern neighbor for both land and maritime trade in most cases from 475-551, but the lack of extant sources means that this conjecture will probably remain unconfirmed.
[15] The Samguk Sagi simply states that he reigned from 420-427, but the Nihon Shoki provides further details about his reign. It is also unclear if Guisin was Biyu's father.
[16] IOTL, the earthquake affected Wirye, the capital, but as Ungjin, the capital at this time ITTL, was located not far from the original location, I assumed that the event would have significantly affected the new location as well, not to mention the original capital, which is within Goguryeo ITTL.
[17] Located in modern-day Anyang, Henan.
[18] Located in modern-day Zhengzhou, Henan.
[19] IOTL, Liu Yifu took the throne in 422, and Yiu Yilong succeeded him in 424.