A House Divided Against Itself: An 1860 Election Timeline

VIII: Smite the Union With Flame
VIII: Smite the Union With Flame
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With his nomination, Toombs set out to try and establish his candidacy. Although he was the most sectional candidate in the election, he had been somewhat lulled into the belief that was campaign would be viable on a national level by the rhetoric of other Fire-Eater who spoke of "saving the union from Republican depravity and debauchery" and "preserving the Constitution of our forefathers". Toombs and the campaign managers who choose for himself decided to buy into the belief that if presented with their arguments from the right orator, the people of the North would break from the "Traitor Douglas", "Simpleton Seward", and "Stinky Salmon" to support the Southern Democratic Party. And Toombs believed he had just the right man for the task: William L. Yancey.

To develop his campaign strategy, Toombs and his men had gathered a rather unremarkable group of politicians (if they could be called that), with the intent of conducting a national campaign. None of them were truly gifted campaigners, but they all were loyal to the tenets of the South, so Toombs eagerly brought them aboard. Serving as the head of his campaign staff, alongside work in the Eastern Southern states, would be fellow Georgian and Fire-Eater Representative Martin J. Crawford. He had long been a member of the pro-Southern cause, having even attended the 1850 Nashville Convention and having served in the House since 1855.

Also working on the Eastern Southern states would be Henry L. Benning, who was a justice on the Georgia Supreme Court and a man who Toombs had met and taken a liking to at the break off Southern Democratic Convention. Together, Crawford and Benning were to direct campaign efforts in that region. Handling the Western Southern states would be Thomas C. Hindman, a freshman Arkansas congressman with a fiery personality like Toombs', as well as a similar fighting spirit. Hoping to earn recognition and advance himself within the echelons of the Fire-Eaters, he promised to deliver all the states assigned to him, which were Alabama, Mississippi, Arkansas, Louisiana, Texas.

Finally, to direct his efforts to campaign across the North (with the exception of California and Oregon), and the men who would plan Yancey's tour of the region, would be former New York City mayor Fernando Wood, Massachusetts State Senator Benjamin F. Butler, former Massachusetts postmaster George P. Loring, and President of Dartmouth College Nathan Lord. These men went beyond the Doughfaces of the like of Buchanan or Pierce. They had come to fully accept the tenets of the Southern Democratic Party, and hoped to promote, not merely coexist, with them. They laid a tour for Yancey starting in Douglas' native Illinois, before weaving their way through the electorally rich lands of Indiana, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and New York, culminating in an event where Wood would host an event in Yancey's honor, and have him deliver a speech alongside himself, Butler, Lord, his brother and newspaper editor Benjamin Wood, prominent New York attorney James T. Brady, and several others, and to covertly try to convince Tammany Hall to support the Southern Democratic Party (or the True Democratic Party, as they referred to it in their correspondence).

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Martin J. Crawford, who unofficially served as Toombs' campaign manager
When Yancey was presented with the proposal, he was flattered and his ego was thoroughly stroked. He decided to temporarily set aside his hatred of all things Northern, and agreed to the campaign tour. As he drafted several speeches, he eagerly declared to an aide that he was preparing to "smite the Union with flame, to release the folk of the north from the yoke of ignorance fixed upon them by the Yankee deceiver." In this, he would be utterly disappointed. His trip got off to a rough start when he was heckled by a crowd of Illinois citizens for his insulting of Douglas as an "uncouth, slovenly barbarian, a gladiator torn from the pages of ancient Rome." Despite the rough receival this moniker received, Toombs' campaign ran with it, printing broadsides of Douglas in the appearance of a gladiator throughout the Midwest.

As he made his way south into southern Illinois (colloquially referred to as "Little Egypt") and southern Indiana, he met a more receptive audience. He delivered a few well-received addresses, even making one appearance with one of Indiana's senators, Jesse D. Bright, who had not endorsed any candidate, but was privately known to sympathize with Toombs, which led to much acclaim and fanfare. He would encounter another gaffe, however, at the height of his trip. The boisterous Republican candidate for Indiana's governorship, Oliver P. Morton, publicly challenged Yancey to a formal public debate during a stump speech. Yancey, always up for a fight, but also having to maintain a strict schedule, decided to try and save face and shirk off Morton.

During his last address in Indiana, he referred to Morton-- a former Democrat-- as "a despicable traitor to his party, his race, and his nation." In his rebuttal a few days later, Morton would call Yancey the true traitor, and that he was a coward as well, having been driven to flight by the fear of an honest debate. Morton's response would prove to much more popular within the state, and the region as a whole, then any of Yancey's speeches, so much so that Yancey decided to cancel several campaign stops in Ohio in the belief that they had been too severely undermined by Morton. For this success, Morton would become quite famous in the Midwest, and got on the radar of several prominent politicians in Washington.

After finding both Ohio and Pennsylvania to be thoroughly unresponsive to his treasonous message, Yancey advanced to what was supposed to be the climax of his tour. After several speeches to New York crowds received with middling to no enthusiasm, Yancey would arrive at the summer home of Fernando Wood, where the event was to be held. Wood had done much in preparation, having invited as many Tammany bosses as he could convince to come, and generally just about anyone with any sort of standing within New York who was open to hearing him out.
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The summer home of Fernando Wood, where Yancey's address was to be held
Toombs' opponents would not take this threat lying down. Although neither side knew of the plans of the other, both were plotting to ensure that Yancey and Wood would have a very unsatisfactory night. The Republican plan was quite simple. Thurlow Weed, serving as Seward's intermediary, would instruct Lincoln to direct his friend, Elmer E. Ellsworth, to have a parade of his United States Zouave Cadets, who had been on tour in New York to drum up support for the Republican ticket, to have a parade in full regalia, band and all, nearby Wood's home to disrupt the occupants. The Democrats, meanwhile, had something less organized and jovial in mind. Douglas' campaign in New York, which was being directed by August Belmont, Horatio Seymour, Charles O'Conor, and John Van Buren, decided they needed to fight dirty, although they themselves wanted to stay clean of the whole affair. Thus, they directed young congressman and Tammany Hall insider Daniel E. Sickles to cause what they referred to as "a suitable disruption" to the event.

Sickles knew how to do his job well, and on the evening of September 15, when the event was being held, a large mob of discontented men began to gather around the home of Wood. Sensing something bad was coming, and already having disrupted the event with the loud serenades of his men, Ellsworth would direct his Zouaves away from Wood's residence. Sickles had reached out to Thomas F. Meagher, a prominent voice with New York City's immigrant, especially Irish, community to bring about the "suitable disruption". Meagher did not disappoint, and the drunken men from the slums and streets of New York City had come out in mass. For many, their virulent anger was not due primarily to any matter political in nature, but rather as a way to rage against their current, impoverished circumstances. It also likely helped that Meagher had covertly implied that a British ambassador was dining with Wood that night, which of course was not true.

Egged on by Meagher, they began belting out fierce profanities and spattering the outside walls of Wood's home with the New York City's refuse. Bonfires were lit on the streets in front of the house fed by picket fences in front of it. Although Meagher held back the mob from ever breaking into the house, many inside were afraid that was just what was about to occur. A last ditch attempt by Wood to attempt to contact John Kelly, Sheriff of the County of New York, was horribly surprised when it was revealed that Kelly was actually another ring-leader in the mob, hoping to depose Wood as Grand Sachem of Tammany Hall and install himself. Thus, when the residents inside saw an escape route intently left open by Meagher, they, led by Yancey, bolted. When this was observed, Meagher began to reign in the outrage of the mob, and was eventually able to disperse it without having taken or lost a single life.

Shaken, and inwardly scared, the night of September 15 would find Yancey getting plastered in an upper-end bar just outside of New York City. After that display at Wood's residence, he believed all his beliefs about Northerners had been confirmed, and that they were nothing better than filthy animals. Unfortunately, his drunkenness led to rambling of this belief, and even more unfortunately his ramblings were directed towards one Charles A. Dana of the New York Tribune, who eagerly wrote down every insulting and venomous slurs coming out of Yancey's lips. All of these would find their way into the paper the next morning, and Yancey's brutal rantings, which had been particularly directed towards the Irish, ensured he would have a very uncomfortable ride all the way back to Alabama, where he refused to speak anymore for the Toombs' campaign.
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Elmer E. Ellsworth, Daniel E. Sickles, Thomas F. Meagher, and Charles A. Dana; the men who brought about the utter failure of Toombs' northern campaign

Despite the utter humiliation and collapse of Toombs' campaign in the North, the states of California and Oregon seemed to have more potential. With his efforts there headed up by Oregon Senator Joseph Lane, former Chief Justice of the California Supreme Court David S. Terry, and former California attorney general John R. McConnell, the Toombs campaign seemed to be making some successful inroads within the community. The vast expanses of territory separating the two states from the rest of the nation created a similar divide in mentality, and some wished for a government closer to home and one more familiar with local issues. In Southern California, Terry and Lane would find a fertile breeding ground for Breckinridge supporters.

Many white people in that region had come hoping to establish another slave state, and having been disappointed by the Compromise of 1850's proclamation of California's free state status had been petitioning to become their own state. Thus, they eagerly flocked to the messages of expanding slavery under a Toombs' administration. This region would also witness the sole attempt at campaigning not targeted towards appealing towards white Americans in the Toombs' campaign. Realizing that they would be a critical voter base from experience, Terry and McConnell would work towards stumping on issues important to Californios, or the Hispanic natives of California. Ultimately, neither man could secure much funding to pursue that venture, so that would ultimately drop it to focus on their effort on pro-slavery Californians.
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David S. Terry and John R. McConnell, who led the sole attempt at racial crossover in Toombs' campaign
 
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I like how Toombs slander against his opponents are that they are unfit for office due to either being traitors or being of "soft mind," and his argument against Chase is more or less "he smells."
 
VIII: Smite the Union With Flame
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With his nomination, Toombs set out to try and establish his candidacy. Although he was the most sectional candidate in the election, he had been somewhat lulled into the belief that was campaign would be viable on a national level by the rhetoric of other Fire-Eater who spoke of "saving the union from Republican depravity and debauchery" and "preserving the Constitution of our forefathers". Toombs and the campaign managers who choose for himself decided to buy into the belief that if presented with their arguments from the right orator, the people of the North would break from the "Traitor Douglas", "Simpleton Seward", and "Stinky Salmon" to support the Southern Democratic Party. And Toombs believed he had just the right man for the task: William L. Yancey.

To develop his campaign strategy, Toombs and his men had gathered a rather unremarkable group of politicians (if they could be called that), with the intent of conducting a national campaign. None of them were truly gifted campaigners, but they all were loyal to the tenets of the South, so Toombs eagerly brought them aboard. Serving as the head of his campaign staff, alongside work in the Eastern Southern states, would be fellow Georgian and Fire-Eater Representative Martin J. Crawford. He had long been a member of the pro-Southern cause, having even attended the 1850 Nashville Convention and having served in the House since 1855.

Also working on the Eastern Southern states would be Henry L. Benning, who was a justice on the Georgia Supreme Court and a man who Toombs had met and taken a liking to at the break off Southern Democratic Convention. Together, Crawford and Benning were to direct campaign efforts in that region. Handling the Western Southern states would be Thomas C. Hindman, a freshman Arkansas congressman with a fiery personality like Toombs', as well as a similar fighting spirit. Hoping to earn recognition and advance himself within the echelons of the Fire-Eaters, he promised to deliver all the states assigned to him, which were Alabama, Mississippi, Arkansas, Louisiana, Texas.

Finally, to direct his efforts to campaign across the North (with the exception of California and Oregon), and the men who would plan Yancey's tour of the region, would be former New York City mayor Fernando Wood, Massachusetts State Senator Benjamin F. Butler, former Massachusetts postmaster George P. Loring, and President of Dartmouth College Nathan Lord. These men went beyond the Doughfaces of the like of Buchanan or Pierce. They had come to fully accept the tenets of the Southern Democratic Party, and hoped to promote, not merely coexist, with them. They laid a tour for Yancey starting in Douglas' native Illinois, before weaving their way through the electorally rich lands of Indiana, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and New York, culminating in an event where Wood would host an event in Yancey's honor, and have him deliver a speech alongside himself, Butler, Lord, his brother and newspaper editor Benjamin Wood, prominent New York attorney James T. Brady, and several others, and to covertly try to convince Tammany Hall to support the Southern Democratic Party (or the True Democratic Party, as they referred to it in their correspondence).

Martin_J._Crawford.jpg

Martin J. Crawford, who unofficially served as Toombs' campaign manager
When Yancey was presented with the proposal, he was flattered and his ego was thoroughly stroked. He decided to temporarily set aside his hatred of all things Northern, and agreed to the campaign tour. As he drafted several speeches, he eagerly declared to an aide that he was preparing to "smite the Union with flame, to release the folk of the north from the yoke of ignorance fixed upon them by the Yankee deceiver." In this, he would be utterly disappointed. His trip got off to a rough start when he was heckled by a crowd of Illinois citizens for his insulting of Douglas as an "uncouth, slovenly barbarian, a gladiator torn from the pages of ancient Rome." Despite the rough receival this moniker received, Toombs' campaign ran with it, printing broadsides of Douglas in the appearance of a gladiator throughout the Midwest.

As he made his way south into southern Illinois (colloquially referred to as "Little Egypt") and southern Indiana, he met a more receptive audience. He delivered a few well-received addresses, even making one appearance with one of Indiana's senators, Jesse D. Bright, who had not endorsed any candidate, but was privately known to sympathize with Toombs, which led to much acclaim and fanfare. He would encounter another gaffe, however, at the height of his trip. The boisterous Republican candidate for Indiana's governorship, Oliver P. Morton, publicly challenged Yancey to a formal public debate during a stump speech. Yancey, always up for a fight, but also having to maintain a strict schedule, decided to try and save face and shirk off Morton.

During his last address in Indiana, he referred to Morton-- a former Democrat-- as "a despicable traitor to his party, his race, and his nation." In his rebuttal a few days later, Morton would call Yancey the true traitor, and that he was a coward as well, having been driven to flight by the fear of an honest debate. Morton's response would prove to much more popular within the state, and the region as a whole, then any of Yancey's speeches, so much so that Yancey decided to cancel several campaign stops in Ohio in the belief that they had been too severely undermined by Morton. For this success, Morton would become quite famous in the Midwest, and got on the radar of several prominent politicians in Washington.

After finding both Ohio and Pennsylvania to be thoroughly unresponsive to his treasonous message, Yancey advanced to what was supposed to be the climax of his tour. After several speeches to New York crowds received with middling to no enthusiasm, Yancey would arrive at the summer home of Fernando Wood, where the event was to be held. Wood had done much in preparation, having invited as many Tammany bosses as he could convince to come, and generally just about anyone with any sort of standing within New York who was open to hearing him out.
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The summer home of Fernando Wood, where Yancey's address was to be held
Toombs' opponents would not take this threat lying down. Although neither side knew of the plans of the other, both were plotting to ensure that Yancey and Wood would have a very unsatisfactory night. The Republican plan was quite simple. Thurlow Weed, serving as Seward's intermediary, would instruct Lincoln to direct his friend, Elmer E. Ellsworth, to have a parade of his United States Zouave Cadets, who had been on tour in New York to drum up support for the Republican ticket, to have a parade in full regalia, band and all, nearby Wood's home to disrupt the occupants. The Democrats, meanwhile, had something less organized and jovial in mind. Douglas' campaign in New York, which was being directed by August Belmont, Horatio Seymour, Charles O'Conor, and John Van Buren, decided they needed to fight dirty, although they themselves wanted to stay clean of the whole affair. Thus, they directed young congressman and Tammany Hall insider Daniel E. Sickles to cause what they referred to as "a suitable disruption" to the event.

Sickles knew how to do his job well, and on the evening of September 15, when the event was being held, a large mob of discontented men began to gather around the home of Wood. Sensing something bad was coming, and already having disrupted the event with the loud serenades of his men, Ellsworth would direct his Zouaves away from Wood's residence. Sickles had reached out to Thomas F. Meagher, a prominent voice with New York City's immigrant, especially Irish, community to bring about the "suitable disruption". Meagher did not disappoint, and the drunken men from the slums and streets of New York City had come out in mass. For many, their virulent anger was not due primarily to any matter political in nature, but rather as a way to rage against their current, impoverished circumstances. It also likely helped that Meagher had covertly implied that a British ambassador was dining with Wood that night, which of course was not true.

Egged on by Meagher, they began belting out fierce profanities and spattering the outside walls of Wood's home with the New York City's refuse. Bonfires were lit on the streets in front of the house fed by picket fences in front of it. Although Meagher held back the mob from ever breaking into the house, many inside were afraid that was just what was about to occur. A last ditch attempt by Wood to attempt to contact John Kelly, Sheriff of the County of New York, was horribly surprised when it was revealed that Kelly was actually another ring-leader in the mob, hoping to depose Wood as Grand Sachem of Tammany Hall and install himself. Thus, when the residents inside saw an escape route intently left open by Meagher, they, led by Yancey, bolted. When this was observed, Meagher began to reign in the outrage of the mob, and was eventually able to disperse it without having taken or lost a single life.

Shaken, and inwardly scared, the night of September 15 would find Yancey getting plastered in an upper-end bar just outside of New York City. After that display at Wood's residence, he believed all his beliefs about Northerners had been confirmed, and that they were nothing better than filthy animals. Unfortunately, his drunkenness led to rambling of this belief, and even more unfortunately his ramblings were directed towards one Charles A. Dana of the New York Tribune, who eagerly wrote down every insulting and venomous slurs coming out of Yancey's lips. All of these would find their way into the paper the next morning, and Yancey's brutal rantings, which had been particularly directed towards the Irish, ensured he would have a very uncomfortable ride all the way back to Alabama, where he refused to speak anymore for the Toombs' campaign.
View attachment 652831 View attachment 652832 View attachment 652833 View attachment 652834
Elmer E. Ellsworth, Daniel E. Sickles, Thomas F. Meagher, and Charles A. Dana; the men who brought about the utter failure of Toombs' northern campaign

Despite the utter humiliation and collapse of Toombs' campaign in the North, the states of California and Oregon seemed to have more potential. With his efforts there headed up by Oregon Senator Joseph Lane, former Chief Justice of the California Supreme Court David S. Terry, and former California attorney general John R. McConnell, the Toombs campaign seemed to be making some successful inroads within the community. The vast expanses of territory separating the two states from the rest of the nation created a similar divide in mentality, and some wished for a government closer to home and one more familiar with local issues. In Southern California, Terry and Lane would find a fertile breeding ground for Breckinridge supporters.

Many white people in that region had come hoping to establish another slave state, and having been disappointed by the Compromise of 1850's proclamation of California's free state status had been petitioning to become their own state. Thus, they eagerly flocked to the messages of expanding slavery under a Toombs' administration. This region would also witness the sole attempt at campaigning not targeted towards appealing towards white Americans in the Toombs' campaign. Realizing that they would be a critical voter base from experience, Terry and McConnell would work towards stumping on issues important to Californios, or the Hispanic natives of California. Ultimately, neither man could secure much funding to pursue that venture, so that would ultimately drop it to focus on their effort on pro-slavery Californians.
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David S. Terry and John R. McConnell, who led the sole attempt at racial crossover in Toombs' campaign
Loring & Butler being Breckinridge supporters never ceases to perplex me considering their post war Republicanism.
 
Loring & Butler being Breckinridge supporters never ceases to perplex me considering their post war Republicanism.
It is surprising indeed (especially Butler!). Thanks again for bringing Loring to my attention. The strangest thing happened with that. As soon as I saw you mention him, I saw him in two other completely unrelated things I was looking at later that day. Sometimes it seems when you learn an interesting fact, it just keeps appearing over and over again.
How many faithless voters are we going to see in this five-way race? 2 or 20?
Hmm, I never really thought about that before. Interesting...
 
Just caught up on this and holy crap well done! You've brought together some of the most diverse, interesting and loathsome people from the pre-civil war era and given the United States an election no one is ever likely to forget! Definitely keeping an eye on this!
 
Just caught up on this and holy crap well done! You've brought together some of the most diverse, interesting and loathsome people from the pre-civil war era and given the United States an election no one is ever likely to forget! Definitely keeping an eye on this!
Thank you so much for the high compliment! And coming from another (quite successful) Civil War timeliner like yourself, it means even more. Thank you to you and everyone else who have decided to follow this TL, it is quite humbling to see all the responses this TL has received.
 
Thank you so much for the high compliment! And coming from another (quite successful) Civil War timeliner like yourself, it means even more. Thank you to you and everyone else who have decided to follow this TL, it is quite humbling to see all the responses this TL has received.
This is the best timeline I've come across yet, and by far the best pre-1900s.
 
Just caught up on this and holy crap well done! You've brought together some of the most diverse, interesting and loathsome people from the pre-civil war era and given the United States an election no one is ever likely to forget! Definitely keeping an eye on this!
I agree with this, quite the interesting TL.

I'd hate to be a high school or college kid in ATL America, trying to remember the five candidates, their vice-candidates and their political parties. They'd have a mental breakdown over the electoral votes, if there were faithless voters.
 
This is the best timeline I've come across yet, and by far the best pre-1900s.
Thank you so much for the compliment! You yourself seem to have some interesting ideas for some TL brewing, so I very much look forward to seeing what comes of them.
I agree with this, quite the interesting TL.

I'd hate to be a high school or college kid in ATL America, trying to remember the five candidates, their vice-candidates and their political parties. They'd have a mental breakdown over the electoral votes, if there were faithless voters.
I just love the AH.com community! Everyone is so helpful, constructive, insightful, and kind. They really help make this place not just another online chat board, but something really special. Thank you to everyone for all the compliments you have been giving!
 
IX: Compromise and Consolidation
IX: Compromise and Consolidation
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As the tempers for the nominating conventions began to subside, and the realities of America's electoral system became apparent, the supporters of both the Republican and Liberty Parties began to consider if the ambitions and pride of two men should really stand between them and their best chance at getting elected to the presidency and enacting their policies. Worries grew that their divide would serve to counteract the Democratic one, and could possibly allow someone like Douglas or Crittenden to narrowly sweep the states. Both sides realized that in reality, there was hardly even any policy difference between the two factions, yet they persisted in running separate campaigns. In light of this, some insiders in both campaigns began contacting each other, in hopes of uniting the two campaigns to ensure their victory come November. In no state were these efforts harder worked for, or more plans laid out, than New York, the most electorally rich state in the nation.

It had been, after all, a conflict of political factions within the state that had ultimately blossomed into the highly contentious nominating convention, and then ballooned into Chase starting his own campaign. As such, hoping to go at the root of the problem, a meeting of the Weed and Greeley Republicans was organized. Public sentiment within the state's party was, perhaps unsurprisingly considering the span of Weed's influence, generally against Greeley, and considered him the ultimate party traitor and spoiler. One such cartoon, entitled The Impending Crisis - Or Caught in the Act, depicted a vengeful Greeley attempting to drown Seward and his presidential chances in deep waters in pursuit of his vendetta. Another, entitled What I Know About Horace Greeley, depicted him cow-towing to Southern Democrats personified in Mississippi Senator Jefferson Davis in one pane, and attempting to use his political influence to block reform in the other.
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What I Know About Horace Greeley, one of many anti-Greeley political cartoons mass produced by Weed and his lieutenants in the press.
Despite their virulent attacks on their opposition's character and loyalty, both sides of the Weed-Greeley divide were ultimately able to agree to sit down together, with the two men at their head, to sort out the state of the New York Republican Party. What was up for discussion went beyond the state of the Republican ticket of New York itself, but also how the New York Republican Party would run in terms of patronage and nominations, for which Weed has notoriously favored former Whigs, driving many former Democrats turned Republican into Greeley's camp, even though Greeley himself was a Whig through and through. Furthermore, they hoped to set an example for other state-level Republican Parties to come to a similar consensus. On that front, they had managed one more success. Having sent out delegations to the Republican and Liberty Party organizations in Pennsylvania, they had convinced to two men who had been heading up the campaigning in that state --Simon Cameron for Seward and Andrew Curtin for Chase-- to come to the meeting. If a compromise could be reached in those two states, the chances of the Republican nationally would increase exponentially, so both men agreed to come in search of such a compromise.

As the meeting drew closer, the men took even one more step to increase the importance of the meeting. Weed and Greeley had both reached out to the presidential candidates themselves, in hopes of gaining their approval to work on a nationwide level to attempt to bring about a more united Republican front. Seward easily consented to the will of his long-time political ally and mentor, but Chase proved more hesitant. It was only with much prodding from his supporters that he agreed to allow Greeley that power. With the approval of both candidates in hand, the meeting now had the authority to affect a possibly united Republican ticket not only in New York, but in the entire nation, which had the impact to decide the election itself.

To represent themselves at this crucial gathering, the most powerful and influential members of the New York Republican Party gathered. Among the men who accompanied Weed to the meeting would be former Lieutenant Governor Henry J. Raymond, former Senator Hamilton Fish, prominent attorney William M. Evarts, former New York justice Ira Harris, former state assemblyman and public official Richard M. Blatchford, and prominent citizen Theodore Roosevelt Sr. The man gathered to represent the Liberty Party was no less distinguished. Besides Greeley, other men attending included Liberty Party founder Gerrit Smith, Representative Reuben Fenton, former state Attorney General Lyman Tremain, and prominent former state assemblyman George Opdyke. The gathering of Republican high society was quickly put to work by Democratic propogandists, who depicted the meeting in some of the nastiest and most offensive political cartoons on the campaign season.
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Thurlow Weed and Horace Greeley, long time rivals meeting to attempt settle their differences for the party good
From the outset, some good progress was made, but there also were pitfalls. The two sides were able to agree to run unified candidates for the downballot races under the Republican Party banner in New York and Pennsylvania, with suitable candidates representing the interests of both sides being screened by a committee headed up by Harris and Tremain, but a compromise for the presidential race remained elusive. Weed would continually point out that Seward had rightfully won to the Republican nomination at the convention, but he was unwilling to knock Lincoln off the ticket to give Chase the vice-presidential nomination. The best he could offer, he claimed, was the State Department following Seward's election, which Weed was reluctant to concede considering Seward already had two of the most prized presidential nominations handed out before the election was even over, being the Chief Justiceship and Treasury Department. In mattered not, however, as Greeley and his men repeated declined the offer, willing only to settle for a spot on the ticket.

After several days of conflict, it became clear that a single Republican ticket was not possible given the firm stand of both sides. With this unachievable, they turned to the second best option, which would be unified tickets on a state by state basis, with each state's electors being instructed which candidate to vote for once the election was over and one candidate could be chosen. Even this would prove to be difficult, but eventually an agreement was reached. In New York, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Iowa, Chase and the Liberty Party would drop out and instruct his supporters to support Seward and Lincoln. In return, Seward would drop out of Ohio and Pennsylvania's race, hand the mantle of the official Republican nominee to Chase in those two states, and instruct his supporters to go over to Chase. With this arrangement, both camps had 50 electoral votes uncontested by the other side. Similar efforts were planned for the remaining Midwestern states of Indiana, Illinois, and Minnesota, but no agreement acceptable to both sides could be reached. In those states, there would be unified Republican candidates for state representatives, U.S. representatives, and the Indiana and Illinois gubernatorial elections (Oliver P. Morton and Richard Yates respectively), as well as endorsing George W. Julian to be the Republican candidate for Senate in Indiana, but Seward and Chase would remain on the ballot against each other.

With Pennsylvania's matters settled, both Cameron and Curtin would depart, and soon there after, the meeting would officially adjourn. Plans for the post-election meeting to review the results and decide how to instruct the electors to vote would be unofficially outlined, but both sides, tried of conflict and seeing that future meeting as a likely flashpoint, decided to leave the details for a later time. For the last official motion of the meeting, Raymond and Tremain were selected to travel around and inform the state Republican parties of the plan. Both sides were thoroughly exhausted, and were certainly not looking forward to the drama of a post-election meeting to decide how to allocate the electoral votes, hoping instead that their candidate would just win outright. In the meantime, the opposition parties would caught wind of what was discussed in the closed-door meeting, and were preparing to make political hay out of it.
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Henry J. Raymond and Lyman Tremain, envoys of the meeting to the state Republican Parties
 
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Hmm, I'm going to go out on a limb a bit with a prediction: My guess is Douglas wins the popular vote but no candidate wins an electoral majority and the election goes to the House-I don't have a victor predicted yet but my guess is Seward v. Crittenden v. Toombs, with Douglas barely losing third place electorally. My bet is on either Crittenden or Seward with Vallandigham as Vice President.

Also, amazing update as usual!
 

dcharles

Banned
Small tangent:

It is truly baffling that men of the 1860s thought that the answer to a double chin was a scraggly neckbeard.
 
Hmm, I'm going to go out on a limb a bit with a prediction: My guess is Douglas wins the popular vote but no candidate wins an electoral majority and the election goes to the House-I don't have a victor predicted yet but my guess is Seward v. Crittenden v. Toombs, with Douglas barely losing third place electorally. My bet is on either Crittenden or Seward with Vallandigham as Vice President.

Also, amazing update as usual!
Thank you!
Small tangent:

It is truly baffling that men of the 1860s thought that the answer to a double chin was a scraggly neckbeard.
It is one of those great mysteries in life, isn't it?
To be fair, it's baffling in most any time period that men think the answer to anything is a scraggly neckbeard.
That's true.
 
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