A House Divided Against Itself: An 1860 Election Timeline

Slavery was of course wrong but the South had the right to secede.
They seceded to preserve slavery... that ain't right chief. Cornerstone Speech spells that out pretty well if you ever bothered to read it.

Anyway, it sucks that civil war timelines have to attract Confederate apologists like flies. Please be quiet and stop distracting from this well written timeline with your nonsense. If you must moan, do so in the Chat thread please :)
 
The southern states opened fire on a federal fort in Charleston Harbor. They fired the first shots of the war.

Additionally, while some may argue that secession is a noble goal, how ever, one can also argue that preserving the Union is an even greater goal.
Agreed. The rebels started the war, and the federal government was therefore constitutionally bound to put down the insurrection.
 
They seceded to preserve slavery... that ain't right chief. Cornerstone Speech spells that out pretty well if you ever bothered to read it.

Anyway, it sucks that civil war timelines have to attract Confederate apologists like flies. Please be quiet and stop distracting from this well written timeline with your nonsense. If you must moan, do so in the Chat thread please :)
While I do agree with the sentiment, I think we must remember to be considerate in this situation. I don't know how old they are. I didn't fully break my "brain washing" until sometime in High School regarding the lost cause. They best way to show people the error of such views is to try and be respectful because, and I speak from experience, hostility and being spoken down to can just make it that much harder to break away from your long held beliefs because it makes you not want to agree with them almost out of spite in a way.

Unless its like a Nazi or something, then there isn't much point.

Oh man, I hope I don't sound rude.
 
While I do agree with the sentiment, I think we must remember to be considerate in this situation. I don't know how old they are. I didn't fully break my "brain washing" until sometime in High School regarding the lost cause. They best way to show people the error of such views is to try and be respectful because, and I speak from experience, hostility and being spoken down to can just make it that much harder to break away from your long held beliefs because it makes you not want to agree with them almost out of spite in a way.

Unless its like a Nazi or something, then there isn't much point.

Oh man, I hope I don't sound rude.
I agree to an extent, but that doesn’t change the fact that this is derailing the thread. If marthaka wants to continue w apologia, they can do so in chat.

To hopefully shift gears: something that I’ve been thinking about after rereading the election is I’m surprised there hasn’t been even more controversy over the results of the election, w the third place candidate becoming president and Democrats being totally unrepresented even though they made up half of the vote. Not even Douglas made it to the second round, even though he won the plurality of the popular vote, so then might talk of abolition of the electoral college occur even earlier? If the Democrats still develop a populist streak, I could see it become a core part of their platform. I guess it didn’t really enter the mainstream even with Tilden, but then again that was by a much smaller margin. This is like that controversy on steroids.
 
I agree to an extent, but that doesn’t change the fact that this is derailing the thread. If marthaka wants to continue w apologia, they can do so in chat.

To hopefully shift gears: something that I’ve been thinking about after rereading the election is I’m surprised there hasn’t been even more controversy over the results of the election, w the third place candidate becoming president and Democrats being totally unrepresented even though they made up half of the vote. Not even Douglas made it to the second round, even though he won the plurality of the popular vote, so then might talk of abolition of the electoral college occur even earlier? If the Democrats still develop a populist streak, I could see it become a core part of their platform. I guess it didn’t really enter the mainstream even with Tilden, but then again that was by a much smaller margin. This is like that controversy on steroids.
The Democrats were certainly angered by being locked out of the presidency, although it was abated somewhat by Crittenden inclusion of some of their more moderate counterparts in his cabinet. As for their fate as a party, I quite like the idea I've stewed up for them.
 
XXV: From the Halls of Congress to the Shores of Mississippi
XXV: From the Halls of Congress to the Shores of Mississippi
fisk goldring.jpg

As the Cartel closed the deal on building the northern rail line, a looming issue still hung over them as they geared up to start construction of their road: Vanderbilt had started first. Without the need for managerial organization and congressional lobbying that the Cartel depended on to secure their contract, Vanderbilt had managed to achieve over a month-long head start in construction, beginning January 23, 1862 in comparison to February 28 for the Cartel. While the challenges laying ahead for the two lines ensured that this advantage was far from deciding in the Great Railroad Race, it certainly was disconcerting for the top brass of the Cartel. Even if Vanderbilt was liable to face the scorching heat of the Arizona deserts and threats for Comanche raiders, the Rocky Mountains literally loomed over the ambitions of the Cartel. Thus, the Cartel took measures to, as Field termed it, "straighten the telegraph wire" in their competition with Vanderbilt.

This, of course, meant the deployment of their lobbyists, who by now had contacts with almost every congressman one way or another. Before they could begin their campaign against Vanderbilt, however, the Cartel decided to take on a mutually beneficial issue: securing of protection from the U.S. Army for the railroads. While it was proposed as a measure to counteract "hoodlumery and delinquency", it was quite apparent to those involved that was being asked for permission for the railroads to trample Native lands with the protection of U.S. soldiers against any of their protests or raids. In a private telegram to Fisk, Durant would ask him how his efforts to gain congressional support on "the savage question" were going. The similar sentiments were expressed in other extent sources of their lobbying efforts.

The hold-up for the congressmen on this issue sprouted not for concern for the Natives, but over the prerequisite expenditures and logistics of deploying troops in the field for an indefinite period and, for the Southerners at least, what other purposes a large body of soldiers might be used for. The issue of cost was fairly issue to negate, as the construction of the railroad was already an expensive endeavor, so throwing on a few more additional costs did not deeply chagrin Congress. The matter of the soldiers proved slightly harder to surmount, but in the words of William Vanderbilt, whom his father had sent to secure the troops, "We merely reminded the Southerners we were building west, not east."

This, combined with assurances from Secretary of War Wright that the deployments would be limited to a single regiment and that the one accompanying the Southern Sea Line would have a loyal Southerner at its head, put the issue to rest. As a result, the further appropriations for the troops were easily passed through Congress. Accompanying the Cartel and the Northern Sea Line would Colonel Philip St. George Cooke and the 2nd Dragoons, while Colonel Albert S. Johnston and the 2nd Cavalry would join Vanderbilt and the Southern Sea Line. Both of these were experienced officers who had experience working with more politically involved and complex operations, with Cooke a veteran of Bleeding Kansas and Johnston leading U.S. troops in the Mormon War.
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Colonels Philip St. George Cooke and Albert Sidney Johnston
Ultimately, the railroad barons proved well-founded in their concerns, as Native raids became increasingly common the further west the lines were built. Johnston, a former soldier of the Texas Republic, knew the area he was traversing as well as the strategies and culture of the Comanche, who were the most common raiders of the Southern Sea Line. His knowledge would prove invaluable in counteracting their efforts, even if on occasion they managed to pull off a coup, including once decimating an entire rail crew before protection could arrive and forcing thirst on the workers by their destruction of a water caravan. These victories, however, would prove to be the exception rather than the norm for the Comanche. As construction continued and the attacks intensified, Johnston and his men grew increasingly adept at handling their raids, with no large scale Native victory being achieved against the railroad once they were out of Texas.

Cooke, meanwhile, had not only to deal with the Natives, who admittedly were less aggressive than their southern counterparts, but political agitators as the line moved through the Nebraska Territory. Stirred by addresses coming out of the Deep South that attacked the railroad as the North's attempt to claim the territory for their own, men who had formerly been involved in Bleeding Kansas found a new manner to strike out against the dreaded Yankee. They now could attack his rail line. Throughout the Nebraska Territory disruptions and incidents caused by pro-slavery antagonists were three times as common as those enacted by the local Native groups. Used to such men, Cooke took swift action to quash them when they appeared, but it always seemed a trickle of men from Missouri would come to take their place. In one incident, Cooke would publicly execute the teenaged James brothers from Missouri for attempting to rustle some of the railroad's horses.
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Members of the 2nd U.S. Cavalry
Even with their victory in securing the support of the U.S. Army, however, the Cartel still had to contend with the head start gained by Vanderbilt. To this point, Jim Fisk would develop an ingenious solution to place Vanderbilt literally back at where he started. Vanderbilt had begun construction of the Southern Sea Line west of the Mississippi River in New Orleans, knowing constructing a bridge over its waters would be a costly and time-consuming endeavor that he did not want to tackle in the midst of his race. Fisk would rightfully point out, however, that the purpose of the transcontinental railroads had been to connect east and west, which was rendered moot if Vanderbilt's line remained west of the Mississippi River. This arguments proved effective in swaying Congress and Crittenden, with them soon informing Vanderbilt that their contract include the bridging of the Mississippi. This had not been specifically written out, but lines in it concerning the bridging of east and west proved sufficient for their efforts.

Vanderbilt took this defeat in stride, suspecting the involvement of the Cartel behind the scenes but fulfilling his instructions nevertheless. To spite them, however, Vanderbilt did not pull a single construction crew from the Southern Sea Line to begin work on what would become Vanderbilt Bridge. Instead, he decided to bear the costs of additional crews to simultaneously work on spanning the Mississippi while the others kept moving west. The Cartel still had one more trick on their sleeve, however. Realizing the bridge would be the starting point of his line for all traveling westward, Vanderbilt wanted to construct a grand and modern structure. He also noted the fierce conditions of the Mississippi in the region, and thus decided only one product was suitable for his project: steel.

No factory in America could produce the steel in the quantities he required, however, meaning he was forced to import product from Great Britain. To serve as funnel for his goods, Vanderbilt would employ Andrew Carnegie as his agent to secure their purchase due to his reported familiarity with and knowledge of the industry. In Vanderbilt's mind, Carnegie was a small player in Eastern railroads. Vanderbilt certainly had no knowledge of the crucial role he was playing in the Northern Sea Line's structure as one of their top lobbyists. Thus, almost all the commissions Vanderbilt paid Carnegie were in turn invested into the Northern Sea Line, a process that occurred throughout the two years of construction on the bridge. It was only after the Great Railroad Race was completed that Vanderbilt would learn whose side Carnegie was really working for, causing him to say of the immigrant, "Truly this man will be the titan of his age. He already has the titans of this one in his pocket."
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Construction on the Vanderbilt Bridge
 
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1862 United States Elections
1862 United States Elections

1862/1863 Senate Elections
Republican outrage at their candidate being denied the presidency in 1860 proved to be vented at the 1862 poll booths. Even moderates within the country viewed the ultimate result as somewhat of a farce, and throughout the north they would largely side with their disgruntled Republican counterparts. This, combined with the Yancey Rebellion and Sanborn Scandal further increasing turnout, swept Republican majorities (in some cases even supermajorities) in the state houses of many northern states, including even traditional swing states such as California, Indiana, Connecticut, and New Jersey. With this power in hand, the Republicans went to work cleaning house, and even primarying some of the more moderate members of their party--including Senators James Dixon, Preston King, and James Doolittle-- in favor of more ardent and abolitionist Republicans. This prompted many Democratic-leaning newspapers to lampoon the shift, including one particularly popular and biting cartoon entitled “The New Ulysses”, with those Republican senators being portrayed as the sailors devoured by the Republican cyclops in the model of the traditional Homeric epic, with a panicked House Speaker Francis P. Blair Jr. (a man many rightly assumed would lose his position with the increased Republican majorities in the House) looking on as the namesake hero. Nevertheless, the solid South still held for the Democratic Party, with the exception of the case of the unpopular and controversial Andrew Johnson, who found little backing from his party and a popular opponent in former Senator John Bell, whose canvassing of the region alongside Democratic apathy proved enough to gain a narrow majority for Constitutional Unionists in the state legislature, with an alliance between Republicans and Constitutional Unionists also nearly dethroning the Democrats in Missouri as well.

CA: Milton S. Latham (D) DEFEATED; Thomas S. King (R) ELECTED (Republican Gain) R+1
CT: James Dixon (R) DEFEATED for renomination; Orris S. Ferry (R) ELECTED (Republican Hold)
DE: James A. Bayard (D) Re-Elected
FL: Stephen R. Mallory (D) Re-Elected
IN: Jesse D. Bright (D) DEFEATED; Schuyler Colfax (R) ELECTED (Republican Gain) R+2
ME: Hannibal Hamlin (R) Re-Elected
MD: Anthony Kennedy (CU) Re-Elected
MA: Charles Sumner (R) Re-Elected
MI: Zachariah Chandler (R) Re-Elected
MN: Henry M. Rice (D) DEFEATED; Ignatius L. Donnelly (R) ELECTED (Republican Gain) R+3
MS: Jefferson Davis (D) Re-Elected
MO: Trusten Polk (D) Re-Elected
NJ: John R. Thompson (D) Retired; Marcus L. Ward (R) ELECTED (Republican Gain) R+4
NY: Preston King (R) DEFEATED for renomination; William H. Seward (R) ELECTED (Republican Hold)
OH: Benjamin F. Wade (R) Re-Elected
PN: Simon Cameron (R) Re-Elected
RI: James F. Simmons (R) Retired; Samuel G. Arnold (R) ELECTED (Republican Hold)
TN: Andrew Johnson (D) DEFEATED; John Bell (CU) ELECTED (Constitutional Union Gain) CU+1
TX: Louis T. Wigfall (D) Re-Elected
VA: James M. Mason (D) Re-Elected
WI: James R. Doolittle (R) DEFEATED for renomination; Alexander Randall (R) ELECTED (Republican Hold)


1862 House Elections
The elections to the House of Representatives reflected the surge of outraged Republicans to the polls and the rise of a more radical faction of that party as well, at the cost of the Democrats. When the final results were tallied, the Republicans had gained 20 seats, putting them into a position where they could choose a man for House Speaker without Unionist backing (which marked the downfall of Speaker Blair). With this power, they would install Owen Lovejoy of Illinois as the next Speaker of the House, while selecting Thaddeus Stevens as conference chair. While the selection of two radicals was clearly a sop to the men who had proved so crucial in ensuring the Republican victory, speculation swirled throughout the capital that the two men had been selected by their younger, more ambitious colleagues for their advanced age. Democrats, meanwhile, had hemorrhaged 17 seats, an embarrassing performance considering the already weak state of their body in the House, while Unionists managed to minimize their net losses to 5. Most of the Republican gains in the election were based on the back of further eroding Democratic support in the North, alongside sweeping out the Unionists from New England, which the latter party made up for by picking up support from moderates Southerners outraged at Yancey Rebellion and believing the Democrats somewhat complicit in it for allowing such men into their party. As pressure was building against the party from both the North and the South, the Democratic Party was left in quite the bind. In the words of Samuel S. Cox, who served as effective leader of the party from his position as caucus chair, “The grand Democratic beast is being beset on all sides by pestilence. Taken alone, they would be of little note, but united together in their opposition are causing a potentially mortal, and certainly crushing, blow to our ranks and spirit.” Cox himself had only narrowly fended off defeat in both the re-election to his seat and to his position as caucus chair. It soon became clear, however, that Cox had only won re-election to the latter position with the backing of several prominent Southerners, most notably James L. Orr, George S. Houston, and Thomas S. Bocock, and that they were the real power behind the throne in the Democratic minority, which served to only further tarnish the Democratic image.

38th United States Congress

Senate: 31D-34R-3CU

President of the Senate: Abraham Lincoln (R-IL)
Senate President pro tempore: William K. Sebastian (D-AR)
Chairman of Senate Republican Conference: John P. Hale (R-NH)

Alabama
2. Clement C. Clay (D) (1853-)
3. Benjamin Fitzpatrick (D) (1855-)

Arkansas
2. William K. Sebastian (D) (1848- )
3. Thomas C. Hindman (D) (1861-)

California
1. Thomas S. King (R) (1863-)
3. James A. McDougall (D) (1861-)

Connecticut
1. Orris S. Ferry (R) (1863-)
3. Lafayette S. Foster (R) (1855-)

Delaware
1. James A. Bayard (D) (1851-)
2. Willard Saulsbury, Sr. (D) (1859-)

Florida
1. Stephen R. Mallory (D) (1851-)
3. David L. Yulee (D) (1855-)

Georgia
2. Robert Toombs (D) (1853-)
3. Alfred Iverson, Sr. (D) (1855-)

Illinois
2. Stephen A. Douglas (D) (1847-)
3. Lyman Trumbull (R) (1855-)

Indiana
1. Schuyler Colfax (R) (1863-)
3. George W. Julian (R) (1861-)

Iowa
2. James W. Grimes (R) (1859-)
3. James Harlan (R) (1857-)

Kansas
2. James H. Lane (R) (1861-)
3. Samuel C. Pomeroy (R) (1861-)

Kentucky
2. Lazarus W. Powell (D) (1859-)
3. John C. Breckinridge (D) (1861-)

Louisiana
2. Judah P. Benjamin (D) (1853-)
3. John Slidell (D) (1853-)

Maine
1. Hannibal Hamlin (R) (1857-)
2. William P. Fessenden (R) (1854-)

Maryland
1. Anthony Kennedy (CU) (1857-)
3. James A. Pearce (CU) (1843-)

Massachusetts
1. Charles Sumner (R) (1851-)
2. Henry Wilson (R) (1855-)

Michigan
1. Zachariah Chandler (R) (1857-)
2. Jacob M. Howard (R) (1861-)

Minnesota
1. Ignatius L. Donnelly (R) (1863-)
2. Morton S. Wilkinson (R) (1859-)

Mississippi
1. Jefferson Davis (D) (1857-)
2. Albert G. Brown (D) (1854-)

Missouri
1. Trusten Polk (D) (1857-)
3. James S. Green (D) (1857-)

New Hampshire
2. John P. Hale (R) (1855-)
3. Daniel Clark (R) (1857-)

New Jersey
1. Marcus L. Ward (R) (1863-)
2. John C. Ten Eyck (R) (1859-)

New York
1. William H. Seward (R) (1863-)
3. William M. Evarts (R) (1861-)

North Carolina
2. Thomas Bragg (D) (1859-)
3. Thomas L. Clingman (D) (1858- )

Ohio
1. Benjamin F. Wade (R) (1851-)
3. George E. Pugh (D) (1855-)

Oregon
2. Edward D. Baker (R) (1860-)
3. James W. Nesmith (D) (1861-)

Pennsylvania
1. Simon Cameron (R) (1857-)
3. David Wilmot (R) (1861-)

Rhode Island
1. Samuel G. Arnold (R) (1863-)
2. Henry B. Anthony (R) (1859-)

South Carolina
2. James Chestnut, Jr. (D) (1858- )
3. James H. Hammond (D) (1857-)

Tennessee
1. John Bell (CU) (1863-)
2. Alfred O.P. Nicholson (D) (1859-)

Texas
1. Louis T. Wigfall (D) (1859-)
2. John Hemphill (D) (1859-)

Vermont
1. Solomon Foot (R) (1851-)
3. George F. Edmunds (R) (1861-)

Virginia
1. James M. Mason (D) (1847-)
2. Robert M.T. Hunter (D) (1847-)

Wisconsin
1. Alexander Randall (R) (1863-)
3. Timothy O. Howe (R) (1861-)

House: 136R-64D-36CU

Speaker of the House: Owen Lovejoy (R-IL)
House Republican Conference Chair: Thaddeus Stevens (R-PN)
House Democratic Caucus Chair: Samuel S. Cox (D-OH)
House Constitutional Union Caucus Chair: John P. Kennedy (CU-MD)
 
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Well that wasn't really that unexpected. Assuming they can avoid another party split the Republicans seem well positioned going into 1864. But can the country hold together? Especially since there seems to be a shift to the more radical wing of the Republicans?
 
Well that wasn't really that unexpected. Assuming they can avoid another party split the Republicans seem well positioned going into 1864. But can the country hold together? Especially since there seems to be a shift to the more radical wing of the Republicans?
The Republicans should have an easy enough time keeping the White House (ahem, excuse me, I mean the Executive Mansion) if their man Abe Lincoln is the incumbent President. We are approaching the summer of 1863 relatively quickly so who knows what will be in store for President Crittenden?
 
A Republican Majority in the House does not bode well for the sake of nationality unity in this timeline. However, Yancy's Rebellion seems to have poisoned the Well of Secession, so I wonder if the southern states would bother to rebel en mass like OTL after a Republican victory in 1864. I wonder if we might actually see the issue of slavery solved through compromise rather than rebellion and war of Union and Liberation?
 
Well that wasn't really that unexpected. Assuming they can avoid another party split the Republicans seem well positioned going into 1864. But can the country hold together? Especially since there seems to be a shift to the more radical wing of the Republicans?
That's the big question. Several major events coming up soon that will have a major impact on that.
The Republicans should have an easy enough time keeping the White House (ahem, excuse me, I mean the Executive Mansion) if their man Abe Lincoln is the incumbent President. We are approaching the summer of 1863 relatively quickly so who knows what will be in store for President Crittenden?
Indeed.
A Republican Majority in the House does not bode well for the sake of nationality unity in this timeline. However, Yancy's Rebellion seems to have poisoned the Well of Secession, so I wonder if the southern states would bother to rebel en mass like OTL after a Republican victory in 1864. I wonder if we might actually see the issue of slavery solved through compromise rather than rebellion and war of Union and Liberation?
I really like that as a name for the American Civil War. Much better than the War of Northern Aggression anyway.
 
I just realized I forgot to include Minnesota's senate election in the most recent update. It has been fixed, and it's a good thing I noticed because I have to say that their new senator might be the most interesting of the lot.
 
Ignatius Donnelly?! 😳😳😳

oh man now im hyped
Now, I do have an entire plan for this TL and its presidents going into the 20th Century.

Alternatively, I could make Donnelly president for life and have him final open up the eyes of the world.

See, these are the kind of tough decisions you have to make when writing a TL;).
You're just saying that cause you're a yankee (I presume) :openedeyewink:
Indeed I am, so I'd admit I'm not in the best position to comment on whether the terminology is accurate from the perspective of those who felt the burden of war on their front porches.
 
Indeed I am, so I'd admit I'm not in the best position to comment on whether the terminology is accurate from the perspective of those who felt the burden of war on their front porches.
Personally, War of Southern Aggression is pretty darn accurate in my eyes, though not all my fellow Virginians think so.
 
Personally, War of Southern Aggression is pretty darn accurate in my eyes, though not all my fellow Virginians think so.
Personally, I like the name used in the Dominion of Southern America timeline here: The Slavers' Rebellion.
 
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