As states are developing in Fusania, could we see the development of (more organized) religion as well? Obviously the south has the Kuksu cult, but will we see a further evolution of Fusanian religion? Alternatively, will the various polytheistic belief systems of these peoples be reorganized into Mahayana Buddhism as bodhisattvas et. al once the Japanese and Chinese arrive on the scene?
Sort of. There is a tendency toward more formally defined cults of specific deities and demigods (especially amongst the elite), but it's still very much what we'd call "paganism", "animism", etc. Like pre-Buddhism Japan.

As for their encounters with Buddhism of any sort, that will certainly fascinate many, as it fascinated Gaiyuchul. They will find many comparisons in their belief system to Buddhism, and as there are many types of Buddhism practiced in Japan and China, things could get very interesting.
congrulations on Turtledove!!!! Well deserved win!!!!
That's certainly impressive people like this that much. Thanks to everyone who liked this enough to vote it for an award!
I don't even pay attention to 90% of this and I still like it!
Thanks. This is something which could do for more internal organisation so it's easier to read as little or as much as you want. I know Land of Sweetness had a nice internal organisation.
 
How are you coping with the coronavirus and its effects?
I like how much quieter it is now, I'll say that much.

It's a bit unfortunate that descriptions of pandemics TTL is many chapters away. Even doing an entry on how Fusanian sanitation works is premature in this era. On the other hand we'll probably see more coronavirus in the fall/winter so an entry like that may still be timely to current events.
 
Chapter 31-Flames of Deceit
-XXXI-
Flames of Deceit

Historians have pondered why Chelkhalt of T'kuyatum chose to go to war with Wayam in 1128 in defense of their ally Ktlatla. Doing so meant Chelkhalt risked causing the greatest war the Imaru Plateau had yet seen. Chelkhalt's realm faced far more war in the proceeding years, and economically remained precarious. If there was a reason, it is because Chelkhalt overestimated his position. He and his allies held control over the major mountain passes and most notably, he and his allies controlled the supply of metal to Wayam thanks to controlling the mines formerly relied on by Wayam at Winacha and Ktlatla. Lacking metal, Chelkhalt believed the Wayamese nobles might pressure Q'mitlwaakutl for a peace favourable to him.

Yet Chelkhalt underestimated the alliance between Wayam and the Maguraku at Ewallona far to the south. Although the old prince of Ewallona Daslats-Lwelolis died in 1120 and his confederation fell apart, his son Wat'ihak still possessed many useful connections amongst the Maguraku to use in consolidating a new powerbase. He borrowed from Q'mitlwaakutl's innovations to create an influence and patronage network that reformed much of his father's confederation. Indeed, his links with the Wayamese ruler and his rising power along the Imaru convinced many nobles to support him. Trade supplied Wayam with the metals and goods it needed and in some cases, even superior goods as more and more Pasnomsono bronze goods--including weapons and armour--arrived in Wayamese lands.

In 1127, Wat'ihak's men assassinated the prince of Lallaks, Ewallona's rival, and through an internal coup and string of murders installed a puppet ruler as prince of that city. This opened the way for Wat'ihak to give greater support than before to his son-in-law. In 1127 and 1128, he embarked on fullscale campaigns against the Hillmen along the White Road and forced them to cease fighting Wayam, Ewallona, and allies. And most importantly for the sake of the Wayamese, Wat'ihak offered Q'mitlwaakutl four hundred warriors for his army under the command of his son Daslatam-Ch'oyes, whom Wat'ihak held high hopes for.

This offer came at a desperate time for the Wayamese. Having their initial incursion defeated by T'kuyatum at Tkwatatpamash and now facing an offensive from Chemna aimed at their allies, Wayam needed all the help they could get. Q'mitlwaakutl himself retreated back to Wayam to take command of a large force assembled in April. While some urged him to return to the Tabachiri Valley to finish the battles there, instead Q'mitlwaakutl opted for a second option--march to Chemna and destroy that ancient rival.

---
Along the Imaru River, April 1128​

Around a rock beside the cliff underneath a hastily erected reed tent, Q'mitlwaakutl glanced at the nobles assembled in the war council. Burning incense gave a strong scent to the room and warded off the mosquitos active at the morning dawn. The men who fought beside him for many years knew him well enough, but a few of the warriors, mostly the foreign mercenaries but also his brother-in-law from Ewallona seemed distraught at his plan. Although dressed in leather and copper armour of a Wayamese noble (an old gift to him), the man's brash, crude Hillman nature shone through in more ways than just his difficult speaking Aipakhpam.

"We will lose everything in the Tabachiri Valley and leave Wayam open for attack if we do that, my prince," Daslatam-Ch'oyes said. The veteran warriors gave him strange looks, stranger than they did when they first met this Hillman lord. "We will sacrifice those hundreds of men who saved you."

"We don't know what their actions will be," Q'mitlwaakutl replied. "Half of them may well march right back to Chemna." Daslatam-Ch'oyes remained unconvinced.

"Each man is valuable," he replied. "To sacrifice a man in a foolish action like that is to treat him as no better than a slave! I strongly disagree with your actions."

"I'm sure my grandfather and great-grandfather sacrificed plenty of men in their own wars, eh, uncle?" laughed Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh, Q'mitlwaakutl's son. Daslatam-Ch'oyes glared at him in rage, and Q'mitlwaakutl's stern glance wiped the smile off his face. He has much to learn and much immodesty to overcome. Should he become miyawakh, I hope his elder half-brother can restrain his worst impulses and strengthen his best, he thought, thinking of his oldest son and co-prince Plaash-Nawinatla back at home in Wayam.

"On the battlefield it is easy for a man to be a slave," Q'mitlwaakutl said. "He is a slave to the orders of his superiors, he is a slave to the actions of those around him, and he is a slave to his own spirit. Yet a skilled warrior feels none of that. He balances the need for obedience and subservience and makes the orders given to him the mission he excels at, he forces the enemy to obey him and his allies to emulate him, and he controls his spirit so that it works together with him as one." Daslatam-Ch'oyes fell silent.

Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh stood up. "I see what you mean, father," he said, "and I understand what you are after." Q'mitlwaakutl nodded.

"Even that youth understands," he laughed. "We are not returning to the cities of the Tabachiri. We will be marching to Chemna along the north bank of the Great River and cross the hills in five groups on five passes all much east of Taptat [1]. We descend upon the Chemnese heartland and conquer their allies and we besiege and conquer Chemna itself." Q'mitlwaakutl looked upon his nobles, examining their faces for any doubts. At this point, his men seemed perfectly fine with this plan.

"So you wish to fight the Chemnese outside their city walls?" Wiyatpakan, his trusted lieutenant, asked. "What of Imatelam? They'll try and stop our armies." Q'mitlwaakutl smiled.

"I will urge them that fighting is pointless considering their current state," he answered, thinking of the recent defeats inflicted on them and the rumours of disputes amongst their ruling nobles. "But should they send an army, the men who cross the ridge last will hold them off. I will give you that task, my friend. But it should not be a very hard one, for our friends from Ewallona will be harassing them every step of the way."

"If T'kuyatum ceases to be distracted by our warriors in the Tabachiri Valley," Wiyatpakan asked. "Wayam will be safe, right?"

"That is why I am not requesting any more men from Wayam or nearby towns," Q'mitlwaakutl said. "I am requesting many supplies and pack animals. We will not return to Wayam for many months. Not until the Prince of T'kuyatum fears my name and the treasures of Chemna are in the hands of our families."

"Wayam is secure," Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh confirmed with a grin. "The watchtowers and fortifications are impenetrable and there's plenty of men around to make their task impossible. They will run out of supplies long before our people do."

"He is correct!" Q'mitlwaakutl continued. "We have little to fear from an attack over the pass! To do so only further invites the enemy's defeat for they will face our warriors all over the countryside and find their paths blocked at every moment." His son knew it as much as he did. In front of that pass lay so many fortified villages and especially the town of Khainaksha [2] with fortifications oversized for a town of that size thanks to its strategic location. He expected Khainaksha might fall should T'kuyatum's prince attack Wayam, but Wayam itself would be unscathed.

He looked over his nobles and once again examined them to see if they held any doubts. When contented by their confidence in him, he left the smoky tent and gazed at the steady flow of the churning Great River in its flood stage in perfect meditation.

---
Tkhopanish, May 1128​

Chelkhalt faintly smiled as a slave stabbed the prisoner of war before him with a butcher knife to the sound of agonised screams. As the man collapsed in a pool of his blood, Chelkhalt turned to the shaking young lord seated beside him, dressed in a finely embroidered imported cotton robe and jewelry.

"There are many more just like him waiting to be killed like that," he said in perfectly fluent Aipakhpam. "You don't want to pollute your hall with bloodshed and vengeful spirits, spirits angered at how you might have stopped their deaths. Your men have been sheltering those raiding parties since they escaped, where are there camps?"

Around them stood several dozen of Chelkhalt's soldiers, enjoying the scene before them as entertainment. The miyawakh of Tkhopanish, perhaps twenty years old, barely said a word out of fear of his enemy's occupying his palace. Chelkhalt tried nearly everything these past few months to figure out where Q'mitlwaakutl vanished to. He suspected that the prince of Wayam had returned home to lick his wounds, but the men he left behind caused nothing but trouble.

"I do not know where they are! They cannot talk with me because you have imprisoned me in my own home!" the miyawakh shouted.

"Shall we bring up another prisoner your son captured last night, my lord?" one of his men asked. Chelkhalt shook his head. This is going nowhere. It had been over a month of this same nonsense. His men subdued many enemies in the Tabachiri Valley including Tkhopanish, Wayam's greatest ally, captured a great amount of loot, animals, and slaves and even raided into the valleys south of there and approached as close to Wayam as they dared, yet no decisive battle occurred as he wished. As long as Q'mitlwaakutl stood at the head of thousands of Wayamese soldiers, no amount of victories here mattered, nor did even the alliance with Chemna his great vizier Nmachwitst worked so hard to achieve.

A stout, scarred man in stained armour walked in, whom Chelkhalt recognised as Maheqen of Kawakhtchin, perhaps his most brilliant lieutenant. Even being the nephew of that dethroned ruler hadn't stopped him from following Chelkhalt.

"Still no sign of those raiders," he reported, gazing warily at the body on the floor. "Are we going to ever leave this place, my lord?" Chelkhalt stood up to greet him and motioned to his men to be quiet as the slave carried the body out of the hall, dripping a trail of blood on the dark wooden floors as he went.

"I suppose we must switch our strategy. We will draw Q'mitlwaakutl into battle by moving into the Satus Valley and occupying its cities. If he still does not come, we will move on Wayam itself." He grit his teeth. He wondered why Q'mitlwaakutl refused to return to the Tabachiri Valley. The lords of Ktlatla told him the Wayamese considered Tkhopanish their dearest ally, yet he captured the city and all its allies with not a single response besides those raiders. Somewhere south of here was supposed to be the decisive battle, where his men on one side and Kaatnamanahui of Chemna on the other wiped out the Wayamese to a man. Why would Q'mitlwaakutl not risk a battle on protecting his allies?

"Perhaps the Wayamese are off doing their own thing?" Maheqen mused. "Their prince is rather intelligent after all." The thought hit Chelkhalt as well. Perhaps Q'mitlwaakutl chose to sacrifice the Tabachiri Valley in order to deal with the Chemnese. It was not a foolish strategy, as one always needed to ensure neighbours were either weak or peaceful before challenging a powerful foe.

"Attacking Chemna? The Chemnese forces are not far from here, though," Chelkhalt said. "I suppose he wishes to force the Chemnese to return home."

"It is not the warriors of Chemna he seeks, but the city," Maheqen said. "Or perhaps Imatelam. He seeks to remove a potent threat so that he may face us unimpeded." Chelkhalt smiled at his insight.

"That is why I have you!" Chelkhalt boasted. "Our foe is daring and willing to take risks, and so must we! Whether it be Chemna or Imatelam, his men are far from home. We shall warn the Prince of Chemna and let him deal with Q'mitlwaakutl. I believe we have a new destination."

"Wayam," Maheqen smiled with approval. I will gamble much on this, Chelkhalt thought to himself. The Chemnese and their allies would bloody the Wayamese so much they'd have little choice but to sue for peace, even if the Wayamese defeated them. And a weakened Chemna gave them even less leverage when T'kuyatum needed food, goods, or warriors. He did not expect to conquer Wayam, but certainly his men would do plenty of damage against their allies and keep Wayam peaceful in the future.

He felt a shiver thinking of these fights, a sure sign his brother-in-law was watching from a distance. Even in summer, the north wind can always blow strong.

---
Chemna, May 10, 1128​

Q'mitlwaakutl stood in his canoe beached on the shore of the Tabachiri River, gazing at the men before him. In a field reclaimed from the floods of the river by earthen walls (and now denuded of whatever crops grew there), thousands of men gathered. Simple wooden mantlets and sections of palisades covered in tule mats lay scattered in front of the tents of his men, shielding them as they cooked, ate, and dedicated themselves to the continuance of the siege beneath the orange rammed earth walls surrounding Chemna. Atop those walls stood wooden posts where Chemnese archers sheltered themselves, always ready to take shots at anyone leaving there.

Already his men had been bloodied taking the many towns and villages around Chemna, fighting and destroying an outnumbered and hastily assembled force as they attempted to cross the Tabachiri to lay siege to Chemna by land. Only Kw'sis held out due to Q'mitlwaakutl needing to concentrate on Chemna. In the distance, smoke from the cooking pits of that town, an ominous signal that Chemna still held a powerful ally in the area as much as they cowered behind their walls.

And Q'mitlwaakutl needed allies of his own. He sent messengers to Imatelam to tell them to desist in joining Chemna and sent messengers to the Tsupnitpelu cities to ask for their aid. The fools at Imatelam predictably tried to fight, yet the warriors of Daslatam-Ch'oyes ambushed them as they descended on the few hundred men he sent to cross that pass and were promptly cut down. Had they sent a larger army they may have won, but clearly their rulers were too half-hearted to attempt that gamble.

The Tsupnitpelu as yet made no response, but he hoped by smashing Chemna they might choose to support him. They looked out for their own interests first, as deferential as their emissaries always were when they arrived at Wayam. Should we win, perhaps they will cease imitating Chemnese speech and imitate Wayamese speech, he thought to himself with a smile [3].

His son Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh appeared, dragging along a prisoner with him, an old man dressed in the richly embroidered robes of a noble. A long life under the sun darkened his skin and shriveled it into wrinkles and only wisps of his white hair remainded. Despite his capture, the elder seemed peaceful and without fear.

"My scouting party captured this old man near Kw'sis, he claims to be the miyawakh of that city and wishes to speak with you. The four soldiers who were with him surrendered peacefully." Q'mitlwaakutl nodded in approval, curious of this development.

"Strange," he said. "I will talk with him. You've done good work, continue scouting the area." As Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh left, Q'mitlwaakutl turned to the old noble.

"If you wished to meet with me, you only needed to open up the city gates and let my warriors in." he spoke. "It is not right for a ruler to abandon his people in such a time of crisis."

"Abandon them I did," the elder spoke. "I was never a great ruler yet being miyawakh of a city like Kw'sis left me with no opportunity for greatness."

"I can make your city great," Q'mitlwaakutl said, wishing to get to the point. "You need only ask your people to fight against Chemna."

"Kw'sis will never become great again," the man replied. "It is told in all our histories. The foolishness of our rulers led to our downfall in the days my grandfather was but a boy. It cannot be restored for it is already dead. The future holds Kw'sis will forever remain enshadowed by Chemna much as the future holds the spirits of all men will pass to the west. To fight fate only causes great harm to everyone around."

"By what authority have you determined this fate?" Q'mitlwaakutl questioned. "Although it is set in stone, few can ever truly know the day of a man's death."

"My own dreams, interpreted by my brother who was called by his spirit to be a shaman. And I wish to inform you of this vision as it relates to my city, Chemna, and you, the great Prince of Wayam." Q'mitlwaakutl sat down in his canoe with interest.

"In my dream, oh great Prince of Wayam, I saw the sight of my ancestors defeating you countless centuries ago and how we conquered our home from your dear ally the Prince of Kw'sis. Yet we married amongst the people of Kw'sis and our hearts grew close to this city. I realised I must restore balance in my family line and to do so I must gain your forgiveness by assisting you in your time of need. I will lend you the strength of Kw'sis." Q'mitlwaakutl widened his eyes momentarily and then began devising a plan.

"You will be forgiven should you aid me," Q'mitlwaakutl said. "What else did you see in your vision, Prince of Kw'sis?"

"Chemna shall be destroyed, yet it shall rise again afterwards. Kw'sis will never be restored, no matter how much you or those who follow you try and aid it. You and your followers must realise that and never make an enemy of Chemna lest Chemna not only defeat these foolish efforts but rise again even stronger and pay back the indignity inflicted on it twentyfold." Q'mitlwaakutl stared at the old man, taking in his every word. He felt a spiritual power in the man as he recounted such a vivid dream, a spiritual power that confirmed to him the great conviction the man held in his words. He sensed no hint of deceit, no thoughts of betrayal in the man.

"And so through my warriors Kw'sis will have vengeance on Chemna for the defeat so long ago," Q'mitlwaakutl said. "And the line of your ancestors will be redeemed." He rose from his canoe, ready to meet with Wiyatpakan. "I will assure you this shall come to pass very soon. I will need the assistance of yourself and your men."

"As you wish it. I truly have faith in you, Prince of Wayam who returned from the cliff."

Q'mitlwaakutl summoned Wiyatpakan over to him, his trusted lieutenant nursing a few broken fingers and a black eye from his recent fight against Imatelam's warriors. Blood stained his once shining armour now covered in dents.

"We have a willing ally to help us take Kw'sis," Q'mitlwaakutl said. "He will attempt to negotiate with the city's leaders and gain its warriors, but should he fail we will need warriors to assist in opening the gates."

"I will find several men to take the place of the soldiers we captured," Wiyatpakan said. "If they fail should we leave Kw'sis be?"

"Indeed, as Chemna is where our main efforts lie," he replied, turning his attention back toward the high earth walls. "Yet perhaps we can take both cities with this," he mused. He felt in his heart a fire starting to burn, his guardian spirit speaking to him. If he only took Kw'sis downstream on the eastern bank and Chemna still held on the western bank, would not that create a spiritual division between the conquered old city and the unconquered new city? He must take them both at once and create balance.

"What do you mean?" asked Wiyatpakan, to which Q'mitlwaakutl smiled.

"We retreat, the warriors of Kw'sis march in, and they take the city for us." An absolutely opportunistic strategy, but one which seemed like the best option. "All we need to do is figure a convincing way to abandon this siege."

"The Chemnese warriors aren't far from here," Wiyatpakan noted. "It is apparent why we might flee from them."

"We have around four thousand warriors," Q'mitlwaakutl noted. "The Chemnese likely have slightly less but combined with their warriors in the city we'd be outnumbered." He turned away and looked toward the sacred Mount Laliik [4], its shadow hanging in the dusty distance and drifted back into thought for how he might plan his retreat. The Chemnese would be marching under its shadow as well.

"We still stand a great chance of winning if we surprise them alongside the warriors of Kw'sis," Wiyatpakan said. "And they suspect something is wrong if we flee from here."

"Yet I am now enamored by the proposal to capture both cities at once," Q'mitlwaakutl said. "My spirit calls for it and it sets a spiritual balance in this land for our future success. I must prove to the Chemnese I truly am Q'mitlwaakutl returned and to do so I must show them strength both spiritual and physical."

"So we're taking both cities?" Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh interrupted as he approached them, a grin on his face. "Brilliant, father!" Q'mitlwaakutl once again glared at him. He truly has inherited the wild nature of his mother's ancestors.

"That we are," he replied with a hint of irritation. "You sneaked up on me well, boy. Perhaps you should do the same to those in Kw'sis and in Chemna. Do not return to my sight before you sit in the throne of the princes of both cities." The youth seemed puzzled, yet gave an evil grin.

"A--are you sending me to capture these cities?" Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh asked. "With the old noble I captured?"

"Correct. There will be few of our men alongside the warriors of Kw'sis, and we need someone as witty and clever as yourself there," he replied. My test to you, boy, are your pranks simply foolishness or are they more inspired, a manifestation of your spirit? Either way, he wanted to see what his son might do so he might teach him a lesson. "It is only a few warriors, and I trust you'll be able to lead them should anything go amiss."

"I most definitely will, father! You can trust in me perfectly!"

"I will find you a skilled warrior to accompany you. Two of the warriors of Kw'sis will accompany you as you secure that city," Q'mitlwaakutl said.

"I already know who I want with me," Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh said. "I will take my good friend Luts'ashashik, he's a brilliant fighter." The son of the senwitla of Tinainu? Q'mitlwaakutl assumed as much. The two were great friends after all and Luts'ashashik truly was a skilled fighter. He and Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh trained together nearly all the time, having studied under several brilliant warriors of towns under Q'mitlwaakutl's rule.

"Prince of Kw'sis!" Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh shouted, awakening the old man from his meditation. "Shall we fulfill your vision?" The old man smiled, and the two walked back into the camp.

"As for us," Q'mitlwaakutl turned back to Wiyatpakan. "I believe we should split our forces in response to this threat. Only if we divide our forces can we pull off a retreat. At nightfall, you shall lead a thousand men to the west and establish a camp at the slopes of Mount Laliik. You will be certain to make it so if blood is shed on that holy ground it is the Chemnese who start the fight."

"I certainly will do so," Wiyatpakan answered. "And the other groups?"

"It will be done in the same way as we crossed the passes. Night by night three groups of men after your own will leave the camp. One group shall cross the river and raid Chemnese allies to the east and be sure to demonstrate power to Pashkhash and Siminekem [5]. I don't believe they will take part in this fight. Our Hillmen allies of Ewallona will split off themselves and raid to the north and reinforce you. The remaining unit will move back to the southern ridge and alongside your men, harass the Chemnese. If you see an opportunity to encircle and defeat them, you will take it."

"And you will remain here?" Wiyatpakan asked.

"With four hundred men I will retreat to Tanakhalu [6] and prevent the Chemnese from retaking that strongpoint. When the gates are open, I will cross the river and occupy Chemna."

"It is an interesting strategy," Wiyatpakan said. "But are we not making the same mistake you have caused the Prince of T'kuyatum and his Chemnese allies to make? If we divide our forces, we are easier to be destroyed."

"It is balance," Q'mitlwaakutl answered, speaking from his heart. "Sometimes things must be divided. Sometimes things must be united. The world is a fluid place, and those who flow with the spiritual rhythms of this world rather than fight against them are the ones who succeed."

---
Kw'sis, May 15, 1128​

Everything proceeded according to Q'mitlwaakutl's plans thanks to the efforts of Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh and the old Prince of Kw'sis. The council had been assembled and the nobles there chose to join the Prince of Kw'sis, although not without some persuasion, evidenced by the bloody smears on the bronze axe slung around the back of his friend Luts'ashashik. Standing a head taller than him, he was quite an imposing figure and the best fighter Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh knew. But as they left the hall of the miyawakh of Kw'sis to meet with the warriors of the city, they heard a sudden rush of footsteps.

"Out of here, out of my palace, out of Kw'sis!" a young man shouted. He drew a copper dagger and ran at Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh and Luts'ashashik. Luts'ashashik dwarfed the short man in size and grabbed his arm tight and flung the man to the ground, sending his knife across the room. The man stood up and ran at them again, to which Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh grasped the noble youth by the golden chain of his necklace and yanked it at, tearing it from his throat and breaking the golden ornaments from the necklace. The boy fell to the ground from the force.

"Don't be an idiot, Apapma-Tukhunani!" he shouted, kicking the youth. He pitched the largest chunk of the necklace at the youth, hitting him square in the head. He smirked. "I'll give you time to think about it. You seem smarter than you look, I can tell in your spirit."

The boy picked himself up off the ground, wiping the blood from his lip. Tears streamed from eyes out of confusion and pain.

"What nonsense is this? Why has Kw'sis betrayed Chemna? Why are you forcing our city into this foolish fight?"

"Ask your great uncle like I have," Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh replied. "You are a miyawakh of Kw'sis as well, descended from that same old Dena line who clashed against my own ancestors. But those days are long gone, your great-uncle wishes to cleanse that Hillman stain by supporting the Prince of Wayam returned."

Apapma-Tukhunani clenched his fist, clearly wanting to restart the fight, but ceased doing so.

"Wise choice," Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh sneered. "I've got nothing against you, I'm grateful for Kw'sis's assistance. I'd like it even more if you came with me to rally your men as we open the gates of Chemna in five days."

"Wh--Why should I do anything more than what I'm already doing?" Apapma-Tukhunani stammered.

"If we fail, you'll likely be drowned in the river or shot with arrows in more places than just your arm," Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh noted to which Luts'ashashik laughed at the pun on the man's name [7].

"Fine, I will come with you," he conceded. The three walked outside of the palace and noticed the torchlights of the warriors of Kw'sis. Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh counted around a hundred of them, the torches illuminating the faces of mostly youth and old men.

"I expected more," Luts'ashashik noted. "I counted many longhouses in this city."

"This is all the men we can provide for you," the old Prince of Kw'sis said, stepping forth from the crowd. "We already sent our best warriors along with the Prince of Chemna."

That morning, a few men from the camp surreptiously slipped into Kw'sis. Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh recognised them by the paint they promptly applied to their face and the constant scowls on their faces--they were wawyatla, men sent to drill the boys and old men of Kw'sis and keep an eye on Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh. They also brought additional weapons and armour, which Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh and Apapma-Tukhunani made a point of distributing.

"Five days of this," Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh muttered to Luts'ashashik as he watched a wawyatla shout at the men to keep their pace up. "I wonder if all they're doing is making them resent us. Five days isn't enough to train a boy to be a warrior."

"Or make an old man remember how to be one," Luts'ashashik continued in agreeance. "But between myself, you, and the wawyatlas, we have enough men to create the chaos we need to open the gate."

After five days of training, feasting, and deliberating with the nobles and warriors of Kw'sis, the war party departed in the morning alongside reindeer laden down with goods and walked the path along the river to Chemna. Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh looked over at the setting moon, so nearly a full moon, low in the morning sky and immediately realised the intent of his father. He intends to use the full moon to make a night attack. Perfect for spreading chaos. They saw no sign of campfires from the besieging army, only the haze of dust in the distance. Hours passed as they walked and the sun rose higher in the sky, and Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh lost himself in the anticipation of battle, eagerly chatting with Luts'ashashik and even Apapma-Tukhunani.

They halted at a nearly abandoned village in front of the town of Tanakhalu, immediately across the river from Kw'sis. That is where Father is at, waiting to strike. Only a few old men and women remained in the village, in a few longhouses stripped of anything valuable. Everyone else fled, were fighting elsewhere, or had been killed. Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh kept in mind the desperation of this village. Desperate people made easy friends.

After crossing the river on canoes, they marched through the field Kw'aawinmi-Tlametkh spent the last few weeks in. Not a single warrior remained, although he noted a few fresh graves. Much debris from animal bones to acorn shells to arrows still littered the field, and although vacant for nearly five days it still reeked of human and animals. The walls of Chemna likewise seemed bereft of soldiers, although a few archers stood guard, watching their every move. The wooden gate carved in the wall was finally open, and Chemna itself so near. The dramatic eyes of the mythological heroes in their animal guise watched them from the faded tan walls of Chemna. Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh grinned at the sly look the painting of Coyote gave.

"They do not know it is through Coyote's help their city will fall," he said to Luts'ashashik, pointing to Coyote.

Several warriors greeted them outside the gate with raised spears and shields, their armour rough leather with strips of copper.

"Our scouts inform us you are warriors from Kw'sis. What business do you have in Chemna?"

Apapma-Tukhunani stepped forward, and Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh felt the youth's unease.

"W--we wish to defend your city when the warriors of Wayam return," he answered.

"Focus on your own damn city," the guard laughed. "If those are your warriors then the Wayamese need only walk through the front door!" The others laughed with him, as did Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh.

"You should treat him with more respect," Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh interrupted, stepping forther. "For he is the miyawakh of Kw'sis. And I am the son of the Prince of Wayam, defected from my father for his greedy nature." He took out a golden medallion from the pockets of his robes, handing it to the guard. "Your enemy is at Tanakhalu and has temporarily retreated his best men so to lure into you a false sense of security so that you might open the gate for his men." He wanted to burst out laughing right there at the performance he was putting on for these soldiers, that they would be so fooled. "I wish to meet with your miyawakh or senwitla."

The guard seemed puzzled, but then relented. "Should your information be right, perhaps your men are more needed here. Do not expect much food or shelter," he said, stepping aside and letting the war party march into Chemna.

Inside, Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh walked into the city of Chemna, the greatest rival of Wayam, for the first time. It seemed far less interesting than his home city, lacking the monumental cliff architecture and the great watchtowers, and resembling little more than a vastly overgrown town. Many longhouses stood around him, each painted with many murals indicating the clan of the families who lived there. The dusty streets seemed far more haphazard than Wayam's planned layout, although they were lined with small canals that gave water to the tall, carefully pruned oak and soringo trees that gave them shade on this warm spring afternoon.

"For such a great city, it reminds me more of Tinainu than Wayam," Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh commented to Luts'ashashik, to which his friend playfully slapped him.

"Hey, you insulting my home?" he laughed. "Perhaps," he raised his voice so the guards might hear him, "When Wayam is destroyed its wealth will be transferred here and Chemna shall replace it as a city for the ages."

Little impressed Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh of Chemna. Many animals, large and well-bred towey goats, dogs, and a few reindeer, roamed the streets along with their owners. A few market stalls offered meat, fish, and all sorts of food to passing people, although he noticed the siege made their baskets mostly empty. Yet the palace of the miyawakhs of Chemna, his destination, managed to interest Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh. Standing on raised ground, it combined colorful stone walls with very visible and even more colorful cedar posts depicting the ancestry of its rulers, with the fierce visage of bears all about. Well, the Chemnese rulers do all have names referring to bears [8], or so he'd heard. The extensive use of stone in such an important building seemed odd to him, but almost natural, a sign of spiritual balance between the spirits of a living thing like a tree and the spirit of the land like a rock. Few other buildings in Chemna had that balance, yet the examples Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh found--elaborate longhouses presumably belonging to nobles--fascinated him.

They entered the gates of the palace, surrounded by a high wooden palisade to separate it from the rest of the city. The guards forced all but a few soldiers to wait outside the gates, although ironically allowed many of the well-armored wawyatla to enter alongside Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh, Luts'ashashik, and Apapma-Tukhunani. Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh's attention immediately came to the verdant green garden, full of well-arranged rocks and stones, fish ponds, and all manner of greenery laying beneath the shade trees. A few slaves pruned the trees and shrubs and collected their fruits into large baskets in what seemed like a great space of peace and luxury in the chaotic and overgrown city.

They passed through the elaborate interior of the palace, careful to note the appearance of the guards in equipment, size, and alertness. There not many, but those who stood around wielded clubs of jade and wore cloaks of cotton and breastplates and helmets of gold and silver that gleamed in the afternoon sun. Ceremonial soldiers of the miyawakh of Chemna, Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh thought.

At last they were received by the miyawakh of Chemna in a room lit by a skylight angled toward the back of the room. The miyawakh, a middle-aged and obese man, rose from the illuminated cedar bench he reclined on, putting down a silver cup he drank from. Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh analysed him. He seemed somewhat lazy and his long black hair ran rather thin, yet the elaborate jewelry of gold and silver and stones of jasper as well as the crown he wore over his cotton robes impressed Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh. The carvings on the walls, the sculptury of animals and spirits, it all seemed perfectly arranged and very neat. Everything seems well run around here, he must have skilled subordinates.

"Be aware, you are in the presence of the great miyawakh of Chemna, the exalted Nch'ianahui who inherited that name from his illustrious ancestors the rulers of Chemna, may he forever be honoured!" An elaborately dressed herald clad in gold threaded clothes announced [9]. Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh glanced at Apapma-Tukhunani to do the same for him.

"And you, my honoured miyawakh, are speaking to my follower the great Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh, his name inherited from mighty spirits who helped his ancestors the rulers of Wayam and Ewallona. May this meeting serve the both of you well."

"My people say you are the son of the Prince of Wayam yet you wish to betray them, why is that?" he asked.

"My father is a greedy man who seeks conflict and war to increase his wealth, yet I'm a man of peace who seeks to understand people," he replied. "I wish to teach my father that understanding others leads to far greater wealth than violence." His heart pounded, yet he felt his guardian spirit keeping him calm and giving him the ability to tell straight-faced lies. Even though some of what he said he truly believed, for to truly fool someone you must understand them.

"Sons should not teach fathers, especially not sons as young as yourself," Nch'ianahui replied with a smile. "Perhaps you should seek understanding with him rather than fleeing your home." Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh winced. He may be lazy, yet he's intelligent. He could feel the miyawakh of Chemna eyeing him closely and sizing him up.

"You are correct, my lord, yet I must make this mistake to correct the far more serious errors that my father commits. I would never dream of doing something like this, yet I must do so for personal balance in my life and for the sake of others," Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh pleaded. "My youthful inexperience made it so I cannot reach understanding with my father, and my father's cruel heart and evil spirit has made it so he will not seek to understand me."

Nch'ianahui laughed. "You grovel well, boy! I certainly hope you do not cry when we celebrate the news of your father being cut down by my great brother in the field of battle! He is coming to Chemna soon to disperse your men who fled into the hills and retake what is ours. Thousands of warriors from Chemna and every village and town shall soon arrive."

"And I wish to join them along with my followers," Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh said. "I beseech you to grant me this request. I wish to find my father on the battlefield and capture him so he may still see the light of truth and understanding." Nch'ianahui laughed again and took a long drink from his cup.

"Yes, you may be what I and my people need. You are certainly a clever youth and seem strong in spirit. The man beside you is also skilled with words and has the aura of a warrior all about him. I suppose you lot may serve me." Nch'ianahui picked up his cup, staring at the grooves on the edges arranged in fanciful patterns. "It is always well a ruler knows how to choose his followers. That the Prince of Wayam would not choose men like yourself and your friend is his flaw. You may dine with my household tonight, the hour we eat is near."

Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh and his small party ate well that night, eating well-spiced camas and salmon with a berry sauce and downing it with fine cider. He did not drink much, knowing the mission that was still at hand, although discussed much about the layout of the palace and garden with Nch'ianahui, several nobles with high office, and the captain of his guards. Nch'ianahui left the table early, having drank a little too much with his meal. Gathering up the men with him, they retreated into the garden with permission of Nch'ianahui as the sun began to set, awaiting nightfall and the rising of the full moon. He carefully gathered bundles of poison oak that grew beneath an oak, storing it in a small woven bag. He hoped that as Alkhaikhyai [10] lit up the night, his rays might enable the spirits of his allies to grant them great feats in the coming fight.

"Truly a performance worthy of Coyote," Luts'ashashik commented with charming sacrilege. "That miyawakh is clever, yet not as clever as yourself." Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh grinned at the praise.

"Indeed!" he laughed. "Coyote smiled on my spirit and helped me perform such trickery!"

"You men will set fire to the palace and retreat over the walls to join the rest of our men, who will open the gates," he spoke to Apapma-Tukhunani in hushed tones. "Us two shall deal with N'chianahui, the noblemen, and guards here," he said. He sighed. Nch'ianahui was a clever man who would have made a fine ally despite his overly luxurious tastes. And capturing him alive would be impossible thanks to his heft. Although perhaps he suffered from the fatal trait of speaking too frankly while drunk, a trait he did not warn his men against. It is fortunate that father cautioned me about that from when I was a boy, and that I am wise enough not to live up to the drunkenness that all Hillmen are prone to indulge in [11]. And thanks to this drunken frankness from the nobles of Chemna, Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh knew much of the layout of the palace and number of men inside.

At the last rays of the sun, the plan set into motion. The soldiers on the inside gathered bundles of dried twigs, branches, leaves, and fragments of their own robes and set fires all about the outside walls of the palace with stolen torches. They lit smaller fires about the garden to provide light for the coming fight. Small containers of pitch smuggled in helped spread the flames. As flames spread amidst the wood structure, the men retreated, all aside from Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh and Luts'ashashik who stood in wait for any men who dare exit the palace from its main entrance on the east side [12]. Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh stood ready with his dagger-axe [13] and Luts'ashashik with his larger double-headed axe. The flames flickered on the Pasnomsono bronze surface of these weapons as the Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh felt his spirit burning.

Two guards ran out, shouting about the fire in the palace, and the two men struck each of the guards in the neck and nearly decapitated the both of them. They pulled back, waiting to strike anyone else who fled. Several more guards ran out, seeking the source of the commotion, to which the two men eliminated them one by one after a short, yet fierce clash of weapons.

"The smoke blinds them!" Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh shouted over sharp breaths. "Now let us check the northern entrance for that miyawakh!" Assuming he's even still alive given how he fell asleep from drunkenness. Grabbing a burnt twig, he lit the bag of poison ivy aflame and threw it into the front of the burning palace and quickly fled alongside Luts'ashashik. As they ran over they surprised and cut down a soldier who escaped the building. What seemed to be a few women and children fled out in the distance, but they did not pursue for they had better targets. Looking at the smoldering stones around what once was the doorway, they found the fire burned so quickly the structure collapsed and blocked the exit.

"To the other entrance now!" They ran back around, noticing the main entrance similarly collapsed in on itself and a few men and women choking to death on the ground outside, hardly worth the effort to kill. The palace seemed to be burning quicker than ever now. Yet over by the southern door

A few gathered over by the southern door, including a few nobles they had dined with earlier, but a few women, children, and elderly slaves as well. A great clash ensued as the two young warriors rushed at them, pushing back the spears and daggers of the guards opponents and clobbered them through the limbs and head. Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh took a deep blow to his face and at least one crossbow bolt to his thigh, not that it phased him as his spirit burned, while Luts'ashashik seemed even more completely possessed by his spirit and ignored the pain of numerous slashes to his face and especially limbs to hammer home repeated blows against the men. He scarcely noticed the slaves, women, and children amongst them as he cut them down as well as they tried to flee, only awakening from his battle trance when he noticed he faced no more resistance.

They made a grisly scene. Heads, limbs, weapons, and armour lay scattered everywhere amidst pools of blood. Most of the men killed here seemed to be slaves wielding nothing but whatever they might find in a household as well as nobles who had not come dressed for battle. The bodies of a few women, mostly slaves appeared, but the finery a few corpses wore suggested some noblewomen had been cut down as well. Screams of women and children suggested some escaped the killing ground they created, no doubt through the power of their spirit.

"Fantastic work as usual, friend," Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh praised between catching his breath. He plucked the bloody crossbow bolt from his thigh, sniffing it to check if it was poisoned. "Let us leave here and aid the rest. Our work here is finished." His brow furrowed as he noticed his friend clutching his hand in pain, noticing deep red everywhere.

"There must be good plants for medicine in this garden," he growled over the pain. "Don't think some of my fingers are going to make it." Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh felt a pang of fear, yet quickly banished it from his thoughts. It was fortunate Luts'ashashik drew most all of their attention. He might have suffered far worse than the cuts and bruises on him.

"You might lose your fingers," Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh joked to lighten the mood, "The enemy has lost everything but their fingers." All but the head. Although he wished to have killed Nch'ianahui himself, no doubt the man choked to death in his own bed from the smoke thanks in part to the great amount of alcohol consumed at dinner. It seemed impossible he escaped. As the palace began to collapse with great roars and bursts of flames, Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh took in the lesson of that miyawakh's life. All the skill in the world is needless if decadence clouds the spirit.

As they made a quick yet careful retreat from the palace garden, checking for any enemies in ambush, war cries and drums heralded the arrival of the Q'mitlwaakutl to Chemna. An arrow whizzed past Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh, and as Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh saw the archer in ambush, the man fell to the ground as several arrows pierced him. The two men sheathed their weapons and rushed toward the main gate.

"We are not enemies, we are friends!" Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh shouted. "We have burnt the palace of the miyawakh of Chemna and killed his guards! Help us kill all who remain!" Warriors ran toward them, checking who they were as they surrounded the two and ran past, seeking the remaining survivors from the palace arson. A familiar face stepped forth illuminated by silver moonlight, the fierce glare of Q'mitlwaakutl beneath his bronze helmet and ringed by elaborate patterns in red paint. Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh smiled in greeting.

"Well done, boy," he complemented, gazing around at the scene of destruction. "And to you as well," he added, thanking Luts'ashashik. "Chemna has fallen and all that remains is the defeat of its other miyawakh who leads its army."

"It was truly a fierce fight," Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh said with a weary smile, hoping to elicit more praise. "Yet thanks to our skill we won."

"No, thanks to your deceit and lies," Q'mitlwaakutl corrected. "What happened this night is the price of deceit and lies, a ruined land and many killed. It is a weapon far too dangerous for people to wield. You may think you are applying the lessons of Coyote, yet long ago I met Coyote and by believing in his promises my warriors died and I became stone. Skilled as you are, you are far too loose with your trickery and it will hurt you one day. I pray it hurts no one else."

---
Lord Nch'iyaka of Wapaikht, Saga of Wayam (1500, translation 1974)​

In that month the full moon did herald not only the fall of Chemna yet also the fall of her rulers. On that night the son of Q'mitlwaakutl Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh and the great warrior Luts'ashashik set flames to the palace of the prince. In the inferno the corpulent Prince Nch'ianahui burnt to ashes in a drunken stupor. For though Nch'ianahui possessed great wisdom and wit he did fail to see the tricks of Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh and did underestimate the strength of that man and his warriors. The tricks of Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh as orchestrated by the great Q'mitlwaakutl opened the gates of Chemna and the city thusly fell.

In his great wisdom Q'mitlwaakutl treated Chemna with kindness for they fought well and long ago they aided him against the Hillmen as all Aipakhpam cities had. He said unto the nobles of Chemna, "We seek only your friendship so that all might prosper and spiritual balance thrive in this land under its rightful leader, the Prince of Wayam." Q'mitlwaakutl did not permit his men to loot the city, for they already gained much loot in the villages and towns near Chemna. He only demanded that the daughters of Chemna might marry the sons of Wayam so that the peoples might come together. Foremost among these women were the daughters of the Princes of Chemna whom he gave in marriage to the eldest sons by each of his four wives, not the least the younger Prince of Wayam, his son Plaash-Nawinatla, and Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh, the great hero of this battle.

Earlier on that day the forces of the Prince of Takspash, the great Wiyatpakan, did engage the warriors of Kaatnamanahui camped at the hearths of their allies in Taptat. Far outnumbered against the warriors of Chemna and Taptat they took many losses and thenceforth retreated to the hills. Yet the scouts of Wiyatpakan did succeed in contacting their own allies as well as those brave warriors still in the Tabachiri Valley. Now the Prince of Takspash revised his strategem and prepared to correct his mistakes. The silver moonlight thus gave strength to a new victory. The scouts of Wiyatpakan guided the warriors of the other captains to encircle the foe as they slept.

The moon shone high and illuminated the path of the warriors of Wayam. Truly Alkhaikhyai did shine upon their spirits! Not a single path of escape remained for Kaatnamanahui and the Chemnese. They could not cross the Tabachiri River lest they fall prey to the Wayamese warriors on the other bank. They could not retreat upstream nor downstream lest they fall prey to two groups of Wayamese warriors who trapped them in the pincer. Only death and chaos awaited the Chemnese.

Then said Kaatnamanahui, "My allies of T'kuyatum will soon join me! We shall be safe behind the walls of Taptat until victory arrives!" Thus the forces of Chemna retreated behind the high palisades of Taptat. Fires in the night burned outside the gates of Taptat as the army of Wayam dealt with the spirits of the many they slew in the fight. Their armour and weapons became the fist of the battering rams the warriors of Wayam spent the night building.

Five more days passed and the great Prince of Wayam, Q'mitlwaakutl, did arrive to the siege with four hundred more warriors and said to Wiyatpakan, "Great are these siege implements you have built in such short time. Our victory is at hand."

So did the Wayamese storm the walls of Taptat. The spirits of the dead gave the battering rams terrible strength as they called out to their allies in Chemna, "Join us, leave this harsh world and reside with us in the Land of the Dead." The walls collapsed before this attack of both physical and spiritual force and the men of Wayam rushed into Taptat and cut down all who dared stand before them.

Said Kaatnamanahui to the Prince of Taptat, "Why are my allies so late to come aid us?" The Prince of Taptat did answer, "He will not come to our aid for he has betrayed us for his own benefit. And as he betrayed us, I must betray you for my own benefit." Thus the Prince of Taptat slew Kaatnamanahui and presented his head to the great Q'mitlwaakutl and said to him "Here my lord, I have given you the head of your foe! Allow me to serve you thenceforth!"

Said Q'mitlwaakutl to the Prince of Taptat, "You have served me well in slaying this great foe. May you serve me well in destroying Taptat with my men." The Prince of Taptat fell into shock at Q'mitlwaakutl's order and answered, "Why must I destroy my city and kill my own people?" Q'mitlwaakutl replied to him, "For you are my follower from this moment forth and my followers are obedient to what I ask of them. Yet I believe in your heart you are fit only to be a ruler. Perhaps instead you should be in a place where you might rule over your soldiers, your followers, and the Prince of Chemna," and he struck him dead.

Soon thereafter arrived the captain of the warriors who had remained behind in the Tabachiri Valley as Q'mitlwaakutl ordered him to several months prior. Spoke the captain "The warriors of Wayam yet remain in the Tabachiri Valley yet the warriors of T'kuyatum do not. They have crossed the pass and seek to conquer Wayam!" To this Q'mitlwaakutl praised him for his leadership and knowledge and prepared to lead his army in triumph to Wayam where they might do battle against that strongest foe, the Prince of T'kuyatum.

---
Author's notes

Some stories of the decisive war between Wayam and T'kuyatum, as well as introducing people of note later on (including ancestors of later important figures). Next chapter will cover the great clash between Q'mitlwaakutl and Chelkhalt and the aftermath.

War is never a pleasant thing, and like elsewhere in the world during this era (including the people of this region OTL), massacres of non-combatants wasn't unusual. We'll discuss more on early Fusanian warfare in a coming update, likely when I finish Q'mitlwaakutl's story.

I was late on finishing this entry because I was concurrently drawing up a map of the contemporary political situation in Fusania and because I had some writer's block (the narrative segments are difficult to write for me). There may be slower updates in the future as I go work on maps for this. I know for sure I will do a map regarding the campaigns of Q'mitlwaakutl and Chelkhalt.

Thanks as always for reading. There's much more to come in the future.

[1] - Taptat is Prosser, WA
[2] - Khainaksha is Goldendale, WA
[3] - The Tsupnitpelu are known for their reverence of Aipakhpam culture and habits, as we will see in a later entry. Although they come into contact with several dialect groups of Aipakhpam, the Chemnese dialect is the one they prefer thanks to Chemna's strength. Chemnese is classified as a northern dialect of Aipakhpam, quite distinct from the southern dialect spoken at Wayam.
[4] - Laliik is Rattlesnake Mountain in Benton County, WA, a prominent ridge. It is considered a sacred mountain to numerous peoples OTL due to its association with legends of the Deluge
[5] - Pashkhash is Walla Walla, WA and Siminekem is Lewiston, ID
[6] - Tanakhalu is immediately across the river from Chemna, located a bit north of West Pasco, WA.
[7] - A pun on his name. "Apapma-Tukhunani" roughly means "Shot-Through-Arm"
[8] - "Anahui" ("bear") occurs in the names of many Chemnese rulers, related to the guardian spirit of the prince Tamanwitkan, who in 980 AD threw off Kw'sis's rule to found Chemna as a major power. His descendents have taken on names related to the black bear and are thus known as the Anahuinmi ("of the bear") dynasty.
[9] - A typical, less formal introduction in many Fusanian cultures--having a trusted third party announce the name of the one being introduced as personal names are treated with reverence. Amongst nobles, serving as their herald is a prestigious position, and amongst rulers is a step toward becoming a senwitla.
[10] - Alkhaikhyai is the Aipakhpam moon god, the younger brother of the Sun and a powerful Transformer god who helped make the land inhabitable to humans
[11] - This is not to say Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh's particular Hillmen ancestors like Wat'ihak or Daslats-Lwelolis were alcoholics, merely a negative stereotype civilised Fusanians hold of Hillmen.
[12] - A nobleman's dwelling or palace will typically have three to five doors, the largest main door facing east (almost all Fusanian buildings have their doors on the east) and two to four secondary doors facing north and south, which connotates balance. For spiritual reasons there are never doors facing west (the direction of the land of the dead).
[13] - Best translation, it's a sort of halberd similar to the Chinese ge (also translated dagger axe). We'll discuss Fusanian warfare and weaponry soon enough.
 
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Chapter 32-The Wind Against the Cliffs
-XXXII-
The Wind Against the Cliffs

---
Khainaksha, late May 1128​

Chelkhalt shook his head at the carnage before him. So many of his men lay dead in the ruins of this city of Khainaksha, to say the least of those dead at the foot of its walls, thanks to the skilled and determined resistance of its prince and his sons. They conquered this city, yet lost so much in the process and to add to the cost they failed to even capture its ruler who now fled elsewhere. Only the knowledge that the majority of warriors lost were those Aipakhpam warriors of Ktlatla, Winacha, and the Tabachiri Valley brightened his mood. The sturdy Chiyatsuru men of T'kuyatum and other northerly cities remained, most critically of all the White Robes.

"Will we still march on Wayam, father?" asked his eldest son Nirqotschin, his leather and copper armour tarnished bloody from the fight. "We have expended much, and the Wayamese suffered little from defeating our allies in Chemna." Chelkhalt silently cursed the Chemnese for their naivety in dealing with the tricks the Wayamese played on them. "Our scouts are reporting they're continuing upstream toward Satas Pass [1]."

"We'll let them take the fight to us," Chelkhalt said. "Press the townspeople into providing us the manpower to repair the fortifications. Continue to raid the villages south of here. We will not attack Wayam itself, not during this campaign." He glanced at his strategist Maheqen, who nodded at the wisdom of his strategy.

"As you wish, father," Nirqotschin said, relaying it to his soldiers.

"Many years ago you would've been more impulsive in attempting to attack Wayam," Maheqen noted. "I don't feel the same boldness in spirit that let you capture Kawakhtchin."

"Temperance on the battlefield is just as importance as temperance in spirit elsewhere, he answered. "Violence and peace are yet two more factors of life one must balance. In my youth I was not as skilled at this aspect of my life. Needless impulse simply creates casualties." He reflected on the scene of corpses and burning smoke before him. "I would like to imagine I am wiser in these years, yet perhaps I have yet to achieve true wisdom." He left without a word, preparing himself mentally for a meditation session in the forest by the creek.

As Chelkhalt stared out into the forest beside the rumbling creek, he reflected on the errors he made in this campaign. He committed the most basic error imaginable and like a young boy might chase two rabbits while hunting, he chased two goals in the campaign and split his effort. Perhaps worse, he placed too much trust in a subordinate yet again and now it threatened to jeopardise everything. Were the Prince of Chemna here this assault would have gone overwhelmingly better with fewer of my men dead. But as he sat in meditation, he realised that perhaps he had not erred so badly. It was not the deceased Prince of Chemna's fault he returned to his city, it was his own fault for not accompanying him. Chelkhalt decided he must not blame others for his own failures.

As for dividing his forces, perhaps he had not divided them enough! A hundred boys encircling a family of deer might easily block off every path of escape and slaughter all of them. No matter how dangerous the enemy's army was, if he divided his own men into units to encircle and cut them into pieces they would be destroyed by overwhelming force. Certainly his strategist Maheqen would understand such tactics, and no doubt Nirqotschin as well, although he was skeptical other commanders might. Yet if combined with an ambush, as the many hills and trees further up along this creek and toward Satas Pass permitted, any incompetence on the part of his captains would not matter--the enemy would crumple quickly!

Chelkhalt shook his head once more. He needed no violent thoughts while he meditated for they disrupted his balance. The battle could wait. He only needed to focus on his spirit and every spirit around him, taking into his body an essence of purity and balance so that he might gain further understanding of everything around him. With that, Chelkhalt's thoughts turned peaceful and he drifted off into another world in search of true balance.

---
From Prince Gaiyuchul of Katlamat, Saga of the Four Corners (1470, translation 1970)​

A great shift of power came about that year from Q'mitlwaakutl's triumph over the Chemnese at Taptat. The ascendent force of Q'mitlwaakutl now marched up the river to stop the attacks on their homeland. They heard the dreadful news of the sack of the city of Khainaksha from the mouth of the prince of Khainaksha himself. Q'mitlwaakutl now desired nothing but vengeance on the Prince of T'kuyatum.

Chelkhalt sheltered his men behind the ruins of Khainaksha that he rebuilt into hasty fortifications by forcing the poor folk of that city to labour for him. Chelkhalt dispatched his warriors deep into the countryside around the ancient city of Wayam and looted and pillaged at will in an unusually fierce manner. He sought to deny Wayam their own resources so that he might rebuild his own country and need not fear this powerful enemy.

His strategem failed for he underestimated the spirits of the Wayamese so empowered by their legendary prince supposedly returned. At every village the Wayamese men and women stayed and fought so they might not suffer the fate of Khainaksha and they too might do their part for Wayam. Zeal ran high amongst the Wayamese and they demanded their rulers to send them into battle. A large force of Wayamese peasants under the co-prince of Wayam, Plaash-Nawinatla, assembled alongside many remaining garrisons and warriors of the Wayamese.

It is reported two thousand men assembled in this hasty army and they ambushed several large raiding parties and destroyed them, including several of the White Robes. They carried little in supplies, animals, or baggage, a critical flaw as any strategist might see. There are oral records that report this is a sign of Plaash-Nawinatla's incompetence, yet I see no reason to believe it is. Lord Nch'iyaka of Wapaikht, the finest scholar on this subject, claims this is an invention of Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh to delegitimise his half-brother and co-prince. Plaash-Nawinatla knew of this matter yet could hardly rectify it lest he attract too much attention from Chelkhalt. He was truly faced with an impossible challenge.

Chelkhalt dispersed this makeshift army with his typical genius. He set his White Robes under command of his strategist Maheqen that they might in ambush and waited for the army of Plaash-Nawinatla to attack his raiders. The trap sprung outside the town of Wakaikaas [2] and the peasants and other zealous warriors of Wayam fell before his strategist Maheqen. Plaash-Nawinatla barely escaped with his life while many of his warriors perished in battle. It is said only half the men survived for many died of their wounds, starvation, or the burning heat of the sun.

Yet the sacrifice of Plaash-Nawinatla and the people of Wayam gave all the time Q'mitlwaakutl needed to return. The force of Plaash-Nawinatla and zeal of his warriors kept the raiding parties of T'kuyatum confined behind their makeshift walls. Q'mitlwaakutl now move forth to liberate his country and crush the invaders before him. He brought nearly 4,000 men--a number equal to that of his foe--and left another 1,000 men of Chemnese and Tabachiri extract to the north under his skilled captain Ahaachash Patatpanmi [3] who knew no equal at raiding and ambushes. The presence of the force of Ahaachash caused great revolts in the cities of the Tabachiri and no longer did they serve Chelkhalt but committed in full to the cause of Wayam.

Through Satas Pass marched Q'mitlwaakutl and few warriors of T'kuyatum dared to harass him. The few who lived in these hills acclaimed Q'mitlwaakutl and heaped upon him great blessings. Here Q'mitlwaakutl met an old shaman who knew much of the ancient past. In a past life he himself accompanied the army of Q'mitlwaakutl as they marched toward the Battle of Endless Tears. This shaman warned Q'mitlwaakutl about the spiritual strength of the enemy before him for that shaman of the North Wind, the brother-in-law of Chelkhalt, possessed a terrible strength. He informed that should Q'mitlwaakutl do battle with Chelkhalt, his men would win the battle yet surely die. But should Q'mitlwaakutl wait until the Summer Solstice, he might both win the battle and survive to truly claim his destiny.

So Q'mitlwaakutl heeded the advice of the shaman and wisely chose to wait. It is said he waited for twenty days in the Wakhsham Mountains [4]. He granted his men leave to hunt and fish as they liked [5] and they harvested a great amount of game and fish, a proof the spirits of the world ordained them waiting for the enemy's spiritual power to weaken. His generosity blessed the town of Pawankwyud [6] north of Satas Pass where the people of the town and nearby villages hosted his many warriors. The daughters of the warriors married the sons of Pawankwyud as did the daughters of Pawankwyud marry the warriors and their sons. Through this the valley of the Tabachiri became ever more bound to the nobles of Wayam.

I do not know why Chelkhalt waited at Khainaksha for Q'mitlwaakutl to make his move as he surely knew the circumstances. If he felt overconfidence then surely his strategist Maheqen felt it much the same or even more. I do not believe a figure like Maheqen or the sons of Chelkhalt led the Prince of T'kuyatum to the decisions he took. It is clear Chelkhalt was a brilliant man and he challenged Q'mitlwaakutl on these terms for he wasted none of the time given to him in preparing sites of ambush along the path.

One such ambush point lay at the village of Tapashpa [7] between those now famous cliffs. It was here among these rocky hills and cliffs in that forest that the great prince of T'kuyatum and the great Prince of Wayam met in decisive battle.

---
Tapashpa, June 21, 1128​

"There's more, everywhere!" a young noble shouted immediately before an arrow from an unseen archer silenced him forever. War cries went up and drummers started to fiercely pound on their instruments. Others tried to quickly bunch in formation, scrambling to apply the lessons of training to battle. A few clusters of men already grouped into their shieldwall and locked their dark alder shields marked with clan emblems and other rich yet faded paint to repel the enemy, their spears searching for the enemy. Less armoured men shot arrows into the trees or indeed charged into the hills to root out the enemy archers.

"Forward!" Q'mitlwaakutl shouted. "Do not fear the tricks of the enemy!" He craned his neck in every direction, taking stock of the situation. The low rocks and hills around shielded by the pines made for a perfect ambush location and he'd been on edge all day for this very situation. It almost seemed there were blinds and other shelters specifically awaiting them in the trees and rocks. Around him many men lay pierced with arrows yet many more followed their training, bunching into shieldwalls under the shouts of the nobles who commanded them.

"Shield the animals and the baggage train!" he yelled at a message runner who scurried off to warn those in the rear. The number of arrows falling from the rocks started to slow, and Q'mitlwaakutl awaited what was to come next. The end of the ambush, or the start of the battle?

War cries rang out from the trees around him and Q'mitlwaakutl saw the men in white, the White Robes of T'kuyatum with their silver helmets and white-painted faces ready to attack on both the left and right. Their fierce dagger axes and spears had already hacked down some of his skirmishers. He raised his spear and threw it clean through the head of a charging soldier, the foe's helmet crumpling from the impact. Q'mitlwaakutl drew his axe and raised it high to alert his men.

"Stand together and hold your ground! Spiritual strength is ours today!" The forming shieldwalls clustered around him in defense of their leader, their shields and spears looking out in every direction. Q'mitlwaakutl grit his teeth as he knew these next few moments were where his men won or lost the battle. He looked toward the shield walls behind him and in front of him, hoping with all his might they absorb the force of the enemy.

The White Robes stormed in with their screams and Q'mitlwaakutl felt the spiritual intensity in every muscle and bone of his body as he pushed back with his men against the enemy as arrows rained around them. White Robes and Wayamese alike fell in the vicious clash as he noticed the White Robes attempting to cut him off from his rear guard and encircle him. Q'mitlwaakutl barely knew what he was shouting, other than how ecstatic it felt to shout those words that he inherently knew empowered his men. Seeing an opening as a shouting White Robes captain on his left fell to a spear thrust, Q'mitlwaakutl launched forward with his axe and cleaved another of the enemy, by the stones and feathers he wore likely an enemy shaman. The thrusts and pushing against these White Robes intensified from the men seeing their ruler taking charge and two key enemies falling.

Instinctively, Q'mitlwaakutl jerked his head around to see if the right flank held, yet his men continued to push back there too. His allies came to his defense and held the White Robes there as well. Skirmishers at the higher ground cleared enough room for his own archers to strike and counter the enemy's archers and support the soldiers in the melee.

Q'mitlwaakutl noticed a strong yet plainly armoured man with intricate war paint amongst the White Robes shouting and rallying his warriors to pull back into the forest. He knew the man possessed a strong guardian spirit and wondered briefly if that was the Prince of T'kuyatum himself. Do not tell your men who that warrior is, a voice seemed to tell him. You lost that great battle many centuries ago with promises like that. That man is counting on you to repeat the same mistake. Taking this advice, he barked orders to reform the shieldwall and continue on the path.

As this clash came to an end, he once again took stock of the situation. The right flank still barely held against the White Robes which his men now pushed harder against. Archers and skirmishers now clashed on both sides of the low hills around the path and distant war cries he recognised told him the rear guard continued to hold while the vanguard push back to protect him. He shouted for a scout, asking to know the situation elsewhere.

"The rear guard is fighting their hardest but I believe the enemy is unable to overwhelm them," a blooded man missing an ear said when he finally found a man. "The enemy Q'mitlwaakutl paused to think amidst the screaming around him. With the initial ambush and encirclement having mostly failed, Chelkhalt now sought to pull back, regroup, and keep them off balance before finishing them off decisively."

"Take four hundred warriors [8]!" Q'mitlwaakutl shouted, ensuring nobles nearby heard his command. "And be sure they keep moving forward when our allies our relieved!" Men began to pull back and disengage in an orderly manner as they all remained focused on the situation around them. Some threw spears and knives at the enemy as a final contribution.

Q'mitlwaakutl turned his attention back toward finishing off the White Robes on his right. As these enemies pulled back, battle fury seized his men as they pushed with little restraint. He almost wanted to restrain them but noticed skirmishers and other warriors coming to aid them and seized on this chance to destroy the White Robes. Q'mitlwaakutl swung his axe with fury, hacking limbs and heads but catching it in the shield of a skilled White Robes warrior, to which he abandoned it, pulled out his knife and caught the man in the throat. The White Robes determined resistance began to break down and the remaining warriors fled into the forest. Skirmishers pursued them further while his men continued to advance forward, seeking to reach better ground to fight the ambush. His men began to climb into the hills to gain the high ground on their attackers.

Just as the battle began to die down it suddenly began again when the left flank of White Robes attacked his men in the rear alongside numerous other warriors mostly coming from the front. While they cut down many of celebrating and battle drunk soldiers Q'mitlwaakutl managed to rally enough men to return to formation. T'kuyatum's warriors pushed forward even through the spears and yet another fierce melee ensued. This time they were thoroughly outnumbered and despite Q'mitlwaakutl's increasingly hoarse shouts, began to fall back into the hills. Enemy archers rained fire on them, grazing Q'mitlwaakutl's shoulder.

Such a fierce melee seemed to last an eternity. A few of the shieldwalls broke rank and fled as their men fell no matter the best efforts of Q'mitlwaakutl and his captains. Amidst the shouts, screams of agony, and sound of weapons clashing, Q'mitlwaakutl once again saw that man blazing with spiritual authority, almost daring him to come after him. He noticed his shield was raised far more than not and glanced down and noticed the number of arrows sticking from it. He grit his teeth. I accept your challenge, he wanted to say. Yet he noticed an unusual calmness in the man. I must do the same to win.

The White Robes continued to push against them. One of these White Robes thrust his knife into Q'mitlwaakutl's forearm yet he barely felt the pain and Q'mitlwaakutl dispatched the man with a dagger thrust to his eye. The enemy leader slowly grew distant as his men fell back. The slope of the hill threatened to break their formation even further.

"Not one step back! Those without shields retreat to the hill!" he shouted. The man in front of him seemed to grow irritated by how the Wayamese failed to rout against even this withering assault. The melee stalled and even the men who died seemed to remain standing to fight, their spirits granting their comrades one last bit of assistance by permitting their bodies to be shields and stepping stones for them and their victory.

Q'mitlwaakutl heard new war cries and recognised them as belonging to his own men. The rearguard arrived to aid them and the enemy flank was wide open. Q'mitlwaakutl took advantage of the sudden confusion to bark at his men to push into the enemy lines and the distracted White Robes lost ground. Q'mitlwaakutl noticed a tall and massive man whom he assumed was his son's friend Luts'ashashik from the markings on his armour and helm storm into the enemy and using his height for advantage.

The enemy tried to regroup yet they'd lost the initiative. The Wayamese now trampled on White Robes as they slowly moved forward. Wayamese skirmishers dispersed the remaining enemy archers and turned their attention toward T'kuyatum's warriors. All the valiant efforts from the White Robes failed to help the cause of their allies and only slowed down the inevitable. After yet another eternity of fierce combat they fell apart and soon began fleeing, desparately searching for a place to resume the battle.

"The enemy is fleeing! We chase them down!" Q'mitlwaakutl heard a weary voice shouting, noticing Wiyatpakan's bloodsoaked body pocked with arrows. He is truly strong to keep fighting in such a condition, he thought as Wiyatpakan rallied his men with his dagger axe. The Wayamese hustled after the fleeing enemy and hacked them down as they retreated. A few of the White Robes tried to draw attention away yet they became lost in the sea of Wayamese. Only the enemy's complete dispersal kept them from being encircled. Q'mitlwaakutl wondered if the enemy commander fell during this rout.

Not long after amidst the victory chants and drumming Q'mitlwaakutl approached Wiyatpakan. The man collapsed to the ground, his war paint blending with dried blood as a medicine man tended to him. His wounds had been washed yet he looked exceedingly weary.

"My good friend, what has happened to you?" Q'mitlwaakutl said, his heart pounding with sorrow. "You must have had an incredible fight."

"They fought so well," he muttered, his voice hoarse and scratchy. "Discipline of spirit overcame the wild and untamed spirit. Our enemy could not take our baggage train nor truly cut my men off from yours." He glanced up at Q'mitlwaakutl. "Pananikinsh," he muttered, his hand pointing to fallen green pine cones nearby. He reached for it, squeezing the cone. "Our men are as pine cones. As they grow they become solid and spiny so they might protect that which lays within. We shall be as pine cones, Pananikinsh..." Wiyatpakan muttered, falling asleep for the last time.

"May your journey to the West be safe, friend, and may I meet you again when my time comes," Q'mitlwaakutl mourned. Q'mitlwaakutl's heart burned for the loss of his friend, and he knew that despite this victory here, the war was far from over. "Pananikinsh" sounded a strange term for his brave warriors striking from behind their shields, yet perhaps a fitting one. That which the pine cones sheltered fed the spirits of the world from those of insects to those of the gods. And that which the pine cone sheltered grew into mighty trees that repeated the cycle. And what his pine cones sheltered now would grow into the mighty tree that was the power and wealth prophecised by Coyote to him so long ago.

---
Ktlatla, July 1128​

Chelkhalt looked at the bloodied remnants of his army with impossible frustration. He hadn't even the time to ruminate on his defeat. Only a handful of the White Robes remained after the majority were slaughtered and the survivors of their mercenary component dismissed for their failure. So many other of his warriors failed to come back from that mountain pass. His son Chiltiqen lost his arm and two other sons lost their lives. The Wayamese and their allies stalked them on the journey of many days back to Ktlatla and took many of their remaining baggage animals. All they could do was murder villagers, kill their animals, and steal their food as if they were mere bandits to accomplish even the slightest thing from this failed campaign.

Fortunately for him he still had his trusted lieutenant Maheqen by his side, although brilliance failed them both in those critical moment. Together they would raise a new force to punish Wayam and her allies--it was the only option he realistically had lest a city like Ktlatla seek a new ally. Although so many strong foes might arrange against him, Chelkhalt still had his wits. He stared for a moment at the city walls of Ktlatla, five interlaced rings of wood and stone with smaller palisades stretching all the way to the river sheltering its villages and fields. May they continue to see reason and not challenge me. Chelkhalt did not seek a fight with Ktlatla but he was fully prepared to destroy them should they betray him, whenever he might raise a new army.

A messenger greeted him, and Chelkhalt knew from his face the man seemed weary, sorrowful, and worried from the news he brought.

"My ilmikhwm, I have come by request of your favoured wife that a great spiritual force has attacked your brother-in-law," the man said. "He has not woken for days." Pain struck Chelkhalt's heart as he immediately knew the cause of the defeat.

"Say no more," Chelkhalt growled. He assumed his brother-in-law perished on the solstice, murdered from afar by spiritual meddling on the part of the Prince of Wayam. The only thing he didn't know was whether the Prince of Wayam found a shaman to murder him or even murdered him himself. Chelkhalt was certain he saw the Prince of Wayam at Tapashpa and he knew for certain the man's powerful guardian spirit. Men that spiritually powerful were dangerous and unpredictable, especially if they held political power.

Soon after envoys from Ktlatla's senwitla invited the leaders of his ragged army in, no doubt to discuss matters both military and economic. Unlike Winacha whose rulers remained under Chelkhalt's thumb, Ktlatla remained a close yet still independent ally. Clearly much hinged on this meeting. The envoys led him to the palace of the princes of Ktlatla, decorated all over in fine working of copper and its shinier allies like tumbaga, its local speciality. Here the envoys informed him the prince of the Raven phratry, the most skeptical of the alliance with T'kuyatum, perished a month ago--clearly not everything was going bad. His young grandson would be a pliable puppet of the senwitla, a good ally of his.

In the throne room Chelkhalt and his men exchanged greetings and introductions with the Wolf prince of Ktlatla, the senior of the two co-princes. A craven and greedy man, no doubt he would be easy as ever to push around.

"My men are dead, Prince of T'kuyatum, but so are yours," he shouted in rage. "What do you have to say for yourself? I sent them marching to war and so few return. Our enemies to the south, the bastards at Timani remain unconquered let alone Wayam!" Chelkhalt breathed deeply, trying to reason with him.

"It is a tragic loss made possible by our enemy's great spiritual power. That Prince of Wayam is a truly dangerous enemy deluded into believing he is an ancient hero of legend. He has used his spiritual powers to bewitch his men and assassinate his enemies. Even my family has fallen victim to his powers," Chelkhalt explained. "And I suspect so have yours," he added, glancing at the seat occupied by a young boy who seemed fascinated by the world of adult politics. The Wolf prince rubbed his chin at this revelation.

"Perhaps he did deluded my shamans into thinking the recently departed Raven prince died of a fall. Perhaps his spiritual powers caused that fall," the Wolf prince said. "Perhaps," he glared at Chelkhalt. "Perhaps you should have brought him here in chains so we might've asked him."

"The Prince of Wayam's spiritual force bewitches many to his banner and causes opportunists to flock to it," Chelkhalt said. "We all have critically underestimated him. But in the process we have accomplished many things. Much of Wayam's heartland is burnt and our Dena allies know a fine source of loot they will certainly tell the other Hillmen about. The Tabachiri Valley lays in ruins and Wayam's newfound allies will certainly be persuaded to our side. Any of Wayam's allies around Chemna are devastated and weak. Their newfound Tsupnitpelu allies are too far away. We have time to rebuild."

"I don't have time to rebuild!" the prince shouted. "My people have suffered much too! Our copper does not sell for what it used to and our merchants our broke! We will only have an advantage now, let us press it during this time!" The prince stood up, still furious. "Do you not have allies in the north?" he demanded to know. Chelkhalt smiled.

"Shonitkwu, Npwilukh, and twenty other cities support my cause," he replied, playing loose with the truth. "They can lend us more soldiers in exchange for very little, for Wayam's ambitions and especially the spiritual power of their leaders threaten them all. All I need is your continued assistance in both soldiers and supplying my men."

The Wolf prince sat down once more. "Then we will attack in autumn and take revenge on them!"

Chelkhalt shook his head. "We will wait another autumn and winter to let our men rest and our allies to gather their strength. Then we will strike again and this time complete our initial successes and wash away our failures." He felt a foul taste in his mouth at uttering those words. It seemed the war was pulling him in, forcing him to keep gambling for a victory. Yet there could be no peace otherwise, for his enemy was too dangerous and ambitious.

"Unacceptable!" the Wolf prince shouted. "Do you not understand striking quickly and soon?"

Chelkhalt stepped forward and glared at the prince, making the younger boy wimper. "Quite well as I have done so many times. Your men know very well what that means to me," he glanced around the room at the soldiers and nobles assembled. "Ask them about the clash on the Mimanashi Plateau several years ago. You may have to ask a shaman, though!" The Wolf prince seemed angry yet almost frightened. "So many of your men are dead and Ktlatla is a hollow shell of itself. I wish to help you as an ally and a kinsman for both of our benefits. You would do well to seek my assistance, my great network of allies and their wealth and warriors, and above all, my spiritual power, a terrifying force to my own enemies as the Prince of Wayam, he who names himself Q'mitlwaakutl, knows well."

The Wolf prince recoiled in fear and anger, slamming his fist on his throne chair, yet said nothing. He looked around the room at his own soldiers, solemn and fearful, and then at Chelkhalt's confident escort of White Robes and his nobles.

"V-very well," he scowled at last. If nothing else, Chelkhalt knew his guardian spirit gave him the power to speak from the heart like that and coerce the weakminded. His thoughts immediately turned to Wayam, and he wished he might only deal with them and force them into submission as effectively as he dealt with this man.

---
Lord Nch'iyaka of Wapaikt, Saga of Wayam (1500, translation 1974)​

The great Q'mitlwaakutl did push forward two springs after the triumphant victories over his foe. The transgressions of the Prince of T'kuyatum required punishment and so the Prince of Wayam punished them as he willed. At midwinter in 786 [1129] the White Robes struck the Tabachiri Valley yet their former strength in the North Wind failed them for that great shaman of T'kuyatum had perished. Neither side claimed victory in these raids for both suffered many losses.

At this time the Prince of Wayam did plan for an attack to punish Ktlatla. The corrupt rulers of Ktlatla sought to continue fighting T'kuyatum and by doing so destabilise the entire country. A dream sent from his spirit told Q'mitlwaakutl of the dangerous imbalance of Ktlatla's leaders. He knew he must to act to protect the spiritual balance and in spring 787 [1130] attacked Ktlatla and her allies.

Q'mitlwaakutl arrived in triumph to free the people of Ktlatla from the evil of their rulers. His newly appointed senwitla Tamakan of Katlawasq'o brought envoys to every village and distributed campaign spoils and goods from far away and with these goods he did pledge that Q'mitlwaakutl might bring peace to the war torn land through a restoration of balance. By this means many villages became persuaded of the righteousness of Q'mitlwaakutl's cause and said to Tamakan of Katlawasq'o, "With the balance your leader brings us we will once again be rich!"

When the miyawakh of Ktlatla heard this he raised a force to punish the rebellious village rulers and ambush the men of Q'mitlwaakutl. He begged unto Chelkhalt of T'kuyatum for help yet Chelkhalt faced wars of his own against Dena tribes of the mountains inflaming his own allies against him. Few men of T'kuyatum came to the aid of Ktlatla in this time of crisis and now they faced the full force of Q'mitlwaakutl's warriors.

The well outnumbered warriors of Ktlatla did ambush the men of Wayam at the village of Acha and severely wounded Tamakan of Katlawasq'o who thenceforth became called Tamakan the Butchered for his scars and deformities. Yet the warriors of the great Q'mitlwaakutl dispersed Ktlatla's ambush and slew those who aided them. Now Q'mitlwaakutl sent prisoners to the Prince of Ktlatla with the order, "You must open your gates to me and compensate the families of men you killed" but Ktlatla refused to surrender.

Q'mitlwaakutl continued to turn the village headmen and lesser nobles against the Prince of Ktlatla. So many defected from their allegiance of Ktlatla and refused to attend his ceremonies that summer. Q'mitlwaakutl granted these allies the right to raid and pillage those who resisted and by this means resistance ended and Q'mitlwaakutl enjoyed great support.

So great was his support there was no need to besiege Ktlatla. The Prince of Ktlatla opened his own gates for Q'mitlwaakutl and proclaimed him an ally. Yet when he heard the news that Chelkhalt might soon arrive with an army he did celebrate in his heart. For this transgression Q'mitlwaakutl ordered him brought before him and spoke to him, "There is great imbalance within you. You claim to be a loyal ally of your people yet you have impoverished them. You claim to be a loyal ally of the Prince of T'kuyatum yet you betray him to me. You claim to be a loyal ally of the Prince of Wayam yet you betray me to him. Even the mightiest ruler must serve others even they only be the spirits which guide his people through this harsh world of imbalance." The Prince of Wayam then did slay the Prince of Ktlatla where he stood and ordered him buried as a peasant so in death he might bring more balance than in life.

Q'mitlwaakutl thus took control of Ktlatla and enforced peace and their firm allegiance. Now he once again set out to battle the Prince of T'kuyatum who swiftly moved south over both the mountain passes and with his canoes and warboats on the river. Chelkhalt of T'kuyatum did realise that Ktlatla now opposed him and he therefore sought to punish them for betrayal. His forces attacked the villages allied to Ktlatla and took much plunder.

Q'mitlwaakutl tracked Chelkhalt to the village of T'it'shpaash [9] where Chelkhalt's warriors once again ambushed him. A great force followed and met Q'mitlwaakutl directly at the banks of a creek. Once again Q'mitlwaakutl learned the dangers of the enemy he faced for Chelkhalt's outnumbered forces fought Q'mitlwaakutl as if they were even in number. Even the great pananikinsh units were unable to break through the foe.

When nightfall came each army did arrange a truce for they could fight no longer. The great Q'mitlwaakutl wisely chose to the end the war with T'kuyatum as he already gained much from it. The men of each side celebrated the peace and gave many goods to each other to ensure peace might return. Thenceforth peace once again returned to the lands along the Imaru and Chelkhalt and Q'mitlwaakutl departed to their respective homes.

Thereafter years of peace and prosperity did arrive across the land. Even the Hillmen of the south and of the Grey Mountains hardly made any attacks on the great many people under the shelter of Wayam and her great ruler Q'mitlwaakutl. The people of the Five Cities of the Aipakhpam (with the exception of Winacha still suffering from T'kuyatum's domination) became ever more tightly bound to Wayam through both family and trade. The mines produced more metal than ever and even poor peasants came to own much in the way of copper tools. The harvests filled great storehouses of food that nourished man and fattened beast. People found more free time to connect with the spiritual world around them and balance proliferated.

The men of T'kuyatum did also enjoy this time of peace and their ambitious ruler used the time to rebuild his once diminished force. He found new allies in Imatelam and the Tsupnitpelu city of Tok'onatin [10] who chafed against Wayam's new dominance and wished to subvert this peace. For Chelkhalt of T'kuyatum now held the defeat of Wayam as his highest ambition. Thenceforth in the winter of 791 [1134] the White Robes of T'kuyatum set out to raid the allies of Q'mitlwaakutl and spread chaos and destruction in the lands along the Imaru.

When the great Q'mitlwaakutl did hear of this, he sent calls for warriors to assemble under his banner and he pledged that Chelkhalt would never again see winter. The men of Wayam, the men of Chemna, the men of Ktlatla, and the men of so many other cities and towns, eight thousand [11] in total, set forth to destroy Chelkhalt's forces. Along the river they did march as they did seek the liberation of their countrymen of Winacha and the destruction of T'kuyatum's might forever.

---
Author's notes

A description of an important battle and its aftermath. The next major battle as well as the remainder of Q'mitlwaakutl's life will be included in the next entry which will center around a discussion on warfare in 12th century Fusania.

I produced a lot of material for this chapter which I didn't include for various reasons. I didn't want this to become too long and figured the material you see here covered all it needs to.

As for the huge focus on Q'mitlwaakutl in these entries (and to a lesser extent Chelkhalt), well, that's because his legacy is exceptionally important in practically every sphere of Fusanian society either because of his actual accomplishments or because later people attributed many things to him. You might think of this legacy as akin to figures like Yu the Great or Gilgamesh albeit with the historical part of the legacy backing up the mythological deeds. But I'll probably be moving away from this hyperfocus for later entries because there's so much more I want to get to.

This is the last entry I'll post before the 1-year anniversary of this TL on May 3. I can't believe it's been that long, and thanks to everyone who's read this and decided to stick with this TL.

[1] - Satus Pass in Washington ("Satas" being a less Anglicised form), linking the Yakima Valley [Tabachiri] with the main Columbia Valley
[2] - Wakaikaas is Wahkiacus, WA (same Sahaptin origin)
[3] - "Patatpanmi" is a sobriquet meaning "of the trees's", referring to him conducting successful guerilla warfare in the Tabachiri Valley. It is also his posthumous name (akin to "Shapatukhtla").
[4] - The Wakhsham Mountains are the Simcoe Mountains of Washington on the border of Klickitat and Yakima Counties
[5] - Typically great restrictions exist on hunting (and to a lesser extent on fishing) to preserve the limited supply of animals for worthy individuals and certain occasions. For commoners to be permitted to hunt game is a great privilege
[6] - Where Satus Creek joins Logy Creek in Yakima County, WA at about 46'12 N/120'29 W
[7] - Tapashpa is about 5 kilometers northeast of Goldendale, WA
[8] - By "four hundred", Q'mitlwaakutl means he needs a few hundred or so men elsewhere. In such a heated situation literally following this order is hopeless
[9] - A few miles southeast of Ellensburg, WA in Kittitas County, WA
[10] - Tok'onatin is La Grande, OR
[11] - An exaggeration--a more realistic number would be perhaps 5,000
 
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Crossposting this from another thread. This is firmly non-canon but a bit of interesting theoretical pop culture (and maybe a hint to how I intend to address Japanese-Fusanian relations) I brainstormed for fun.
My TL, a Horn of Bronze (in my signature), regards an indigenous Pacific Northwest Amerindian civilisation which ends up strongly influenced by Japan and China. And while it will never be canon to A Horn of Bronze, let's just say that as a Gundam fan I love the idea of a G Gundam where we have a Neo-Fusanian "Totem Gundam" participating in the Gundam Fight (as self-indulgent as this fusion of my interests is). Although "Totem Gundam" sounds more like a G Gundam mobile fighter from a TL with an independent British Columbia/Cascadia rather than a Japanese influenced PNW like in my TL (where the Japanese word for "totem" as in "totem pole" would likely come from Tlingit much as how many European terms related to Amerindian things come from Taino, the first group the Spanish met--OTL "totem" is an Ojibwe word applied to totem poles among other usages). I imagine the pilot being mixed-race native Fusanian/Japanese (Wajin) with darker skin (as I think anime Fusanians would be stereotyped as having like Okinawans) and long hair (which I think would be a Japanese stereotype of Fusanians TTL given local cultural beliefs regarding men with long hair) speaking in an exaggerated "Fusou-ben" accent while his Gundam has immaculate stereotypes of Pacific Northwest architecture (both OTL and TTL's much modified variant) as is typical of G Gundam's national stereotyping. I imagine his name would be "Japanese first name" and "blatantly indigenous sounding surname" (like a Japonicised version of the name of an indigenous city-state).

In addition to the blatant architectural/totem pole influence in the design (which would look a bit "wooden"), I think this Gundam would wear a white robe with an intricate pattern (maybe of a killer whale) on it and carry a spear and shield but also have a dagger for close combat just to reference what TTL would have as "standard native Fusanians in pop culture". And probably a final attack/"spirit possession mode" referencing guardian spirit power.

Without considering other changes in my TL would introduce to the geopolitical/national stereotyping setup of G Gundam, I think this pilot would do well as a rival to Domon (protagonist and Neo-Japan's pilot). Maybe it would make it so Chibodee Crockett (Neo-America's pilot) gets a rival in the Neo-Britain pilot (can't remember his name right now), and ideally both would get redeemed (after a few fights) in time for the final showdown with the Devil Gundam.
And speaking of Gundam, a while back as I rewatched the classic Gundam 0083 Stardust Memory OVA I noticed this bit of signage in the background during one of the episodes set on the Moon.
[OZC]Mobile Suit Gundam 0083 - Stardust Memory Remastered E06 'The Warrior of Von Braun'.mkv_s...jpg
80s/90s anime has tons of random and often grammatically incorrect signage but seeing "IMARU" made me happy.

The next update is almost done for those awaiting it. It's a nice description of old Fusanian warfare combined with another description of a great battle. It's being worked on in conjunction with a map of this whole era of Fusania which is why it's taking longer than I thought.
 
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And then every year there can be taiga dramas of Qmitlwaakutl and Chelkhalt until finally some Fusanian artist writes a Gintama-style parody of the whole affair.
 
Chapter 33-An Age of Copper and Blood
-XXXIII-
An Age of Copper and Blood


---
From Battle in the Western Land of Bronze: The Complete Guide to Fusanian Warfare

Warfare in the Late Chalcolithic Age (sometimes called the Early Classic Age) in North Fusania (1080 - 1200) occurred on a vigorous and organised scale, the culmination of centuries of development and refinement. Driven by population pressures emerging from the continuing expansion of agriculture and need to secure more land, warfare in Fusania correlated to the decline of city-states in favour of formations of larger multi-city polities. The expanding bureaucracy and governance structures of these city-states permitted larger armies and more distant campaigns which themselves possessed far more organised structures. Siege warfare emerges on a grand scale for the first time in Fusania while the art of naval warfare begins.

Prior to the 11th century, warfare in Fusania was a seasonal affair focusing on raiding the villages for livestock, goods, and people to ransom (or for women and children, enslaved or sacrificed). Armies often consisted of anywhere from a few dozen to up to a thousand warriors, with numbers usually falling on the lower end. The commanders of the armies were often sons and brothers of the prince of whatever city sent them out, with rulers rarely taking the field due to fear of assassination. Each side usually mutually avoided battles but often challenged the opponents to ritual combats or most frequently engaged in small scale ambushes.

During the 11th century, the population density and increasing social complexity eroded this older system. Army sizes swelled and city-states became able to field forces of over two thousand men. Mercenary bands thrived more than ever before, allowing limited warfare to take place into the winter months. Rulers decided to lead their forces into the field more often to prove their strength to their subjects. Raiding parties of a few dozen to a few hundred people still served as the basis for Fusanian warfare, although in this era the raiders often attached themselves to a larger army.

Weapons

Fusanian weaponry incorporated a variety of ranged and melee weapons made from a range of materials. They ranged from peasant weapons simple in design to extremely elaborate yet still functional. The most common weapon by far were war clubs made from a sturdy wood or whalebones, typically wielded by peasants, with spears and daggers coming in as a close second. For ranged weapons, the bow held supremacy and was used by both nobles and peasants alike.

Much as elsewhere in society, nobles held the responsibility for equipping their followers with proper weapons, a role they kept even after the rise of powerful city-state princes. Nobles who failed to uphold this role saw their commoner and poorer noble followers leave and the noble further impoverished. Noble households thus purchased a wide variety of weapons and often maintained private arsenals although just as often allowed gifted followers their own weapons. At times this resulted in even peasants owning high-quality weapons, while other times peasants went to battle with poor-quality or even improvised weapons.

Fusanian soldiers usually brought knives and daggers with them as well. They used these weapons in close-quarters or when forced to drop their other weapons. Many Fusanians took great pride and care in their knives, and even poor Fusanians often owned metal knives with well-decorated hilts. A common idiom in many cultures, "His knife is very fancy," meant the man in question took extensive pride in being a warrior to various degrees of sarcasm.

By the 12th century, the typical war club evolved into various sorts of war axes and maces with their blades and spikes made from flint, obsidian, jade, or copper. These spiked clubs and axes dealt vicious wounds and blunt trauma to the foe in the hands of a skilled user. The dagger-axe, a popular Fusanian weapon amongst nobles, also appeared in this period.

The materials used for the weapons told much about the user. Wealthy men or those who followed generous men used exclusively metal points for their spears as well as axes, typically arsenical bronze made at famed metalworking centers like Pasnomsono and more locally Khant'aqan-Nts'amkinkwi, and Anecho. Occasionally they substituted it for an expensive stone like jade, although by this era jade became increasingly relegated to ceremonial roles. The distinction was greatest on the Imaru Plateau, where the rarity of wood like cedar or coastal products like whalebone allowed nobles to show off their wealth on the battlefield. Poorer men on the other hand used simple copper weapons or more often those of obsidian.

Warriors used several types of ranged weaponry, most commonly the bow but also other weapons such as slings, javelins, and atlatls [1]. Simple crossbows were occasionally used on the battlefield as well, but usually reserved for fortification defense. Ranged weapons varied by ethnic group--west of the Grey Mountains they preferred recurved bows made from woods like Pacific yew, but on the Imaru Plateau the style in the 12th century shifted to composite bows made from maple or Imaru oak and the horns and sinews of reindeer.

Typically they crafted projectile points for their arrows and atlatl darts from obsidian, but by the 12th century wealthier men began shooting arrows with copper tips. While obsidian could be flaked into nearly any shape, the use of copper enabled more refined and consistent points that could be used for any number of circumstances on the battlefield. They typically made the shafts of arrows and darts from the wood of the serviceberry bush (Amelanchier alnifolia), harvested from the woodlands maintained around villages.

Although Fusanians knew of iron, the extremely small quantities obtained from Asian shipwrecks or traded across the Ringitanian Strait kept use of this metal unheard of in warfare. Fusanians associated iron with the sea and in particular shipbuilding thus used most of their iron in the form of adzes and other woodworking tools. However, the Atkh warlord Sachaqiha of Timhimha, son and successor of the feared warlord Kawadinak, is recorded as owning an iron axe he used in naval battles, but this is used in stories as a way to describe both his wealth gained from raiding and his immense greed.

Armour

Fusanian armour is an ancient tradition dating back millennia before agriculture or animal domestication emerged in the region. From the earliest times, wealthier warriors equipped themselves with breastplates and helmets made from sturdy hardwoods, wearing this armour over coats of elk and reindeer leather. Armour such as this continued throughout the first millennia in Fusania and continued to be worn amongst the leaders of many Hillmen groups like the Grey Mountains Dena.

By the Late Chalcolithic, Fusanian armour styles were changing. Wooden armour fell out of fashion entirely on the Plateau and elsewhere became increasingly associated with poorer men and barbarians. The dominant form of armour switched to scale armour sewn together from pieces of boiled leather and metal plates. The armour of the wealthiest men used many more scales than the armour of poorer men.

The cylindrical, head-obscuring helmets popular in early times likewise fell out of fashion in this era except amongst the Coastmen. The popular helmets in this era were typically pyramidal in shape with four points on the side and one point on the top, hence their common nickname "five-pointed helmet". They allowed friend and foe alike to see the wearer's face (although still protected with guards across the nose, forehead, and cheeks), an innovation perhaps meant so that the user's warpaint was more apparent. Typically these helmets were sewn together from pieces of leather and copper.

Many Fusanian soldiers such as the famed pananikinsh of Wayam carried shields into battle with them, usually made of a wood like alder or willow although some warriors carried shields of heavier woods like cedar or oak. Usually these shields were tall and rectangular, and for the wealthy overlain with copper for additional protection, although for most the copper only covered the center of the shield.

Skirmishers and other light infantry who needed to be quick moving mostly abandoned armour in this period as their roles became distinctive. They wore a simple leather breastplate over hempen tehi robes or even lighter armours made from quilted or padded tehi. If they wore a helmet, then they wore a simple leather cap that lacked the elaborate construction of the five-pointed helmet. In the hotter summers of the Imaru Plateau, some skimirshers occasionally wore no armour at all.

A few soldiers wore barely any clothing at all or fought completely naked. As even the poorest peasant marched to war wearing some clothing, these men abandoned clothing at the calling of their guardian spirit. They believed they had spiritual protection in battle in lieu of physical protection. Other men cast off their armour in the midst of battle to fight mostly or entirely naked, once again at the calling of their spirits.

Tactics

Fusanian armies divided themselves into ranged troops, light infantry, and heavy infantry. Unlike Old World armies with chariots and cavalry, the Fusanians lacked animals suited for the cavalry role leading their armies being all-infantry. Still, the distinction between these three types of soldiers and increasing deployment of large armies combining all three types led to great innovation in tactics, in particular the mid and late 12th century.

The large armies at the start of this era began marching in more and more complex formations, leading to the shieldwall becoming the dominant tactic in Fusania. These shieldwalls were capable of repelling concerted heavy infantry assaults and even ambushes, so long as they were properly screened by ranged troops. Against the prior form of warfare which dominated, a style based on individual glory and heroics, shieldwalls proved devastating in the hands of a skilled commander. Lesser warriors greatly enjoyed the shieldwall as well, for it gave them confidence in numbers and allowed them a chance to kill veteran soldiers with ease.

Commanders almost always led from the rear, delegating local order to their sons or ambitious young noblemen, with the exception being if the commander himself was a young man. They signalled using drums, rattles, and smoke, although these signals were a haphazard and unstandardised affair. Personal standards were occasionally used by individual units, which varied in size from 20 to over a hundred men. These standards belonged to the noble (or nobles) responsible for the unit and usually bore a collection of family and clan crests.

Q'mitlwaakutl of Wayam is traditionally credited with inventing the shieldwall in Fusania, but it seems likely he innovated on pre-existing tactics as depictions of shieldwalls occur in art throughout Fusania during the early decades of the 12th century. The most notable of these (and almost certain to be a shieldwall) is the fragmentory Seq'amin Tapestry which dates to about 1115. Meant to celebrate Kawadinak of Tinhimha's victory over the siyams of Seq'amin, a portion of this tapestry depicts the defenders of the city marching with interlocked shields where they are shot with arrows from the trees attacking forces of Tinhimha.

Owing to the lack of cavalry, light infantry and skirmishers performed much the same roles as cavalry did in the Old World. These soldiers scouted the land, conducted ambushes, chased down enemies, and most importantly, flanked them. Soldiers meant for flanking wore little (or even no) clothing or armour, often only carrying a light shield and a sturdy weapon. Warbands of these men picked at enemy flanks in ambush and clashed with skirmishers on the other side. Although some commanders like Q'mitlwaakutl are documented as having drilled their men into being able to rapidly reform a collapsing shieldwall, typically soldiers lacked the flexibility to do so. A collapsing shieldwall thus almost always routed.

Ambushes still played an important role in warfare, although no longer was it the dominant strategy. Utilising the many forests and cliffs of Fusania, large forces might be hidden throughout and set upon the enemy as they approached. Archers atop coulees and canyons would rain death upon enemies passing through. Commanders counted this by deploying many scouting and foraging parties to search these places and keep the enemy from setting up at a good location.

While shieldwalls dominated, shock tactics, like the famous White Robes of T'kuyatum and units inspired by them (who often dressed similarly) remained important early in the period and even well into it. These heavy infantry operated on the flanks and especially led ambushes, striking in small groups to disrupt enemy skirmishers and shieldwalls alike, using superior skills and equipment to drive off larger groups with inferior numbers. A well-motivated and disciplined force of heavy infantry charging into a shieldwall as a wedge served as a risky but effective counter to shieldwall tactics. Such tactics became most notably associated with the Wakashans and other Coastmen who used it to great effect in numerous battles.

In a typical battle, the shieldwalls anxiously circled each other to look for an opening, monitering their flanks for enemy infantry as well as enemy archers. Some impetuous warriors ran out in front and shouted insults and boasts meant to challenge enemies to single combat. These single combats served as hints of what was to come, with the victor falling back into their ranks. When they sighted a weak point created by the skirmishers or archers (or more rarely, heavy infantry), the shieldwall infantry advanced and focused on the enemy weak point, with some among them throwing spears before they charged. The shieldwalls pushed and pushed against each other, occasionally slowly disengaging should they not break through in which case they'd manuever again to look for a weak point. Battles might last hours until one side broke through or retreated.

When a shieldwall collapsed, the victorious forces chased them down and generally killed every warrior they could, although often nobles or other commanders were taken captive for ransom. However, more limited warfare did exist and often found during civil wars, in which case the slaughter of the fleeing enemy was kept to a minimum. Occasionally the rout might be avoided by a skilled commander who would reform the shieldwall, often with a defensive circular formation. Last stands were common as soldiers fought to protect their comrades or resisted until the end at the request of their guardian spirits.

Organisation

The works of later Fusanian historians like Gaiyuchul of Katlamat and Nch'iyaka of Wapaikht describe precise and skilled arrangement of armies centuries before either men were born. While the military organisation in their times does hold its deepest roots in the Late Chalcolithic, organisation was far more adhoc in that era. The common groups of 20 men, 400 men, or 2,000 men simply were not present in that era in the forms they appeared in the 15th century.

Typically, nobles, including city-state rulers, organised raids and warfare on behalf of themselves and their followers. Often bands of nobles petitioned their ruler to raid a rival village, or in some cases completely ignored the ruler. These nobles gathered together their household as well as peasants and other followers with the promise of fortune and plunder both during the campaign and after in the form of potlatches to be held later in the year. This served as a powerful incentive for the many poor of Fusania to join these campaigns.

Equipped by themselves or by their nobles, soldiers separated into groups based on their skill with various weapons. A man known as a good hunter with a bow usually served as an archer, and this man's kin usually also served as archers. Usually men with related guardian spirits fought alongside each other as it was commonly believed their spirits synergised increasing their fighting prowess physical and spiritual. Just as common however was an assignment based on clan and moeity, where a given number of men of related kinship from either moeity fought in a particular group, once again for spiritual reasons.

Men fought in units between 20 and 100 men, usually favouring the larger number. A noble captain commanded these units, usually the one with the most wealth and prestige. Typically the captain fought at the back of the unit with the older men, with the most skilled warriors (usually ambitious younger noblemen) in the front ranks and other soldiers in the middle. Key in importance was the man who carried standards of the unit which were used for signaling. Should he or the captain fall in battle, the unit typically routed and proved almost impossible to reform.

Logistics and Transportation

As the only animals large enough to support a rider were the largest reindeer and moose, and riding on these animals unknown in the Late Chalcolithic, Fusanian armies manuevered around on foot or by canoe. All armies equipped scouts and raiding parties with canoes typically a bit under 4 meters long and built from bark, cedar, and willow. They carried five men each (sometimes more in some areas) as well as baggage or even animals. These canoes allowed for long-range and rapid raids on enemy lines as well as highly effective scouting along the rivers and streams of Fusania.

The key animal of logistics was the reindeer as pack reindeer carried 50 kg of supplies on average. Most raiding parties brought along a reindeer (often belonging to the nobleman in charge). Larger forces relied on several reindeer to carry food, drink, and other supplies necessary for lengthy campaigning.

The towey goat always held a place next to the reindeer in logistics. Even the name assigned in English "towey"--assigned by early English colonists in the Americas based on an Algonquian term for the animal [2]--recalls the word "tow" (hence the English name). Although towey goats carried little weight thanks to their weak physique relative to dogs or reindeer, they carried enough for the peasant villages who went to war with an individual goat carrying up to 20 kilograms.

Other animals supplemented for reindeer, especially amongst groups like the Valley Tanne who bred large dogs to supplement their reindeer and large towey goats. Such dogs held the blood of South Fusanian breeds who were bred similarly, and the goats were among the largest towey goat breeds. They performed well with the tasks given to them, although they were disdained by rulers who owned enough reindeer to substitute.

Acorns and pine nuts held crucial importance as campaign foods. Acorns (almost always of the Imaru oak except among some southerly groups) were shelled, processed, and cooked in the field by soldiers or camp followers and provided a nutritious meal in the form of a simple flatbread, often mixed with fish or game scout parties foraged. Pine nuts were similar in this role. Large baskets of both were placed on the back of animals or human porters. Dried camas and omodaka gave an additional dimension to campaign food. As for meat, pemmican in the form of reindeer, salmon, goat, or waterfowl mixed with various berry crops often accompanied warriors.

Fortifications and Siege Warfare

North Fusania historically was among the most fortified regions in the world, with walls and all manner of fortifications existing for thousands of years before animal domestication or agriculture. Very few villages lacked fortifications, aside from those in the most secure parts of the land. These fortifications spread far to the south as well as inland during the Fusanian Neolithic (300 - 800) and radiated into innumerable forms based on local needs and geography as well as cultural expression. Concurrent with this evolution came a number of siege warfare methods that likewise radiated into many forms to capture these fortifications.

The most common form of fortification in Fusania were wooden palisades and watchtowers. These gave archers a place to watch for and shoot enemy raiding parties as well as make taking the village a costly exercise. Naturally, these mostly worked to slow down enemy raiding parties so that the village might awaken to fight them or otherwise call for help. Because of the widespread nature of these simple fortifications, the most common tools for sieges were ropes and ladders used by attackers to scale simple walls like this. Often raiders scaled the walls at night and took the village by surprise, using the watchtowers as signals for their allies.

Larger communities relied on other means of defense. They built taller and thicker palisades and dug trenches at the base. Rings of earthen walls surrounded these sites, and often the palisade sat atop an earthen wall. The walls themselves became larger too, large enough to stand on in some cases. Fusanian skill at earthwork construction enabled construction of elaborate moats around these communities.

By the Late Chalcolithic, several large and rich cities possessed walls of stone, usually mixed with layers of wood and dirt as further fortification and just as importantly minimise the earthquake risk. Men might stand atop these walls and shoot arrows at attacking enemies while the interiors of towers on these walls held niches for soldiers to shoot out from or pour burning pitch on enemy attackers.

The exteriors of these walls tended to be colourfully painted and carved with murals and reliefs describing the history of the city (including its place during mythological ages), its ruling dynasty, and many boasts about the city using a highly stylised sort of totem writing that often totally lost its semasiographic principles and blended into pure art and abstraction. Typically at least a few high totem poles stood from these walls further elaborating stories, histories, and boasts. If taken by an enemy, many times conquerers and raiders forced cities to tear down these totem poles or scrub their walls clean, a symbol of subjugation.

Attackers developed increasingly elaborate means of attacking cities. The most common means were battering rams, carried by soldiers or animals, which as in the Old World chipped away at the walls until they collapsed. They erected their own fortifications to shield themselves when besieging a city. They undermined city walls by redirecting rivers and digging pits beneath them. Should a city not fall by the end of the dry season, the attackers either assaulted the city or went home, as sieges during the rainy season strained logistics thanks to the need for most men to return to their homes. Many of these tactics are attributed to Kawadinak of Tinhimha who conducted extensive campaigns against the heavily fortified cities and towns of the Whulchomic peoples, although it is likely they were in use elsewhere as Q'mitlwaakutl's Siege of Chemna in 1128 demonstrates.

Fusanians knew of chemical and biological warfare, the latter of which they considered mainly spiritual in its effect. To smoke out an enemy they slung baskets full of bundles of poison ivy or poison oak to create toxic smoke that caused lung damage, temporary blindness, and severe skin irritation. They used jars full of toxic snakes or stinging insects to similar effect. Poisons of all sorts were poured into wells and water supplies to harm the people of the city. Dead or dying animals and corpses were sent flying over walls or dumped into water supplies to spiritually attack the city by attracting ghosts and spirits of disease. Because of the harmful spiritual effect, attacks on water supplies became regarded as a very dangerous tool and often discouraged in warfare.

Still, as elsewhere in the world, subterfuge proved just as useful as armies in capturing cities. Fusanians praised clever men able to gain entry to enemy cities and open the gates. Perhaps the most famous example in this era was Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh of Wayam's capture of both Kw'sis and the great city of Chemna through this method. Fusanians used numerous means of gaining entry, from trickery to bribery to covert infiltration to prevent the damaging effects of a costly siege.

Warriors and Society

Fusanian cultures regarded battle as an extension of the spiritual vitality of the warrior. This warrior vitality was usually regarded as a force which needed to be controlled, lest it bring too many negative effects, although in Wakashan society and many Far Northwest cultures this vitality was praised as manly and necessary. Some cultures like the Whulchomic peoples and the more mercentile Namal groups like the Ihlakhluit and Shakhlatksh regarded warriors as dangerous and men to be feared and shunned due to the spiritual imbalance that gave them strength. For most Fusanian groups, attitudes lay somewhere in between.

Society distinguished between those forced to fight, such as peasants defending a village or pressed into military service, and those who relished the fight and volunteered to fight. The latter often served as professional soldiers, having joined mercenary bands or working in the households of nobles and rulers or the employ of merchant caravans as bodyguards. Naturally, the former outnumbered the latter on the battlefield, yet it was the latter who often played the critical role in battle.

It was the responsibility of every ruler from a village headman to a prosperous city-state prince to ensure the men of his city were ready for battle. Typically older boys and men trained several days a year at minimum, with Wakashan, Dena, and Far Northwest societies conducting much more intense training. Training of the general populace varied in quality, although rulers like Chelkhalt of T'kuyatum ensured men received very high quality and intense training--his reforms were copied by Q'mitlwaakutl of Wayam toward the end of his reign. A common way of training men was through sport--the shinny game [3] played at potlatches with its intense and physical nature was used to teach men the principles of combat.

In all Fusanian societies, warfare offered every man the chance to distinguish himself. Capturing an enemy in battle for ransom, taking his livestock, or slaying powerful enemies all carried accolades which other warriors recognised. These skilled warriors received a greater share of the plunder and often gifts from the noble or ruler they served, and aside from material gain became feared and respected.

Warrior societies in Fusania trace many elements from Far Northwest cultures, and even the "civilised" warrior societies of Wayam shared many similarities with the "barbarian" societies of the Wakashans or Far Northwest. Warriors who killed a foe in battle were inducted into these societies, of which many existed although their rituals were broadly similar. They held dances during important festivals like the winter spirit dances where they conducted important ceremonies often involving bloodletting and ritual flogging to demonstrate invulnerability and ability to kill. These "warrior lodges" often contained sacred weapons and armour either used by powerful warriors of the past or even figures of legend like Coyote. Fusanians believed the relics reacted to the dances, levitating around and striking the warriors in order to grant spiritual power to their guardian spirits.

Belief in guardian spirits played an important role in combat. Fusanians believed they granted special powers to those who knew them which ranged from invulnerability to perfect accuracy to untiring strength. Commanders believed they whispered advice on how to conduct oneself in battle. In the 12th century, the rise in organised warfare led to the belief that a commander needed a strong guardian spirit so he might keep order amongst his soldiers. In this sense, the battle was fought on both a physical and spiritual level, as the commander's guardian spirit needed to "convince" his soldier's spirits to obey him.

Aside from the general principle of barring slaves, warrior societies held to egalitarian principles. In theory, an inexperienced ruler of a great city would rank beneath an experienced commoner who killed dozens of enemies. In practice, commoners who advanced far enough in warrior societies joined the nobility as noblemen married their daughters to them so the nobility dominated warrior societies. Still, this allowed the commoner significant social mobility and Fusanian literature abounds of tales of fierce and zealous commoners.

Slaves made up a significant portion of the population in Fusania, but they never participated in warfare during the Late Chalcolithic (although some served as bodyguards). While some slaves were regarded as unreliable due to their ethnic origins, the main reason slave warriors were uncommon was due to the belief they suffered spiritual deficiency. This deficiency allowed any warrior to easily strike down a slave, who would be inherently cowardly and weak.

Still, slaves served an important role in warfare. Slaves worked as porters and animal handlers for the baggage train, and at least some nobles brought their slave bodyguards to the battle in defiance of conventional wisdom. Slaves defending the baggage train often fought and delayed enemies attempting to capture it, and many slaves who succeeded at this obtained freedom.

Religious figures often accompanied warriors to battle and even fought alongside them, although this varied depending on the culture. In many places only certain medicine men or formulaists would be allowed, while shamans were strictly forbidden from coming anywhere near the battlefield or even the warriors before they departed lest they be contaminated with harmful spiritual influences. Other cultures welcomed nearly any of their shamans to the battlefield should they choose to fight. These warrior shamans contributed war chants and other spiritual signs to the battle so that their soldiers might win.

Women played important auxiliary roles in Fusanian warfare depending on the society. While unmarried women never accompanied men to battle and rarely received training, married women occasionally fought alongside their husbands and in Amim and Whulchomic cultures (as well as many Wakashan and Far Northwest cultures) received training with the crossbow to defend their homes and city walls while men were away. Poorer women often followed the baggage train of larger armies as cooks, prostitutes, or servants. Some women foraged for armies and camps and occasionally even accompanied foraging and scouting parties

On the Imaru Plateau and especially amongst Chiyatsuru cultures, women occasionally did directly take part in warfare. Women who received instructions from their guardian spirit about combat were recognised and treated little differently than men by their male comrades on the battlefield [4], although elsewhere in society they were still recognised as women. These warrior women often demonstrated ruthlessness in battle and an absolute refusal to surrender. Several great leaders reported in oral history are reported to have married women such as these, while in other tales these women are the heroes or villains often to contrast their cowardly and weak husbands.

Warriors often committed suicide or fought until the end rather than allow themselves to be captured by the enemy. Captured warriors were forced to pay ransoms for their freedom and those who couldn't pay might end up as sacrifices although more frequently they were released as part of peace treaties. For those who couldn't pay (especially peasants), nobles and other wealthy men paid the ransom for them. Enslaving captured warriors was very rare outside of the Whulchomic peoples, who did so to bolster their own slave population decimated by capture in raids.

An important example of these elements is the Battle of Tapushkin, fought in 1134 between Q'mitlwaakutl of Wayam and Chelkhalt of T'kuyatum near the town of the same name [5]. Popularly (and somewhat inaccurately) described as deciding the fate of the Imaru Plateau, this clash and the campaigns surrounding it demonstrate all the elements of Late Chalcolithic Warfare.

The Battle of Tapushkin (Summer 1134)

In the year 1134, the great war on the Imaru Plateau between Q'mitlwaakutl of Wayam and Chelkhalt of T'kuyatum resumed. Increasing raiding resumed between allies of Wayam and allies of T'kuyatum necessitating responses from both rulers. Further, Chelkhalt's stance toward Wayam became increasingly warlike as he considered the Wayamese the greatest threat to his realm and people. The death of the Nmachwisht, Chelkhalt's tsukhwawam (vizier), in 1131 added yet more to Chelkhalt's issues. A succession of weaker men to that office followed who increasingly found the best way to keep far-flung nobles and princes in line was the need for solidarity against Wayam as well as the promise of successful warfare.

Q'mitlwaakutl placed great pressure on the city-state of Ttakhspa [6] to aid him in this battle. This city-state of the Imaru Plateau, at the center of the conflicts between Aipakhpam and Chiyatsuru groups, trusted that Q'mitlwaakutl might bring peace to the region as he had defeated Chelkhalt once as well as the Chemnese. Their war parties set out and crushed those of T'kuyatum allies like Skweltakw'tchin, yet in turn the White Robes encircled and destroyed them and pursued them to the very gates of Ttakhspa.

Such a distraction helped Q'mitlwaakutl make his move. His forces built many canoes as well as larger galleys for transport, portaging the rapids near the city state of P'mna and the Shabuchiri Gap [7]. Newer "sewn ship" constructions built from separate planks of wood replaced dugouts for the larger ships, ferrying many men and supplies up the river. Q'mitlwaakutl's men took the town of Tapushkin, an ally of Winacha and T'kuyatum, by surprise in summer 1134 and subsequently made the town the site of his main camp.

Tapushkin bustled with activity in those weeks as thousands of soldiers traveled in, out, and all around the town. The Wayamese brought in great quantities of food, firewood, and charcoal using their ships running between Chemna and Tapushkin. Great foraging parties assembled and gathered great harvests of animals and wild plants as well as clashing with T'kuyatum's raiding parties. Perhaps five thousand soldiers camped in and around the city in this time as both sides prepared for the battle to come.

Against this, Chelkhalt assembled his canoes and began moving warriors and supplies from all over his realm to Winacha, but knew he'd have great difficult crossing the rapids on the Imaru. Instead of waiting for Q'mitlwaakutl to attack him, Chelkhalt set forth at the head of his army, equal in number to the Wayamese, to attack Q'mitlwaakutl's army at their main forward base. He used this time to assemble large battering rams, ladders, and ropes for his men to use at the siege. Chelkhalt likewise assembled great quantities of pitch and poison ivy, intending to burn down Tapushkin and fill it with toxic smoke to cause chaos amongst his enemy so that his men might fall against them all at once.

Chelkhalt planned to take his enemy by surprise at dawn and marched south along the river at a quick pace on a moonlit night. Yet as he neared Tapushkin, his plan was discovered thanks to the efforts of the scouting leader Alawahayakt, nephew of the prince of Khainaksha, who hastily ran back to Tapushkin to alert the Wayamese soldiers of the danger that was soon to fall upon them.

With little time to prepare, Q'mitlwaakutl hastily devised a plan of action. Believing the enemy to be overladen with supplies and having marched a sizable distance at once in the night, Q'mitlwaakutl sent word to all his scouts who he might reach to form up along the hills to harass the enemy. He sent his archers in a rush so they might too form up along those cliffs. The rest of his men, including the pananikinsh he deployed along the path in front of the town with the intent to retreat there should they be pushed back. Q'mitlwaakutl imprisoned those nobles of the town who refused to fight for him and kept some men behind in the city to guard against treachery.

Before dawn, Wayamese scouts and skirmishers made the first contact with the enemy as they attempted to clear a path for ranged soldiers. They gradually pulled back as they gauged the strength of the enemy yet many fell prey themselves to enemy skirmishers. A detatchment of White Robes dispersed many of them and much Wayamese strength in ranged troops was needlessly spent. However, they did cause Chelkhalt to place much of his strength on his right flank.

Not long after sunrise the main battle started as the shieldwalls of either side collided with the enemy. Q'mitlwaakutl spread out his men almost halfway to the Imaru River and left many gaps in his formation, hoping to trap Chelkhalt's forces in an encirclement. This frustrated the superiority of T'kuyatum in archers and skirmishers but kept either side from achieving any decisive advantage in the first phase of the battle.

After initial fights, the strong T'kuyatum right broke through the corresponding forces on the Wayamese side. They drove the remaining Wayamese skirmishers and archers from the hill, with only the efforts of their captain Ahaachash Patatpanmi allowing them to make a coherent retreat. Some trapped Wayamese units, including elite pananikinsh units, bunched up in a hedgehog formation and fought to the last man. These efforts allowed the center and left wing of the Wayamese forces to pivot and reform, although their path to retreat had now been cut off.

To deny T'kuyatum's archers their advantage from the hills, Q'mitlwaakutl's forces slowly began to pull back toward the Imaru. The pananikinsh put up a fierce defense in this phase of the battle but even they slowly began to lose ground. After much pushing, a frontal charge from the White Robes broke through the Wayamese center, but their understrength center and left wings combined with a less manueverable right to prevent them from taking full advantage of this breakthrough. The adaptable elite soldiers here reformed and contained the enemy charge

With his desperate situation, Q'mitlwaakutl dispatched messengers to send in reserves from Tapushkin, staking it all on those men he set to watch the nobles of that town. He would have this force circle behind the enemy and capture their baggage which he assumed included siege weapons such as barrels of pitch and poison ivy. Q'mitlwaakutl held confidence his men would last until his reinforcements completed their mission for he still believed the enemy was more exhausted than his men were.

For his part, Chelkhalt pressed forward in the belief his enemy had ran out of options although he no doubt cursed his captains for failing to press their advantage. He urged his men into increasingly aggressive charges to disrupt the Wayamese and drive them into the river. Although Chelkhalt knew of the exhaustion that threatened the cohesion of his forces made ever worse by the heat of the summer day, he was sure that one final push would be all he needed. Despite his advancing age, Chelkhalt himself led many of these pushes against the enemy lines with the White Robes, hoping to force the enemy into a rout.

But perhaps because of exhaustion, orders and awareness became distorted. A sudden well-placed counterattack by the Wayamese center and barrage of arrows from their skirmishers sowed confusion and rumours in the T'kuyatum lines that enemy reinforcements arrived. Not long after, Chelkhalt became cut off with some of his White Robes and although he successfully fought his way back to his lines, rumours spread that he had died in battle. Aware of the growing panic and the state of his warrior's morale, Chelkhalt reluctantly attempted to organise an orderly retreat, hoping the Wayamese would take the opportunity and agree to a draw. At this point, although he failed in his primary goal.

Yet the Wayamese did not halt but continued to press forward with few respites over the next few hours. They pressed forward at the especially exhausted T'kuyatum center and broke through, dividing the enemy force in two. Word spread quickly and the enemy retreat turned into a rout. To make matters worse, Wayamese reinforcements arrived and lit burning pitch and toxic smoke in the path of T'kuyatum's men, injuring or killing many. These men captured the enemy's baggage train and seized many animals, food, and siege equipment.

Only Wayamese exhaustion permitted T'kuyatum to escape. The right wing of T'kuyatum's forces under the miyawakh of Winacha fought a valiant last stand despite being surrounded, only surrendering when they were sure their allies escaped. Chelkhalt himself helped fight a rear-guard action in support of his men and fell wounded in battle, carried away at the last moment by his White Robes who were nearly annihilated in this clash. The survivors from T'kuyatum fled to Winacha.

Losses on both sides were high. The Wayamese lost perhaps half of their men that day and they returned in exhaustion. It is said Q'mitlwaakutl needed to use his captives to force the nobility of Tapushkin to open the gates. For T'kuyatum the losses were even higher, perhaps 4/5 of their whole army including many important nobles captured, such as Chelkhalt's son Chiltiqen, and many more killed such as the five sons of their strategist Maheqen. The rapids of the Imaru are said to have flowed red from the blood of the slain and for many centuries afterward few traveled north of Tapushkin along the left bank of the Imaru for they feared negative spiritual influence. For that reason, the town of Tapushkin mostly relocated to the other side of the river.

Aftermath

After days of victory celebrations and rest, Q'mitlwaakutl ordered his army to march on Winacha, seeking to capitalise on his victory. He predicted that with the death of many of that city's soldiers, including their war leader and co-prince, Winacha would join him as an ally against T'kuyatum. Wayamese raiding parties tore through Winacha's lands and placed further pressure on them.

Word of how Q'mitlwaakutl punished those who betrayed others for personal benefit such as the Princes of Taptat and especially Ktlatla evidently reached the ears of Winacha's surviving nobility and caused great indecision as they faced an impossible choice. Many nobles of the city's council chose to half-heartedly resist Q'mitlwaakutl after they evicted Chelkhalt and men. Some chose to fight until the end alongside T'kuyatum, while a few, including the sons of the prince killed at Tapushkin proposed to betray Chelkhalt and his men regardless of the consequences.

Chelkhalt's men heard from the latter faction first and Chelkhalt came to believe they dominated the city's leadership. Considering the fall of the city to the Wayamese along with his betrayal inevitable, Chelkhalt chose to betray his ally first, sack the city as punishment, and retreat to the city of Yenmusitsa at Lake Chlhan to regroup and try and salvage something from the peace [8].

With his remaining pitch and other supplies, T'kuyatum's men set fire to the city and a great battle broke out between the defenders of the city and the warriors of T'kuyatum. The warriors of T'kuyatum killed many nobles of Winacha, including many of the men of the ruling family and carried off much treasure, but in their haste they lost the most important treasure of all. The soldiers of Winacha severely wounded him as he sought to escape the city with his men. Becoming increasingly ill, he died five days after in T'kuyatum.

Q'mitlwaakutl's army rushed to Winacha to take advantage of the chaos, hearing of the retreat of T'kuyatum's forces and rumours of Chelkhalt's injury. Like Chelkhalt, Q'mitlwaakutl as well received faulty information that misled him into believing Chekhalt had just cause to have backstabbed his own ally as he did. Thus he executed all of the men of Winacha's ruling family along with many other nobles there in the name of his most worthy foe, the man they had betrayed.

Yet during his spree of punishment he learned from nobles and commoners alike the truth of the indecisive nobles of Winacha and how it created this tragedy. Q'mitlwaakutl immediately pardoned all the men of the city he arrested, restored their property, and pledged restitution to the kinsmen of the city for his haste. Q'mitlwaakutl burned the tragedy into his consciousness and after much meditation emphasised its lessons to his men and kinsmen.

At that time Q'mitlwaakutl learned of Chelkhalt's death and dispatched an emissary to his funeral rites. He mourned the death of such a powerful enemy and became intensely interested in how Chelkhalt conducted himself off the battlefield which in time resulted in some of Chelkhalt's institutions and reforms being copied in Wayam. In this time he concluded peace with Nirqotschin, the eldest son of Chelkhalt whom the nobles of T'kuyatum elected to succeed him, and at the peace ceremony Q'mitlwaakutl expressed a sincere wish for total and lasting peace between their kin and married a younger daughter to Nirqotschin's son Shoqem, a favour returned by Nirqotschin.

But just as much Q'mitlwaakutl continued to scheme. The death of Chelkhalt secured his northern flank as his emissaries confirmed to him that Nirqotschin was not half the man Chelkhalt was. To his southeast he still needed to deal with Tok'onatin and Imatelam who he expected might never stop trying to undermine him. And to his west a new threat emerged, that of the Shakhlatksh Namals of the Imaru Gorge in their fortified cliff cities who sought to undermine him more than ever. While his greatest foe passed on after the battle at Tapushkin along with the greatest war he would ever fight, Q'mitlwaakutl was well aware that the days of conflict for his people were not behind him.

---
Author's notes

This post discusses warfare and the role of warriors in North Fusania in the 12th century. It is the first post discussing a specific topic regarding Fusanian society (although I suppose the agriculture entries earlier count) of which I hope to make many more on topics like literature, architecture, religion, and music. This is a more detailed overview take on a battle rather than the action-oriented scenes from previous battles or mythologised accounts from older in-universe historians.

I have mostly excluded naval warfare here, as in the 12th century it is underdeveloped and mainly practiced by the Coastmen. But I will do a later entry on naval warfare in Fusania.

I've combined it with a description of the Battle of Tapushkin to demonstrate many of these elements in action. Q'mitlwaakutl and Chelkhalt, as well as many other foes they fought, displayed many elements I've described in their battles. We'll deal with the aftermath of this in the next entry and hopefully finish up both of these story arcs.

After the end of Chelkhalt (and his sons) and Q'mitlwaakutl's arcs, I will provide a description of the Tsupnitpelu (TTL's alt-Nez Perce) in the style of my other ethnographic entries and also do one for the various Dena tribes (like the Grey Mountains Dena as well as groups like the Uereppu/Ancestral Cayuse and Amorera) of the Imaru Basin who are increasingly pressed in the 12th century. And eventually get to covering the 12th century events west of the Grey Mountains regarding the Coastmen like Kawadinak and the Whulchomic leagues.

Thanks for reading!

[1] - OTL the atlatl fell out of favour west of the Rockies following the introduction of the bow at the end of the 1st millennium. TTL the bow is introduced centuries earlier, but never fully displaces the atlatl because the larger population and more leisure time permits both to exist. The bow is generally preferred in all cultures but many atlatl craftsmen exist
[2] - "Towey" is an Athabaskan word referring to mountain goats filtered through Salishan and Siouan languages and eventually coastal Algonquian languages which the English further mutilate. Said Algonquians do indeed use these goats to "tow", much as rural Frenchmen did OTL.
[3] - See Chapter 21 for a description of Fusanian shinny--it's essentially a form of folk hockey played at potlatches most similar to field hockey. A variant exists which is played on ice and is most similar to bandy. It's the most popular sport in Fusania in this era and eras to come.
[4] - This is akin to reports amongst Interior Salish groups OTL regarding certain women joining men on hunts
[5] - Tapushkin is at the former Cabinet Rapids on the Columbia, between the towns of Trinidad and Rock Island, WA
[6] - Ttakhspa is Moses Lake, WA
[7] - P'mna is Desert Aire, WA, while the Shabuchiri Gap is the Sentinel Gap, a water gap of the Columbia River just north of there
[8] - Yenmusitsa is Chelan, WA. This city has replaced Kawakhtchin as the primary center of Lake Chlhan.
 
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And then every year there can be taiga dramas of Qmitlwaakutl and Chelkhalt until finally some Fusanian artist writes a Gintama-style parody of the whole affair.
No doubt there are. It's an interesting era in Fusanian history which lays between the mythical and the historical, and historians like N'chiyaka of Wapaikht and Gaiyuchul of Katlamat helped build them into "Great Men".

I kind of imagine both would be stereotypical figures whenever some writer wanted to bring up "the real" old Fusania.
great update fscinitning to here about their own strange mix of warfare
I don't think it's too strange. In many ways it's a mix of Mesoamerica, the Andes, and Sumeria but I tried to give it a unique quality, influenced by OTL ethnographies of how the various peoples in this area treated and carried out warfare.
Love the update!! 👍👍
Thank you.
 
When's the next update?
At this point I don't even know. I had another 8,000 word entry (about as long as the last one) detailing the fate of T'kuyatum and its neighbours after Chelkhalt's death as well as the last years of Q'mitlwaakutl's life and some of his key reforms but my file got totally corrupted when I was nearly done and even the partial backup was lost. After that I just lost almost all motivation to work on this. Plus my schedule has changed quite a bit recently for another added irritation in working on this.

But I do have something coming soon, it's just not as good as what I lost and it's totally changed how I'm going to do the next few updates. At this point the next is the last years of Q'mitlwaakutl's life, then T'kuyatum and it's neighbours post-Chelkhalt, then probably the Tsupnitpelu and Grey Mountains Dena/other Imaru Basin Hillmen, then finally another bit on the Wakashi Island peoples and their states like Tinhimha and it's relations with the Whulchomic peoples.
 

Bytor

Monthly Donor
At this point I don't even know. I had another 8,000 word entry (about as long as the last one) detailing the fate of T'kuyatum and its neighbours after Chelkhalt's death as well as the last years of Q'mitlwaakutl's life and some of his key reforms but my file got totally corrupted when I was nearly done and even the partial backup was lost. After that I just lost almost all motivation to work on this. Plus my schedule has changed quite a bit recently for another added irritation in working on this.

That's why I do a lot of things in Google Docs. :)
 
Chapter 34-A Grand Sunset
-XXXIV-
"A Grand Sunset"

Katlamat, 1141​

Pelpelikwali of Katlamat sat in his throne hunched over a cedar table in his palatial longhouse, surrounded by some of his finest warriors like his son Qwalis [1]. Pungent smoke filled the room from the burning sweetflag and whale oil torches. He grabbed the well-painted stick and rubbed his hands all over the indentations and reliefs, rotating it to understand the message. His face grew increasingly pale and constricted as he read more. He didn't even need a slave to bring him a whale oil lamp, the message told true madness.

"They are gone," he muttered, collapsing back into his chair. "The Shakhlatksh, all subdued by that Prince of Wayam from far up the Imaru." He raised the totem stick in his hand. "He sacked Qikhayagilkham and absolutely destroyed all related to that city in the name of protecting his merchants who he claimed Qikhayagilkham murdered."

The warriors around him spoke low grumbles of dismay, and Pelpelikwali understood perfectly why. Between the aggression of Prince Lamagayaqtaq of Katlaqmap and the Atkh warlord Kawadinak's alliance with the Coastmen of Tlat'sap which brought them to the very gates of their city, great evil squeezed Katlamat at all sides. He knew that far upstream a great warlord arose from Wayam and in the past 20 years conquered most of the lands beyond the Imaru Gorge and that he claimed he fought as leader of the invasion of Hillmen countless centuries ago and returned from stone, yet never expected him to reach this far down the Imaru.

Qwalis stepped forth from the older warriors.

"Perhaps he can be reasoned with," Qwalis spoke, the torchlights of the room making the feathers and copper ornaments on his grey cloak shine. "What's one more warlord in this age of madness?"

"You do not remember the times of peace, boy," Pelpelikwali said, making some of the older men laugh. "This man from Wayam is as dangerous as any other and means nothing good for Katlamat and our allies. He claims to be the ruler of the four corners of the world and seeks to ensure others recognise that." Yet he wasn't sure if he truly believed that. Even if his claim to be a prince from legendary times was dubious, he clearly was talented, and he clearly held no love for allies of Katlaqmap like Qikhayagilkham. Perhaps that Prince of Wayam truly was a reincarnation of a great warrior.

"I sense your hesitation, father," Qwalis said, challenging him. "You know as I do that this man can help us." He held up his left arm, covered in fresh scars and terminating in a stump and wooden knob. "We have no other choice to deal with our powerful enemies then inviting in the most powerful enemy of all." Qwalis turned to the warriors around him. "It is no different than dealing with foxes that kills a man's ducks by inviting in bears, is it not? There is always someone stronger out there."

Pelpelikwali sighed, knowing his weakness. And we are the ducks. He looked at his vizier who stood loyally beside him.

"Do we still have friends from the cities of the Irame here?" he asked. The vizier nodded.

"Not just them, but a friend from Wayam." Pelpelikwali's heart burned at hearing that, yet he immediately wanted to meet the man.

"If he is of any importance, bring him here at once along with the Irame men." The vizier nodded, grabbing a young man in his employ to summon the men. Pelpelikwali turned back to his son and his men. "We shall discuss with this man of Wayam." Such a thought worried him immensely. Even if his son were in favour, would the rulers of other cities like Tiakhanashikh, the hardest hit of Katlaqmap's aggression, accept the aid of Wayam? The ruler of Wayam is brilliant and knows how to keep his many subjects in line. My own Kigwilatksh people follow my lead because of my city's ancestry and little else. Yet perhaps this way is better than the imperious and greedy rule the princes of Katlaqmap have imposed on their people [2].

"Boy, grab us food and drink," he motioned to a serving boy.

"Would you like a full meal or something lighter, master?" he asked.

"Simple bread and drink," Pelpelikwali replied, shooing him away.

Not long after, the boy returned at the head of other slaves with several serving trays of snacks and drinks. Dark acorn flatbreads baked in them sat on the trays next to the clay and stone cups full of drinks and clay bowls filled with relishes and dips from all sorts of fruits and vegetables with shredded salmon and other meats inside. They laid them on the ground and other tables, inviting the warriors and Pelpelikwali to drink. Pelpelikwali drank the bitter cider from his special copper cup inlaid with carvings of Coyote, Raven, and other divinites and greened with age--a treasure of his grandfather, and allowed the dark influences within the cider to balance out his mind.

Soon enough the envoys of the Amim cities arrived, their cloaks and feathered headresses in shear imitation of a true Namal noble. Behind them limped a tall and scarred man with still much youth in him wearing a strange dark cloak, jewelry, and feathers of the like Pelpelikwali had never seen before in his life. He leaned on a thick oaken cane, seemingly from wounds he suffered in a recent battle. Pelpelikwali assumed his dress was the style common of those men of Wayam. This man stepped in front of the Amim and bowed before him, motioned to one of the Amim men to introduce him.

"To the great Prince of Katlamat," the Amim noble said in accented Namal, "This man is the great Plaashyaka, skilled envoy of Wayam, son of Luts'ayaka the great warrior and grandson of his namesake Plaashyaka, the great Fishing Chief of Wayam. May this meeting serve you well."

Pelpelikwali signaled to his vizier to return the favour of the formal introduction.

"And you, namesake of the Fishing Chief of Wayam, are in the presence of Pelpelikwali, son of the great Prince of Katlamat Kwalte and grandson of the Prince of Katlamat Qwalis the Generous. May they be all be honoured for our sake," his vizier declared. The Amim noble spoke into Plaashyaka's ear the translation and the Wayamese man smiled in humility of the proper ritual.

"Oh great Prince of Katlamat, I apologise for my weakness in speech," Plaashyaka spoke in the Imaru Trade Language [4]. "But we men of Wayam are in need of your aid," Plaashyaka spoke in the Imaru Trade Language. "The friends I have met in your great city, the honourable envoys of the Irame cities, request your aid as well. The evil influence of Katlaqmap has penetrated the Shakhlatksh cities and we of Wayam were forced to subdue them. Katlaqmap's aggression against Swapapani and Wimahlgikshat forced those cities to embrace us. As a humble envoy of the Prince of Wayam, I narrowly survived the nobles of Qikhayagilkham's deceit against Wayam," he said, pointing to fresh scars on his face and arms.

"You are strong, son of Luts'ayaka," Pelpelikwali said. "Yet I cannot tell if you have our best interests in mind."

A young man stepped forth and a herald shouted in bold voice.

"Here is Imolakte, Prince of Chateshtan!"

"You introduce me well, my warriors, but I will introduce myself to the great Prince of Katlamat," he said in Imaru Trade Language. With confidence he stepped forth toward Pelpelikwali with such force he clutched his dagger and noticed his own guards unease. "I am the Prince of Chateshtan, here to speak with the great Prince of Katlamat."

"So you are," Pelpelikwali said.

"That ruler of Wayam," said, "Will help preserve my people from Katlaqmap's depredations." Pelpelikwali sized up the confident Prince of Chateshtan before him, handsome, well-dressed in his goat and dog wool, yet scarred from many battles. "Even the Prince of Chamikiti respects my prowess in battle." An older warrior in golden finery beside him nodded.

"Yet how can either of us be so sure of this Prince of Wayam holds no negative intent for our people?" Pelpelikwali asked. "His warriors have burned many villages and even some of the greatest cities like Qikhayagilkham."

"He will only seek to burn the villages of our mutual enemies," Imolakte stated, shooting Plaashyaka a suggestive look. "If we show them our mutual ferocity, he will be convinced we make better friends than enemies."

Pelpelikwali grinned at the suggestion.

"I believe, namesake of the Fishing Chief of Wayan," Pelpelikwali stated, "Your own master the Prince of Wayam conducts himself the same way."

Plaashyaka shrugged.

"So we are allies then, ready to defeat two of the finest enemies of our age!"

"Allies for now," Imolakte remarked. "May we see your coming strength on the battlefield."

The sneer on Imolakte's face filled Plaashyaka with apprehension. Surely he'd be a powerful ally in this fight, but he wondered if he'd just met one of Wayam's greatest foes. A man so confident and determined as him so easily convinces the spirits to grant him a great destiny.

The Lower Imaru Before Q'mitlwaakutl

Two cities dominated the Lower Imaru of the early-mid 12th century, Katlaqmap and Katlamat, representing the Gitlawalamt and Kigwilatksh branches of Namals respectively. Katlamat headed a confederation of Kigwilatksh cities, while Katlaqmap's rule became increasingly centralised thanks to its ruler Lamagayaqtaq who indirectly or directly borrowed reforms of Q'mitlwaakutl to extract more tribute in goods and soldiers from subject towns and even substantial cities like Tlawiwala.

Such centralisation allowed Lamagayaqtaq to launch numerous campaigns against his rivals from the Amim cities of the Lower Irame to other Gitlawalamt cities to Katlamat. He aided Ninuhltidikh and Itlkilak extensively in their internecine warfare, using this conflict to keep his eastern border secure. Above all, he extensively raided for slaves and loot amongst his enemies and legend claims personally owned more slaves than any man alive, owning 400 male and 400 female slaves. There were few times Lamagayaqtaq was not at war since he came to the throne in 1116.

Naturally, few liked the man for his greed, cruelty, and harsh demands, yet Lamagayaqtaq kept his people in line with an aura of authority and strength, bolstered by a few skilled ministers who served his more beloved uncle. Those outside Katlaqmap's realm despised him even more, viewing him as a corrupt and violent warlord, yet often allied with him to gain a substantial advantage in trade and warfare. The diplomacy of these ministers proved essential to maintaining Katlaqmap's internal stability and aiding it in forging coalitions against the many who wished to destroy it.

Yet by the end of the 1130s, Katlaqmap clearly overextended itself. Several of his ministers died or fell out of the Prince of Katlaqmap's favour and their successors far less capable. Nearly 25 years of near-constant war took its toll on the people and economy of Katlaqmap and its economy and the Prince's demands remained unceasing. The decline of the key Black Road to the south in this era further impacted the prosperity and perhaps contributed to the begrudging support for the warfare. At this point, only Lamagayaqtaq's strength kept them in line.

However, Katlaqmap still thrived and remained an utter powerhouse of a state. Around 2,500 square kilometers of land fell under their control containing perhaps 150,000 people. Katlaqmap itself was likely the second largest city in all Fusania in this era, eclipsed only by Wayam, hosting well over 5,000 people. Merchants from all over still traveled to Katlaqmap and the city itself possessed great wealth even with the difficult economy. Most threateningly to others, Katlaqmap could raise a sizable army with many veteran warriors.

The campaigns of the great Atkh warlord Kawadinak proved equally threatening to the people of the Lower Imaru. A steady stream of refugees from the Whulchomish fled from the Whulge coast, including some siyams and other high-ranking nobles. For their part, cities like Katlamat refused to turn over these people, inviting extensive raids from the allies of Kawadinak. Perhaps worst, these Coastmen murdered the peaceful Khaida ruler of Tlat'sap who accepted Katlamat's status quo as defacto overlords over many of their former tributaries and invited in Kawadinak to aid them in crowning a ruler who might take back the many towns Katlamat's prince Qwalis conquered decades before [5].

Impressed at repeated victories Kawadinak achieved in the 1130s, Lamagayaqtaq chose to ally with Kawadinak, and together the two unleashed a series of intense raids against the Amims, only driven back by a coalition headed by Imolakte, Prince of Chateshtan. Not wanting to look weak after this, Lamagayaqtaq used his Atkh allies to punish several rebellious Gitlawalamt towns, to which Kawadinak's men eagerly obliged. This gave him the reputation of being "corrupted" by the barbarians amongst not only his own people, but others as well.

Partly over this alliance with the Coastmen, a grand alliance against Katlaqmap and the Coastmen assembled in the 1130s. Amim cities such as Chateshtan and Chamikiti especially lept at the chance to take vengeance on Katlaqmap. With the Shakhlatksh cities in turmoil because of Wayam's economic offensive and his later military offensive against them, Katlaqmap lost key allies and the anti-Katlaqmap alliance now ensured the most powerful ally of all, the Wayamese, would be joining them.

Final Campaigns on the Mid-Imaru

The death of Chelkhalt in 1134 hardly ended the war the man unleashed, for his allies at Tok'onatin and Imatelam continued to fight against Q'mitlwaakutl and the Wayamese. But at the advice of his religious leaders, Q'mitlwaakutl chose to devote all his efforts to this conflict. He now believed that should he secure Imatelam (and thus full control over the Mid-Imaru) great spiritual benefit would come about. Historian N'chiyaka of Wapaikht writes on the matter:

"Here at this moment the renewed greatness of Wayam did truly arise. Q'mitlwaakutl sent out his high priests and speakers nobles and peasants of Wayam alike and did exhort them onwards by saying unto them, 'Coyote ensured Wayam became exceedingly great when he brought me back but should we push even further to Imatelam and beyond his blessings shall magnify! For Wayam shall bring balance to this world long cloaked in intermittent light and darkness through smiting the Hillmen and the wicked rulers of the cities of the four corners of the world! Is it not fate the four corners of the world look to Wayam for protection, prosperity, and balance?'" And from this the

Such an ideology proclaiming a city as the center of the world appeared throughout Fusania and was quite ancient at Wayam yet thanks to Q'mitlwaakutl's constant victories took on expansionistic tendencies once limited to only extracting tribute from nobles in rival centers. It now spread like wildfire in the Wayamese realm and beyond thanks to the number of sapuukasitla ("repeaters") Q'mitlwaakutl established. These trusted lawgivers memorised proclamations like this and spread them to every village, giving a great legitimacy to the wars of Q'mitlwaakutl. From this point forward, the Aipakhpam now sought to dominate all of the Imaru Basin--and beyond--to bring a balance to the world in a way only they might do.

After spending much of the autumn and winter with little more than minor raids, Q'mitlwaakutl's force assembled in spring 1135 and marched on Imatelam, a nephew of Wiyatpakan he was convinced to appoint. The forces of Imatelam and Tok'onatin assembled outside the city walls, but turned them back with ease and took the city after a few months of siege. Still, Tok'onatin's forces never ceased in harassing the besiegers and seemed to be everywhere, making numerous raids under their prince Hatyataqanin.

Q'mitlwaakutl chose to personally lead this army to capture Tok'onatin, likely as a force of show to all the Tsupnitpelu cities. As the Wayamese ascended up the Kuskuskai River, Hatyataqanin ambushed a larger force of Wayamese at the town of Tuushi [6]. With unceasing attacks, even the flexibility of the pananikinsh failed to stop a rout, although victory came at great cost for Tok'onatin. Q'mitlwaakutl barely escaped the battlefield alive, although managed to preserve most of his men with a well-timed retreat. Hatyataqanin captured the Wayamese captain Alawahayakt and brought him in chains to Tok'onatin. Although an inconclusive battle strategically, Q'mitlwaakutl considered it his greatest defeat.

In autumn 1135, Alawahayakt escaped captivity at Tok'onatin alongside a force of noble captives, boosting his fame in Wayam. He encouraged Q'mitlwaakutl to continue the war, telling him of hidden trails to the city. Although hesistant due to developing situations elsewhere, Q'mitlwaakutl devoted a great amount of effort toward winter raids on Tok'onatin. One of these raids resulted in the death of Hatyataqanin, supposedly at the hands of Alawahayakt himself. With the death of their leader, Tok'onatin made peace with Wayam, and thus the southern and eastern flank of Wayam was effectively secured.

The old model of Wayam's governance no longer worked when the city controlled numerous other vibrant cities spread out over thousands of square kilometers and governed over 250,000 people. To keep a closer eye on every part of his realm and better delegate crucial tasks to his subordinates, he instituted several key reforms. First, he greatly expanded the Wayamese bureaucracy, including educational systems borrowed from Chelkhalt's realm. Second, he created the concept of garrison villages to police his realm, and lastly, he instituted the positions of the Directional Kings to oversee and manage the nascent Wayamese Empire.

Q'mitlwaakutl marked spring 1136 with great festivities meant to mark the beginning of this instutition which was to hold great importance for centuries to come. He invested four warriors to serve as tutiyaunatla (literally meaning "one who stands over" and usually translated as "king") denoted by a cardinal direction, and each with their seats in one of the Five Cities of the Aipakhpam. Q'mitlwaakutl appointed Alawahayakt as the North King (ruling from Winacha), Ahaachash Patatpanmi as the West King (ruling from Ktlatla), his younger son Quikh-Khwaama as the East King (ruling from Chemna), and the nephew of his deceased captain Wiyatpakan, Pit'khanukan as the South King (ruling from Imatelam). Q'mitlwaakutl himself assumed the title of Center King (ruling from Wayam), which defacto marked him first among equals in what was otherwise nominally a confederation.

These Directional Kings held great spiritual and physical responsibilities, as they were responsible for the balance of the forces each direction and defended against the Hillmen and other barbarians on every side of the realm. To do so, Q'mitlwaakutl gave them the authority to command the miyawakhs and other nobility of the Five Cities and thus build their own force and bureaucracy. Each of the Directional Kings he required to work with both himself and each other to augment their administration and defense for the sake of everyone.

The garrison villages marked another innovation of this time. To protect the vast realm, Q'mitlwaakutl ordered warriors and their families to construct new villages on the outskirts of large towns and cities. These were farmer-soldiers, working the land and maintaining earthworks yet also acting as a police force and rapid response against Hillmen raids or rebellions. The typical village was expected to be able to raise 20 warriors, but larger villages might contained up to 100 warriors. Many of these villages became centers of commerce, sometimes totally fusing with the town they watched over.

This helped cement the nascent Wayamese Empire together, giving merchants security from bandits or Hillmen attacks and allowing safe travel throughout the region. They further helped tie the cities and towns of the realm together, as the miyuukhs who led the villages (often of Wayamese origin) intermarried with the nobles and leadership of the towns and cities they were attached.

In general, Q'mitlwaakutl set his realm up for prosperity. The linked cities, increasingly educated populace, and sizable number of bureaucrats and traveling lawmen allowed for coordination like never before on construction of terraces and irrigation networks. His system helped resolve disputes between nobles and wealthy merchants, keeping an internal peace that was to bring unprecedented prosperity for many in the region. While such a system was not his original innovation, the greatly increased scale contributed to its success as many nobles and other elites consented to the increased demands for tribute in exchange for the order established on the land both materially and spiritually.

Yet in this time of peace, a new threat grew in the form of the merchants of the Shakhlatksh cities of the Imaru Gorge. The increasingly profitable White Road to the south as well as control of mountain passes and the mostly peaceful Grey Mountains Dena allowed Q'mitlwaakutl to bypass these cities and their powerful trade on goods flowing between the east and west of the Grey Mountains. Tensions rose and the Shakhlatksh imposed tariffs on the goods flowing east to Wayam. Q'mitlwaakutl responded in much the same way, furthering tensions. Soon, merchants on both sides were assaulted and raiding parties assembled in vengeance.

In 1138, Q'mitlwaakutl attacked the Shakhlatksh cities of Ninuhltidikh and Itlkilak, a diarchic city-state on either bank of the Imaru. These cities he quarreled with in the past, yet now he sought to rule them directly and eliminate their threat for good. However, the Shakhlatksh extensively fortified their land prior, with endless nests of ambush built into the cliffs along the paths that led to their cities and villages. Palisades and gates further blocked the trails to invaders and made every step a struggle. Further, the Shakhlatksh still held the wealth to recruit many veteran mercenaries and also had the backing of the city of Qikhayagilkham as well as Lamagayaqtaq, the powerful ruler of Katlaqmap who grew increasingly concerned over the growing might of Wayam.

The initial advance against the Shakhlatksh bogged down in the spring of that year thanks to heavy spring rains and the tenacity of the defenders. Q'mitlwaakutl attempted to repeat his successes from his prior conflict and outflank them using the mountain passes yet the Shakhlatksh intercepted this and routed his warriors. He only managed to capture a few Shakhlatksh villages that year, his advance being ground down by caution and the continual attacks of the Shakhlatksh.

However, the next year the Wayamese warriors returned and shifted their mindset and through a mix of skill and subterfuge began to grind down the Shakhlatksh resistance. They redirected streams to flood and bury the cliff fortresses and palisades, and for those they couldn't they smoked out the defenders with burning poison ivy and clay pots with stinging insects and venomous snakes. Although progress was slow, by the end of summer 1139 Q'mitlwaakutl's forces broke into the river valleys upstream from the cities, captured and looted many villages, and laid siege to both Itlkilak and Ninuhltidikh with their extensive fortifications.

Both cities held throughout most of the autumn, using mercenary bands to harass the Wayamese and awaiting the arrival of forces from Qikhayagilkham to relieve them. The Shakhlatksh planned to concentrate their forces at Ninuhltidikh and rout Q'mitlwaakutl's army, hopefully killing the Wayamese ruler in battle. Yet Q'mitlwaakutl's scouts learned of the movement of soldiers toward Ninuhltidikh and under cover of darkness crossed the river and fortified the western approach to the camp. They surprised the Qikhayagilkham camp at dawn and routed them, taking Ninuhltidikh by assault soon after. With their ally defeated, Itlkilak surrendered shortly after.

Although the Wayamese took many losses, the loot gained from the city and its many villages proved well worth it. The Wayamese gained great quantities of shells, many stocks of food, much gold and silver, and ample amounts of slaves and the famed goats and reindeer the Shakhlatksh were known for which for years to come would be distributed out at the potlatches of nobles and rulers. This whetted the appetite of the Wayamese for yet more conquest of the Shakhlatksh cities, starting with Qikhayagilkham.

Having suffered such a major defeat, Qikhayagilkham tried to hide behind their own fortifications yet by now the veteran Wayamese soldeiers knew how to clear the path. By the end of summer they grinded their way through the walls and forts of the Imaru Gorge, capturing numerous villages and occasionally taking heavy losses. Faced with this, Qikhayagilkham surrendered in early autumn of 1140, allowing Q'mitlwaakutl to send in Wayamese agents to ensure compliance, tribute, and persuasion of their noblemen to the Wayamese cause.

Yet Qikhayagilkham always held no allegiance to anyone, readily shifting alliances back and forth as they needed for their own sake. They enlisted and aided the Wayamese in their attack on their rivals, the diarchy of Swapapani and Wimahlgikshat, during autumn as well as winter raids in 1140 and 1141 all while they plotted to destroy the Wayamese with the help of Katlaqmap. With the aid of Wayam, Swapapani and Wimahlgikshat suffered several defeats and the Wayamese destroyed many of the fortifications between those two cities.

At the end of winter in 1141, Qikhayagilkham rose up against the Wayamese, coordinated with simultaneous attacks and ambushes by Katlaqmap on Swapapani, Wimahlgikshat, and Wayamese raiding parties. Dozens of Wayamese warriors died in these ambushes and hundreds of their merchants, bureaucrats, and others were butchered in the city. One of the sole survivors of this was the payiktla ("listener", a bureaucrat in the senwitla's office) Plaashyaka, a brother-in-law of Q'mitlwaakutl. In his escape it is said he killed twenty men and burnt several buildings.

Q'mitlwaakutl immediately resolved to punish the city for this, and sent Plaashyaka to Swapapani and Wimahlgikshat to organise a campaign in spring 1141 against Qikhayagilkham and Katlaqmap. With many of their own forces destroyed by Katlaqmap and Wayam, the embattled cities agreed to ally with Wayam, well-aware of the desperate situation they faced.

Unfortunately for Qikhayagilkham, the promised support of Katlaqmap never materialised. Lamagayaqtaq of Katlaqmap sent minimal assistance and focused mainly on the conflict with Swapapani-Wimahlgikshat, as Lamagayaqtaq sought to eliminate an enemy who in the past routinely betrayed him as well. With this, Qikhayagilkham's battered forces were pushed back through spring and summer, and by midsummer Q'mitlwaakutl entered into the city.

There Q'mitlwaakutl unleashed a terrible vengeance, executing all male noblemen and merchants of the city and reducing their wives and children to poverty as he demanded a vast ransom. He confiscated all of the slaves and livestock of Qikhayagilkham and distributed them amongst his men and then burned the city to the ground. This destruction of the people of Qikhayagilkham and their wealth marked an end to the city's wealth and its reduction to a mere village, superceded by nearby villages which in time would absorb its prosperity.

Caught between Katlaqmap and Wayam, Swapapani and Wimahlgikshat quickly accepted Wayamese dominion, seeing it their only option to maintain a semblance of independence. However, miyawakh Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh moved to ensure no similar revolts might occur among the Shakhlatksh cities. At the Battle of Washukhwal [7] in summer 1141, Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh ensured the Shakhlatksh nobles formed the vanguard as they relieved the city from Katlaqmap's besiegers. Taking the brunt of the attack, numerous nobles old and young fell as the Wayamese held back until the most advantageous time to counterattack.

Here at this battle began the great enmity between Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh and Plaash-Nawinatla, who lost his son-in-law, a prince of Swapapani, in this phase of the battle. Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh's strategy won the battle for the Wayamese, yet Lamagayaqtaq of Katlaqmap damaged the Wayamese warriors plenty in the battle and escaped with the bulk of his men relatively unscathed. Historian Gaiyuchul of Katlamat points to this as a pivotal moment in the history of Wayam.

"Plaash-Nawinatla never forgave Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh for his intrigues in battle for he held a pure heart. His sense of justice led him to condemn his half-brother for the death of both his son-in-law and the failure of the battle to destroy the warriors of Katlaqmap. And thus he appealed to Q'mitlwaakutl and demanded he punish his half-brother. The great Q'mitlwaakutl favoured the force of justice and denounced his younger son before the nobles of Wayam for his haste and impudence in defeating the enemy."

Yet Q'mitlwaakutl failed to subdue the intrigues of Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh, for that autumn and winter he led numerous daring raids deep into Katlaqmap's territory and gained great plunder as well as crucial links amongst the princes of that land who secretly opposed Katlaqmap while many nobles respected him for his deeds. All throughout the winter, he argued with Q'mitlwaakutl for a further advance against Katlaqmap in the name of their allies, Pelpelikwali of Katlamat and Imolakte of Chateshtan, despite Q'mitlwaakutl agreeing more with his son's more moderate policy of limited raiding against Katlaqmap to secure peace.

Q'mitlwaakutl's Wars in the Lower Imaru

In spring 1142, the forces of Wayam, Katlamat, and Chateshtan moved with their allies against Katlaqmap. Raiders struck many villages around Katlaqmap, especially those known to sympathise with Lamagayaqtaq. Despite their inherent strength and especially their alliance with Kawadinak of Tinhimha and his Coastmen, the forces of Katlaqmap proved incapable of meeting this challenge. Yet a new tension in Wayam arose with the sudden illness of Q'mitlwaakutl, by now approaching 60 years of age.

Historian N'chiyaka of Wapaikht remarks the following on the rivalry of Plaash-Nawinatla and Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh:

"And so the great Q'mitlwaakutl fell ill on the eve of the campaign so decisive and his two foremost sons, the prince Plaash-Nawinatla and the prince Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh did squabble. Such was destiny, foretold in their differing interpretations of the vision they saw on Yellow Pahto so granted by the last condor ever seen on the Mid-Imaru devouring a reindeer [8]. The vague words of the condor and Coyote's equally vague interpretation gave both brothers differing goals and differing interpretations of a great prophecy with terrible consequence to the world [9].

So it was to be that Plaash-Nawinatla and Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh did clash over this in the time their father could not settle the disputes. On one side Plaash-Nawinatla stood with the East King Quikh-Khwaama and the South King Pit'khanukan and opposed to them stood Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh with the North King Alawahayakt and the West King Ahaachash Patatpanmi. For in Plaash-Nawinatla's vision the condor, so Coyote said, warned his clan of the cost of constant victory, the cost of which Wayam would need to be stronger before it's people could pay.

Yet his half-brother Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh took both the condor and Coyote's words as encouragement to bring the four corners of the world beneath Wayam, for through his Hillman mother he knew of many truths about the condor spirit and he felt a great power in that condor. A Tanne slave he owned told him that such a bird symbolised both creation and death, for. Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh did trust in these signs and quarreled greatly with his brother so he might convince the warriors and nobles of Wayam."

Q'mitlwaakutl recovered by the spring of 1142 and resolved to settle the dispute when he knew of it. He condemned Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh in front of all the nobles for his quarrelsome nature as well as his constant trickery, reminding him of the spiritual consequences for doing so. Yet he aimed for compromise, choosing to continue the campaign against Katlaqmap in a limited fashion so his main enemy would be subdued in a manner that was solely a show of force and not a true conquest as in the past. Although many nobles were clearly aligned to one son or the other's views, his encouragement toward unity, compromise, and spiritual balance set a powerful example for both that moment and future moments.

Before midsummer in 1142, forces led by Q'mitlwaakutl, Imolakte of Chateshtan, and strong nobles of other Amim and Shakhlatksh cities converged against Katlaqmap. Katlamat's forces along with some Amims advanced toward Tlat'sap, hoping to distract Katlaqmap's forces so their allies might raid them and just as importantly distract Kawadinak of Tinhimha from aiding his ally.

Yet this alliance was in luck--Kawadinak was not present at Tlat'sap and was instead quelling an uprising in the city-state of Naamatlapas [10] to the north with the bulk of his army. Of the few hundred men he left along the Imaru, a few hundred aided Tlat'sap's forces while a few hundred more assisted Lamagayaqtaq. Still, even this army was enough to drive Katlamat's forces away after a few inconclusive skirmishes and little damage done.

Historian Gaiyuchul ponders in his Saga of Katlamat why the bulk of Tinhimha's forces failed to aid their ally in this campaign.

"Katlamat holds the Prince of Naamatlapas as their savior, for his sudden decision to persecute some whalers of Tinhimha surely drew the attention of the great Prince Kawadinak from our home. Yet I do believe a man as brilliant as Kawadinak would never pass up such an auspicious moment to sack a city as great as our home, even in its diminished status under Pelpelikwali, son of Qwalis. I am certain he saw his ally, that Prince of Katlaqmap, as a man soon to pass into the west, whereafter the warriors of Kawadinak might open his wealthy lands to their raids and perhaps travel even further and take the jewel promised to all the Coastmen, the treasured city of Wayam."

Knowing the events further downstream, the Wayamese force Q'mitlwaakutl advanced from Swapapani on the southern bank of the Imaru, intending to meet up with his allies moving up the Irame. He detatched a significant number of his men under Ahachaash Patatpanmi to raid the villages on the north of the Imaru, incite rebellion against Katlaqmap, and fool the enemy into thinking their forces would be split.

Lamagayaqtaq struck first against the Amim, sending many men against Imolakte of Chateshtan. They besieged Chimapuichuk, a key ally of Chateshtan, where warriors of Chateshtan arrived to relieve them. However, few warriors of Chamikiti arrived thanks to a sudden attack from their rival Chapunmefu, despite their lack of alliance to Katlaqmap. As such, Imolakte of Chateshtan fought a losing battle against Katlaqmap, although during the fighting he severely injured Lamagayaqtaq (allegedly in single combat in the midst of the fight).

Lamagayaqtaq abandoned the siege of Chimapuichuk after this. He accompanied his army in his tent, giving orders to his captains even as he lay wounded and demanded he be brought to the battlefield to face Q'mitlwaakutl, who he believed had his forces north of the Imaru River. Ahaachash Patatpanmi caught word of his advance and immediately relayed it to his ruler, and Q'mitlwaakutl ceased his plundering and advance toward Katlaqmap and crossed the Imaru himself.

Near the town of Nakakhanikh [11], a staunchly anti-Katlaqmap Gitlawalamt city-state the two armies met as Ahaachash ambushed Lamagayaqtaq despite much inferior numbers and retreated before the enemy could organise an effective response. From the southeast, the Wayamese under Q'mitlwaakutl converged, their total number combined with Ahaachash and local warriors from Nakakhanikh slightly less than the overwhelming force of Lamagayaqtaq.

Faced with enemies on both sides, the warriors of Katlaqmap moved to eliminate Ahaachash's men first, but they retreated to hills nearby and hunkered down behind shieldwalls, raining arrows down on the enemy. They threw back the repeated pushes from Katlaqmap's spearmen and although they took heavy losses (including Ahaachash himself, struck in the eye by arrows, wounds that reportedly led to his death five days later). This allowed the Wayamese free reign to push into the disorganised Katlaqmap lines.

Although Katlaqmap fought bravely to protect their distracted forces, the concentration of Wayamese forces on the center as well as continued harassment by their skirmishers soon broke Katlaqmap's lines. They were soon encircled by the Wayamese and thousands of men slaughtered or captured. Lamagayaqtaq vanished in the fighting, his tent reputedly captured by warriors from Swapapani who cut the Prince of Katlaqmap to pieces.

Legend states each of the five Cities of the Passage received a limb of Lamagayaqtaq, each buried in a sacred funerary box, with Swapapani and Itlkilak on the north side of the Imaru receiving arms, Wimahlgikshat and Ninuhltidikh on the south receiving legs, and Qikhayagilkham receiving his head and torso, symbolising a newfound unity under Wayam against the man who caused so many wars in that area. Yet it was also a potent reminder, for it warned them of the spirit of Lamagayaqtaq which if left unchecked should surely continue to threaten them should they not rely on the spiritual force of the Center King and his priests.

With the forces of Katlaqmap utterly destroyed, many subject princes rose up against Katlaqmap using what remained of their warriors. The forces of Chateshtan soon returned as well and Katlaqmap besieged. According to Amim legend, Imolakte himself led the charge over the walls and helped opened the gate for the other forces. The few warriors defending Katlaqmap were cut down as the enemies of Katlaqmap sacked the city for five days and nights.

Accounts of the sack vary, although as typical with such great violence, nearly every commoner male and noblemen was murdered, with some impoverished ones becoming slaves. The Amim especially took a great pleasure in sacking the city, as they considered it a place of great evil and corruption for the long history of violence Katlaqmap prosecuted against their ancestors. Their warriors, drunk on victory, clashed greatly with their allies over the division of plunder, much to the dismay of their prince Imolakte, who sought to continue the alliance with Wayam. One of these Wayamese warriors severely wounded in the fight was the younger full brother of Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh, crippled for life in a drunken brawl with a Chateshtan soldier. This act enflamed a permanent enmity between Imolakte and Kw'aawinmi-Tlametkh.

Aftermath

In the ruins of the city, Kw'aawinmi-Tlamtekh attempted to appoint his young son ruler of the city yet was disallowed from doing so his Gitlawalamt allies. As compromise, he appointed the younger son of the Prince of Sketsut'khat very near to Katlaqmap as the new ruler of that city and arranged marriages between their kin. However, he and his allies at the office of senwitla failed in securing the allegiance of the princes gathered there. Only the Shakhlatksh-dependent prince of Washukhwal committed his allegiance to the Wayamese.

Q'mitlwaakutl's illness became worse after the great victory at Nakakhanikh yet he remained vigorous. Distrustful of his son's diplomacy with the Gitlawalamt and fearing future conflict within his life or after his death, Q'mitlwaakutl arranged for the construction of the largest of all his garrison towns across from Washukhwal at a place called Ayayash [12] in Aipakhpam. This fortress dwarfed the nearby Shakhlatksh town and held twenty clans of Aipakhpam warriors gathered from around the Imaru Plateau.

A similar garrison town lay across the river beside Washukhwal, blocking both sides of the Imaru. With both of these constructions he intended to protect the Shakhlatsk cities upstream from raids and to serve as a striking point against any attacks from the Gitlawalamt should they rise again. Although Q'mitlwaakutl himself never saw it, these fortresses and the descendants of their inhabitants, who became known as the Wawinknikshpama ("People of the Walls", referring to their garrison villages) were to play a pivotal role for many centuries to come in the history of the Lower and Mid-Imaru.

Yet time took it's toll on Q'mitlwaakutl. He exerted himself tremendously in the campaigns of those past few years and never ceased supervising and listening to the concerns elsewhere in his empire on economic, military, and spiritual matters resolving and rectifying them to the best of his ability. Around the autumn equinox in 1142, he fell seriously ill and was brought back to Wayam. There, he constructed a small sweatlodge on a cliff overlooking the Imaru River where he meditated in the steam and heat and ordered none to disturb him until he was healthy again. Q'mitlwaakutl never recovered from his illness and never emerged. Five days later, his nobles announced his passing and held what was supposedly the most grandest of funerals in history.

The incipient Wayamese Empire was now in the hands of his eldest son Plaash-Nawinatla, the new Center King, who sought to avoid internal chaos such as that which had gripped the realm of Chelkhalt to the north. Having been groomed for such a position from birth, Plaash-Nawinatla now faced an even greater challenge than anything his father ever faced, keeping together an empire which stretched up the Imaru and many of its tributaries from the eastern foothills of the Grey Mountains to the mountains north of the Winacha River [13], an empire the size of which was never seen before.

Author's notes
---

This is an alternate entry from what I had planned, dealing more with the situation on the Lower Imaru and the final campaigns of Q'mitlwaakutl. Originally Chelkhalt's successors were detailed here but the original file was corrupted right as I was about to finish it and I lost a several thousand word post. Discouraged, I altered the content of this update and thus my posting schedule.

In any case, this gets us up to about 1150, and there's much more to come on both Wayam and elsewhere

[1] - Pelpelkwali is the grandson of Qwalis, the Prince of Katlamat seen in Chapter 21. His own son has inherited Qwalis's name
[2] - Katlamat is the head of a tight-knit confederation of the Kigwilatksh Namals based on their position as the foremost Namal city on the Imaru (see Chapter 23 for details), yet they don't dare impose on anyone but a few nearby villages lest they offend other Kigwilatksh princes. Katlaqmap has more or less subjugated nearby cities and extracts regular tribute and taxes from their city like T'kuyatum or Wayam do. Such governance is very controversial among their people although has let Katlaqmap attain incredible prominence
[3] - Flatbreads made from sunflower seed flour, acorn flour, or amaranth are common in practically every part of Fusania
[4] - Discussed in earlier chapters, the Imaru Trade Language is a pidgin of various Chinookan, Coast Salish, Kalapuyan, and Sahaptin languages. It is similar to the pre-contact ancestor of OTL Chinook Jargon.
[5] - Tlat'sap's nobles are evenly mixed between ethnic Khaida who conquered the city and ethnic Atkhs who (mostly) settled later. This has led to some serious factionalism
[6] - Tuushi is Touchet, WA
[7] - Washukhwal is Washougal, WA (the latter the Anglicised form)
[8] - OTL the California condor was extinct on the Columbia River (including by Wayam and Yellow Pahto/Mount Hood) by the early 19th century. TTL the much increased human population ensures it's extinct by the 12th century, the bird surviving so long mainly thanks to more whale carcasses on the shore from botched whaling expeditions and more reindeer carcasses.
[9] - This was originally going to be an update which would have had both brothers hiking together in the forests on the slopes of Yellow Pahto/Mishibato (Mount Hood) on the advice of Q'mitlwaakutl and his high priests because of the spiritual importance of doing so.
[10] - Naamatlapas is Taholah, WA
[11] - Nakakhanikh is Battle Ground, WA.
[12] - Ayayash is Troutdale, OR
[13] - The Winacha River is the Wenatchee River of WA
 
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Next entry is more or less done but needs a bit of fine-tuning and will (probably) be here on Wednesday or Thursday. It covers up to the early 1160s in T'kuyatum and hints at all sorts of events in the area.
I am so nominating this for a turtledove next year
I'd be honored to accept that even if some of the other TLs this beat out are plenty worth it themselves. I know I'd love it if a dead TL like Land of Sweetness came back to life and beat out this one.
I love the update!! It must have been a bummer when the original update was delated !!! But I think V2 is great!!!
Thanks. Even if I'll forever think it's just a pale shadow of the original (which it literally is since it's based on the outline of the original entries I remember).
 
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I'd be honored to accept that even if some of the other TLs this beat out are plenty worth it themselves. I know I'd love it if a dead TL like Land of Sweetness came back to life and beat out this one.
I know I'm rambling, but I think it's good I point out my research or lack thereof.
We can only hope it comes back alive for it was sort of seminial event for pre columbian timelines with many more appering after the fact I only hope he or she comes back and restart the timeline, it was probably one of my top ten favorite timelines
 
We can only hope it comes back alive for it was sort of seminial event for pre columbian timelines with many more appering after the fact I only hope he or she comes back and restart the timeline, it was probably one of my top ten favorite timelines
Indeed, a great TL, fun to read and very informative, and now is reminding me I should cite more of the interesting sources I've been reading (that continue to inspire some of the details here) lately thanks to how JSTOR has 100 free articles a month now thanks to COVID-19.
 
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