A Fairer Wind Blows: Constantinople is Spared

The premise of this timeline is that the sacking of Constantinople in 1204 could have been prevented and that the Emperor Alexios IV, instead of acting like an incompetent and childish twit, turned out to be a rather competent leader. (I apologize in advance for any inaccuracies. Im sure there are plenty of them but I wrote this primarilyfor fun. Still, I hope you will find it fairly plausible.)

The following section is written in the form of a contemporary chronicle, composed by an anonymous Byzantine historian in the mid Thirteenth Century.

In September of the year 1203, the young emperor Alexios found himself in a position of despair and great anxiety. Though he maintained an attitude of forbearance at court, the troubles faced by the empire weighed heavily upon his conscious. Owing to youthful naivety, he had been persuaded by the war captains of the Frankish crusaders to pay a dear price in exchange for their aid in restoring him to his birthright. As Alexios had been an exile from his homeland since boyhood, he greatly overestimated the wealth and strength of the realm, which had been lain low by the perfidious rule of generations of corrupt and decadent emperors. To add to this shock, Alexios discovered that his father, long imprisoned by his brother Alexios the Usurper, had been freed by the mob and proclaimed emperor. This was possible because the usurper, in the manner of a coward, had fled to Adrianople when the fleet of the crusaders had reached the city. Alexios’ father had been blinded by the usurper, to prevent him from retaking the throne should he ever escape his imprisonment, but this did not stop the people of Constantinople from raising him once more to the purple.
The empire Alexios returned to was a hollow shell of its former glory. The imperial coffers had been drained over decades of fruitless war and the continued loss of taxable lands to the infidels. The army was a poorly equipped and ill disciplined mess; its number reduced to a pathetic level after centuries of former glory. Even the imperial palace, though still splendidly decorated, was in need of repair. Alexios presided over his duties in a hall that rang with the pitter patter of rain drops from a leaky roof, as if he held court in a poor country church!

In truth, Alexios’ father terrified him. Years of imprisonment had withered his body so that he resembled a wind battered sapling. The scars where his eyes had been put out by order of Alexios’ uncle, the usurper, were gnarled and ghastly. Most disturbing of all was his black, cynical manner, so different from the father Alexios remembered as a small boy. When Alexios had told Isaac the price that the crusaders had demanded, he simply laughed. It had been a sickening cackle, the laugh of a madman and it had chilled Alexia’s spine. Isaac had informed him that the entire treasury held less than half that sum and that the army, months in arrears of pay, could not muster enough men to satisfy the demands of the Franks and still hold the borders, which in those days, (as they still are, Lord preserve us!) were surrounded on all sides by grasping barbarians.

After Alexios had recovered from his initial shock, he at first sunk into apathy. The crusaders would just have to accept what he could give them, he had reasoned. What other choice did they have? Isaac had recommended means to acquire more revenue, primarily through confiscating church property and the lands of nobles that he hated (of which there were many). Alexios had acquiesced readily enough to these seizures and eventually a sum of 100,000 silver marks had been raised. Alexios had skimmed a certain percentage of this money for himself, as he was used to a comfortable lifestyle from years of living under the patronage of his brother in law, the Holy Roman Emperor Phillip. The fair and honest majority though, he offered to the crusaders under the advisement that they accept this as payment in full. The crusaders however had their own debts to pay, to the Doge of Venice to be exact, and this situation was found by them to be entirely unacceptable. Alexios had initially agreed to pay a sum of 200,000 silver marks, in addition to a force of 10,000 soldiers and the use of the Navy (which, like the army, was in a sad state of affairs). None of these promises could now be kept.

The Franks were greatly disturbed by the apparent poverty of the Imperial court and perceiving that Constantinople was as yet the wealthiest city of Christendom, began to plot in a manner of foul betrayal. At this same time the citizens of The City, as proud and stiff necked a people as the ancient Israelites, began to chafe at the presence of the foreign heretic army. Riots erupted throughout the districts of The City and no Frankish born stranger could count himself safe on the streets. It seemed inevitable that full blown conflict would break out. It was at this state of affairs that the emperor Alexios found himself despairing. Despite his rather undeserved reputation for hedonism and childish play, the emperor was perceptive enough to realize that his reign and quiet possibly the future of his realm were in jeopardy.

Enter Theodore Laskaris, Deus ex Machina in the manner of the great pagan dramatists of old. Laskaris was of the minor gentry of Constantinople and at this time was a young officer serving in the city. Though he had married a sister of Alexios’ uncle, the usurper, he forsook any familial obligation he might have felt and offered his services to Alexios and his court. Isaac was wary of the young soldier and whispered privately to Alexios that he should be disposed of quietly. Alexios, for his part, was captivated by the straight forward, no-nonsense Laskaris. Though he affected the manner of a simple soldier, Laskaris’s outward demeanor concealed a cunning mind of serpentine brilliance. His loyalty, he confessed, was to his empire and not the personage of any one man. This statement would have been treasonous had it been spoken by any other, but said with bold conviction by Laskaris, it seemed honorable and dignified to Alexios. Throughout the autumn of 1203, Laskaris met frequently with Alexios, while Isaac, who grew increasingly less lucid, fell out of the normal affairs of state. In an effort to discredit his son, Isaac spread foul rumors of impropriety between Alexios and his new favorite. However, these rumors seemed only to increase the doubt the citizens of the city felt towards Isaac’s competency. In December of 203, Isaac died suddenly, presumably from old age. Meanwhile, the empire was being reborn in the darkened corridors of the imperial palace.

Theodore Laskaris knew that the Frankish army was nothing more than a cancerous tumor on the empire and that it must be removed quickly if the patient was to be saved. A conventional battle he discounted, for the empire could count upon few troops of sufficient quality. Any such assault would be a gamble the empire could not afford to lose. In The City itself, Laskaris knew that the Varangian Guard alone could be entirely trusted with holding the walls and defending the emperor. The themes outside Constantinople could provide only a poorly equipped militia, men who would be reluctant to serve outside of their home districts. The crusaders could muster thousands of armored warriors, and the formidable power of the Venetian fleet. Laskaris had no doubt that the citizens of The City would defend their homes, and that the walls and defensive structures were formidable, but he could assume only a defensive posture. After much consideration, Laskaris and Alexios reached a consensus. What could not be won by force of arms, would be wrought through guile.

With great fanfare, Alexios’ courtiers brought word to the commanders of the Franks that the long overdue tribute due to them had finally been collected. It was revealed that Alexios had spared no effort in stripping the churches, monasteries and palaces of Constantinople and all Thrace bare of their precious and sacred valuables. This he did in fact (with the full and covert knowledge of the abbots and bishops, but I do not wish to drive ahead of myself) and the treasure was so great that it was piled in the great hall of the former monastery of St. Martin, within the city walls. Much indignation and shock was felt by the citizens when they watched as the parade of holy vessels went by, their sacred heritage sold as plunder to foreign barbarians! Alexios’ emissaries to the Franks bid them welcome to a great new year’s feast, to be held at the monastery of St. Martin on the 1st of January, where full and deserved payment of tribute would be received. With glee the commanders of the crusaders excepted this invitation, along with their trusted retinues of retainers. The citizens of the city watched in barely muted horror as the procession of barbarians made their way to the feasting hall, where they were met by the emperor and the patriarch, resplendent in their vestments. Several great tables had been prepared, each piled high with food and drink of every type and description and in the center of the room, a dais stacked with fortune enough to make Croesus blush in envy. Wine flowed freely in that hall on that evening! The emperor was a magnanimous host, ruddy faced and gregarious amongst the warriors. As day gave way to night, the emperor stood and bid his apologizes, but he must attend to business, and urged his honored guests to continue in their revelry. No sooner had he left the hall, quickly followed by the patriarch and their attendants, than the true entertainment of the evening began. In the words of that greatest of historians, the noble Thucydides, “here beginneth the war!”

From every doorway and window burst the Varangian guard, hulking, wild haired men fierce in mail and lamellar, wielding two-handed great axes with skillful ease. At their lead was Theodore Laskaris, sword in hand. With fearsome war cries they fell upon the Franks, most of whom were well into their cups and all but defenseless, though all of their party were armed and a number wore mail. It is said that Laskaris personally slew the lord of the Franks, Boniface, and I attest this is true. Alexios was later shown the decapitated head of Boniface, who was the cousin of his brother in law, Phillip. He was said to have remarked simply “ah, a pity,” before having the head shipped to the Doge of Venice.

At the very same time as this slaughter was being perpetrated, the siege machines upon the walls assaulted those Venetian ships in The City’s harbor. Burning pitch and Greek Fire were poured down upon them and a number of older hulls were set on fire and sailed toward the Venetians. The Venetian Doge, the unconscionably ancient Dandalo (whose mind was even yet as wicked and sharp as the finest damascene blade), separated as he was from the commanders of the crusader army, pulled back his ships lest they succumb to this furious assault. The great chain across the Bosporus was quickly re-raised, sealing off the inner harbor from further transgression. For the moment, the forces of the Franks were utterly befuddled; Laskaris and Byzantium were winning.

The news of the Frankish leader’s wretched fate burned through the streets like plague and soon all The City was in tumult. Men formed themselves into armed parties and with shouts of “Basileus! Basileus!” they fell upon every Frank and Venetian unlucky enough to be within the walls. Bodies were torn apart by the mob, or lynched from the battlements. The emperor Alexios was now the people’s champion in the fickle minds of his subjects.

Meanwhile, the army of the Franks sat in indecision in their camps outside the walls. At first they suspected that their nobles had merely been held overlong due to drink. The party of leaders had included some three hundred knights, both leaders and their retainers. It was only when the decapitated body of Boniface was catapulted into their camp that they knew the depth of their circumstances. Much anger and disbelief clamored through their ranks! The Venetian fleet had fled the inner harbor and without their assistance a seaward assault was impossible. The landward walls of the city were far too strong for the crusaders to overcome This they had learned, like all barbarians before them: Avar, Slav, Arab, Rus, Hun and so on. Therefore, despite their murderous rage, the Franks could do little but fume in impotence.

Inside the city, Laskaris had paraded the imperial forces before the Hagia Sofia in a triumphal procession. Laskaris and Alexios rode side by side through the streets, to the cheers and adulations of the crowd. The icons of Christ the Lord and the Holy Mother passed in front of the sacred vessels, on their way back to the churches of the city. Of the army there were close to thirty thousand men. Five thousand of these were the Varangian, heroes of the hour. The rest were thematic militia, in various states of quality. Of these, close to five thousand were horsemen, mostly of a light and medium type. Two thousand sailors from the navy, oarsmen and archers, marched along as well.

After a few days, it became clear that the Venetian navy had abandoned the crusaders at the straights. With the great chain risenand the city’s defenses alert, a forced assault would be suicidal indeed. Alexios sent envoys to the Franks inquiring that, now that they were abandoned by their erstwhile allies, might they wish to enter into alliance with him? The reply was in the affirmative, for the crusaders had no wish to starve or die upon The City’s defenses. Alexios had gained a fearsome army indeed, a force of some 10,000 armored knights and men-at-arms.

Over the winter months, statements of loyalty for the emperor poured in from the governors of the thematic districts. Alexios the usurper had been captured by the governor of Epirus, attempting to ferment rebellion there. He was blinded and sent back to Constantinople in chains. Remembering the fate of his own father, Alexios ordered his traitorous rival put to death. His body was drawn and quartered and the pieces carried to the corners of the empire to be displayed as a discouragement against rebellion. Laskaris did not mourn his brother in law’s demise.
II.
Through the spring of 1204 Alexios, under advisement from Laskaris, who already by this time was being called “the cunning,” issued decrees of taxation and of conscription. Portions of Alexios’ new Frankish army were detached to the eastern frontier, to guard against any inequities that might be planned by the Sultan. But the lion’s share of the army was kept under the emperor’s personal watch in Thrace. An agreement was reached with the Venetians in which the resumption of trade would begin. Venice, heavily indebted through their construction of the great fleet, could not afford a protracted war with the Romans. Neither did Alexios feel secure in pursuing the conflict. Constantinople and his throne were secure; this was enough for now.
 
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Not to rain on any parades, but - if the Empire is so broke they can't pay the Crusaders' ransom, how do they finance the construction of a fleet to rival Venice's? Boats are expensive. And what is Venice doing while the Byzantines build up their navy? Sitting on their asses? With their arsenal and the wealth of being the middleman in all Europe/Middle East trade, the Venetians could probably build up their navy right back, rather than withdraw. Especially if the Byzantines raided Venetian holdings.
 
I'm not sure a huge fleet is needed. The Byzantines already had a fleet, and if they could get their house in order they could just lock the gates and flip of the Crusaders - there ain't no way they're getting in there, and without internal dissent I doubt they'd even try.
 
Estimate of costs

There is another simple butterfly which would eliminate the attack of the Constantinople.

Make the 4th Crusade envoys and Venice agree on a more reasonably sized project.

In OTL, the envoys asked for shipping to carry 33 500 men and 4500 horses.

This was a big fleet. Venice did not have it ready - they had to build it at a great cost. The price was estimated at 2 marks per man and 4 marks per horse, total 85 000 men.

The Venetians meant honestly to attack Egypt as promised. The ships were built with shallow draught so as to be beached on the sandy shores of Egypt. They were not meant against Roman Empire.

Except that the size of the army was a gross overestimate. About 11 000 men showed up. So the Venetians attacked Zadar and Constantinople to recoup their losses somehow.

About half of the fleet was left behind - the half that sailed could have carried 17 000 men, and carried 11 000 in more comfort. About a third of the horse carriers were left behind.

Suppose that the envoys come up with, or are persuaded to settle for, a smaller number. Let´s say they agree on 17 000 men and 3000 horses. By the going prices, this cost 46 000 marks.

17 000 is still overestimate - 11 000 showed up as per OTL. But with some effort, they pay up - they paid 51 000 in OTL - and the fleet sails for Egypt, as planned.

Suppose they win. How will crusader Egypt be getting along with Alexios the Usurper´s Roman Empire?
 

trajen777

Banned
Nice start

Couple of things
1. The chain across the strait had been broken by the Crusaders as well as the capture of the Tower of Galatia by which the other side of the chain was attached.

2. As to comments of the money needed - the Byz were in $$ straights to pay because of uncollected taxes in rebellious areas - if the provinces were awed by the victory (which they would have been) the taxes would have been collected. So there would have been money to expand the fleet.

3. I agree with Abdul that if the Byz had had time to just get their house in order things would have been fine – esp with good leadership.

4. So if you have reenergized themes – core of Tagmatic professionals and some peace you would have had something like
· Slow reconquest of Anatolia – esp after Mongols destroy the Turkish tribes there (like in real world)
· Reestablished Bulgaria and no loss of riches from the conquest of 1204
· Constantinople was at its most populist and richest periods at 1204 but the riches were with the people not and not in the Governments hands. A strong leader would have reenergized the empire
5. So looking from 1204 – 1260 you would have most likely had
· Rebuilt army
· Tagmata and Themes strong
· Decent Navy
· Stronger Crusader states
o The sack of 1204 siphoned off lots of military support from Middle East to Greek Crusader states
· Close alliance with Mongols – happened in real world
· Close relationship with Crusader states
 
Thank you guys for your comments and constructive criticism. I amended the chronicle a bit, removing the part about war with Venice and the revitalization of the fleet (at least for now) as i decided to take the story in a different direction.
And the chronicle continues:

At this time the kingdom of the Bulgarians, allowed to secede and grow in strength under Isaac’s incompetent reign, was pressing in on the empire’s northern frontier. Tsar Kaloyan was a cruel and cunning general and rumors had spread that he had earlier proposed an alliance with the crusading Franks, to divide the empire amongst themselves. The Bulgarians had just concluded a war with the Hungarians, who had lost Serbia to Bulgarian influence. Emperor Alexios sent an embassy to the court of King Emeric of Hungary, in hopes of formulating a military alliance. Alexios’ stepmother, Margaret, was the brother of the king and accompanied this expedition. Before the arrival of this embassy, however, the king sickened and died, leaving his son, who was a mere child, upon the throne. Emeric’s brother Andrew was acting as regent when the embassy arrived in October, 204. He greeted the Romans warmly, providing them with every hospitality and comfort, and pledged to aid the cause against the Bulgarians, whom he despised greatly.

Laskaris had been busy through the summer and autumn, attempting to assess the capabilities and strengths of the empire’s themes. With the empire internally stable and secured from outside threat, tax revenues were once again appreciable. Money was allocated for recruitment and equipment. It was decided that a force of 40,000 men would be raised throughout the following spring, primarily from western Asia Minor and Trebizond. These forces would unite with the Franks in Thrace, in preparation for an invasion of Bulgaria. Laskaris was chosen by Alexios to lead this army, for Alexios had no illusions about the limits of his own talents. He was a man lacking in the aptitude for strategic command, though he was young and hale and skilled in the use of arms.

The host of the Roman army was assembled at Adrianople during the summer of that year (1205). Laskaris departed the city on the 30th of June with great fanfare, bowing before the icon of the Holy Mother and Christ Child before leading his force through the gates of the city. From Adrianople the army proceeded north by northwest, with the ultimate goal of besieging and laying waste Tarnovo, the capitol of the Bulgarians. Simultaneously, Andrew was to lead the army of the Hungarians south and east from his realm, in the direction of Sofia. While in the mountain pass near Boruy, the vanguard of the Roman army ran into an ambuscade set by the wily Kaloyan, who commanded his forces personally. Laskaris responded by halting his army and retreating a few miles to a low ridge that ran southwest to northeast on the right side of the pass. His right flank was guarded by a rocky and tree covered escarpment. While the main body of the army was positioning itself, the vanguard, primarily mounted Armenian auxiliaries and some Frankish sergeants, was cut off and slain almost to the man.

Kaloyan, perceiving that his ambuscade had largely failed, began to maneuver his forces to give battle. It was at this time about midday, and the summer sun was relentless. The Romans, drawn up on the low ridge, leaned upon their shields and drank heavily from skins of wine and water. Laskaris had positioned his infantry in the center. These were primarily light spearmen from the themes, with a central core of well armored Franks and two divisions of the Varangian guard. Laskaris knew well the power of Bulgarian archery, and in response to this he had made certain to recruit enough of his own bowmen. Archers from Trebizond and the eastern themes, as well Turkic bowmen and mercenaries from the steppes, had been acquired in abundance. These men were deployed to the front of the infantry. On the left flank, the mounted knights of the Franks were drawn up, their skill rightly feared. In reserve Laskaris kept one thousand men of the Varangian guard, as well as a thousand Frankish sergeants and a number of Roman heavy cavalry, which constituted his personal life guard. This Roman cavalry numbered no more than 500 or 600 men.

By late afternoon Kaloyan had advanced a great horde of archers within range of the Roman positions. A continuous barrage of arrows fell upon the Romans and a good number fell. The Romans archers responded in kind and soon the Bulgarians, lacking the high ground and thus outranged, began to receive the worst of this duel. Kaloyan pulled back his archers and a stalemate developed. The Bulgarian Tsar had concealed much of his army in a thick stand of trees a half mile from the ridge and it was difficult for Laskaris to ascertain his foes numbers. The Roman general had not seen the feared Bulgarian heavy horse, and this fact concerned him. As twilight approached in the late evening, the Bulgarian infantry emerged from the woods and, supported by the cover of their bowmen, began the advance toward the ridgeline. The Roman archers slew a great number of the enemy, before being forced to fall back through opened lanes in the infantry’s ranks. The Bulgarian infantry numbered some twenty or twenty-five thousand and advanced as a great, densely packed horde, deficient in the discipline enjoyed by the Roman forces. What the Bulgarians lacked in order, they made up for in bravery and the savagery of their arms.

With a great and fearsome shout, the Bulgarians closed with the Roman host. The cacophony of steel on steel and the shouts of voices rose to a mighty din across the battlefield. A corps of Bulgarian cavalry had emerged on the Roman’s left and was doing battle with the Franks. Though engaged in furious combat, the Roman line held and as the sun set, Laskaris could detect no sign of defeat amongst his forces. The Roman infantry began to push the Bulgarians back, slowly. The right flank was sagging under renewed pressure however. Laskaris considered dispatching his reserve of Franks to this sector, but some nagging feeling stayed his order. By this time darkness had blanketed the earth and the battle had been joined for an hour. The Bulgarians were beginning to fall back, and cracks began to show in their line. The Bulgarian commander began to feed his archers into this gap, surely a move of desperation.

Laskaris was about to release his light cavalry in anticipation of a Bulgarian route when a mighty shout of “Saint George!” resounded from the rear. Laskaris turned to see, to his horror, a mighty host of the Tsar’s heavy cavalry, galloping at the charge down the pass and toward the rear of his army. Kaloyan had outflanked him, leading his best horsemen through a little known side pass through the afternoon. Laskaris, to his credit, did not panic, but immediately turned round his bodyguard and reserves to face this apocalyptic threat, while placing the infantry under a subordinate. Added to his reserves were the 2,000 Frankish knights, who had previously defeated the cavalry to their front.

10,000 Bulgarian horsemen, the flower of their homeland, wanting nothing in the quality of their mounts nor their arms and armor, bore down on Laskaris. With a cry of “Christ and all the Saints!” Laskaris charged his kataphracts into the Bulgarian horde. The Franks entered the fray moments later. Oh, the fierceness of that slaughter! Armored riders smote one another with mace, axe and sword, close enough to feel the heat of their foe’s breath, and that of their jetting blood. The Varangians waded into the fight, bellowing their war cries and pulling riders down with their great axes. The blood soaked into the ground until it could hold no more and then ran in streams. Despite their bravery and for all of their skill, the Romans could not hold. Resolving to die to a man, Laskaris and his guardsmen, as well as the Varangians held out and were engulfed.

The Latin Knights pulled back and charged the Bulgarian infantry, while the Roman infantry was hastily ordered to withdraw. Exhausted from the melee, the Roman infantry and archers attempted to surmount the foothills and escape, under the cover of the knights. This they largely managed to do, fleeing into the country in the direction of Adrianople. Laskaris’ guardsmen begged for him to flee and reluctantly, he attempted to do so, along with a small party of his champions. Weeping bitter tears, Laskaris fled into the darkness of the night, leaving his best men to the slaughter.

A month later, twenty thousand men of the original fifty had found their way back to Adrianople. The Frankish knights had attempted to escape to the coast, but had largely been ambushed and killed over the succeeding days. The Varangians and kataphracts were ruined. Thousands of captured Romans had been put to death after the battle. Bulgarian raiders were now penetrating widely across the frontier, harrying the towns of Thrace and Macedonia.

The Hungarians under Andrew had tarried along their line of march, citing problems of supply. Alexios suspected a deliberate reluctance, as Andrew was well known as a conniver and plotter. It was in the Hungarian’s character to hold back and wait for the outcome of the battle, before making his own move. As it came to pass, the Hungarians advanced only briefly into Bulgarian territory, before withdrawing to the safety of their own fortresses.

For the moment, it seemed that the Tsar was content with merely raiding Roman territory. His victory had been pyrrhic, and it would be time before he could hope to assemble more levies for a true invasion. Both powers withdrew to lick their wounds and to plot their next moves.
 
Interesting TL, you could also see some support for Constantinople from North Europe at this time, Growth of German Merchants and traders in Eastern Europe.

Please continue this Story


Thanks


Orion
 
An Excerpt from : Vlahos, Kostantine. “The Angelos Dynasty” in The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium (Oxford: University of Oxford Press, 1923 [last revised 1976]) 71.

…despite their inauspicious and nearly disastrous early years as masters of the Roman Empire, the Angelos family managed to overcome their incompetence and mismanagement, starting with the reign of Alexios III.* After a rather spectacular and characteristically Byzantine episode**, the potentially catastrophic threat posed by the errant Fourth Crusade was thoroughly negated. Theodore Laskaris emerged from this incident as the young Alexios’ champion and court favorite. Despite an early misstep involving an invasion of the Bulgarian kingdom, Laskaris proved himself an able servant of the Empire, in the capacity of both soldier and administrator.

Following the defeat at the battle of Boruy in 1205, Laskaris was removed from frontline command and appointed Megas Logothetes***. In practice, Laskaris was granted a wide ranging amount of civil administrative authority by Alexios, particularly in the areas of taxation and land reform. Deficiencies and corruption had largely rendered the traditional Thematic system incapable of raising a competent and well equipped force, as the incidents with the Crusaders and the defeat in Bulgaria had demonstrated. Laskaris attacked the problem with the full authority of the emperor behind him. Noblemen found to be in arrears of tax payment, withholding or underestimating the value and extent of their property, or claiming land to which they could not prove ownership, were arrested and their property was seized. Exact figures detailing the extent of these evictions have not survived, though estimates range from a few dozen to a few hundred. It is known that tax incomes in 1206 were increased by a third from the previous year. Laskaris built up a network of imperial tax collectors, men chosen by him personally and utilizing his authority. These men operated at the district level, employing their own small networks of agents that covered the localities within their individual zones of responsibility. Laskaris, a man of great energy and presumably, honesty, was constantly on the move, keeping his subordinates under his personal gaze. These reforms ensured that the Roman treasury would continue to expand during Alexios’ reign, even, as it so often was, when tried by war.



Excerpt from: Weissman, Karl W. “The Army 1200-1265” in The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium (Oxford: University of Oxford Press, 1923 [last revised 1976]) 71.

It seems that Alexios and his ministers had perceived the inadequacy of the thematic system for anything other than defense. No doubt the themes had provided the vital defense-in-depth that the Empire had so urgently required in earlier centuries, surrounded as it was by enemies. Following the defeat at Manzikert in 1071 and the subsequent loss of much of Anatolia to the Turkish Sultanate of Rum, the Byzantines had been forced to make due with much reduced income and recruiting pools. Alexios’ predecessors had made inroads against the Turks but under the incompetence of his father and uncle, much had once again been lost. With a shrunken frontier and hostile kingdoms (including a revitalized Bulgaria) close at hand, the Empire needed the capacity to once again take the offensive. The professional army was only a sliver of its former size and capability, with much of its strength being constituted by foreign mercenaries and in times of crisis, the thematic militia. Alexios sought to revive the army and turned to Laskaris to help implement a series of reforms.

Like the Roman army of antiquity, the new Byzantine army was a completely professional, completely volunteer force. Recruits were required to be Orthodox Christians (although to what level of standard this rule was upheld is unknown) and residents within the Empire‘s borders. Training and equipment were to be entirely standardized, with weapons and armor being produced in state run factories in Constantinople and Thessalonica. Laskaris wrote a short treatise on the standards expected of the soldier, which has survived. Of the potential recruit, Laskaris wrote “he should be tall, strong limbed, broad in shoulders and chest, clear eyed and sober minded.” Most of all, the new Roman army was to be tactically flexible, able to counter any of the diverse threats presented by the Empire’s many enemies. The Byzantine soldier was expected to be a cavalryman and archer and if need be, an infantryman. “A soldier should know well the weapons of war and be skilled in their use,” Laskaris states, “[our] soldiers learn to use lance, composite bow, and sword.” Armored in a cloth gambeson, with a coat of mail and a lamellar cuirass as well as an open faced steel helmet, the Byzantine soldier was a competent medium cavalryman and horse archer. The training for both was long and difficult---and also expensive. Due to these factors the new army relied upon their quality as a fighting force rather than their numbers. At its height, the professional army created by Alexios numbered 20,000 men.

The construction of the new Byzantine army brought about social changes as well. Land confiscated from corrupt landlords became part of an incentive package for retiring soldiers, who received a small plot to support themselves. New recruits swore an oath to defend Emperor, Empire, and the Sacred Church. Regular wages were paid monthly in silver coin and soldiers were often stationed outside of their home districts in barracks along the frontier. After several generations, a sizeable class of independent farmers and tradesmen existed, largely literate (which later became a requirement of service).

The Theme system was not disbanded by the military reforms of Alexios, though its importance in the Empire’s defense was reduced. Reviving the implementation of Manuel Komnenos, large numbers of the thematic militia were reorganized into pikemen. The pike was a fine defensive weapon, and in mass blocks a unit armed with them could stop cavalry dead. The pike was simple to produce and relatively easy to train with as well. In addition to the Pike, the crossbow was adopted from Latin influences. The crossbow was an excellent milita armament for it required little training for competent use and was still effective against armored opponents. Pike and crossbowmen provided potentially valuable supplements to the professional army, as well as suitable forces for provincial defense.



From: The General Chronicle of the Emperor Alexios and his Deeds.(original author unknown)

…It came to pass that in the fifth year of the reign of Alexios (1207) a usurper appeared in the region of Trebizond, a man who stirred up much tulmut amongst the peasants. This man claimed to be the Emperor Isaac, long in his grave. Some say he was an aged priest or lay preacher and he was most assuredly not blind. The restoration of his sight he attributed to divine miracle, for in his blasphemous words the blessed Lord had chosen him to rule over the Romans. This Pseudo-Isaac was a fiery speaker and swayed many of the ignorant to his cause and soon he commanded an army of his faithful against Alexios.

The Roman army was in a state of transition and limited in numbers at the time of the uprising. Word arrived in Constantinople that the governor of Trebizond, Alexios Komnenos, had declared his full support for Pseudo-Isaac. This was quite strange at first look, for it had been the real Isaac who had overthrown Komnenos’ grandfather Andronikos, turning him over to the city mob to be cruelly torn apart. Alexios Komnenos however, was a man of great ambition, who lusted for the restoration of his proud and noble line to the purple. Thus, he committed his private army of mercenaries and thematic soldiers to the cause of the usurper.

The rebellion against Alexios was spreading like a brush fire along the northern coast and within weeks Sinope had declared for Pseudo-Isaac. Alexios scraped together all the forces available to him, including the recently rebuilt imperial guard of Kataphracts and some 5,000 of the new mounted archers. From the western themes, whose loyalty was not in question, Alexios called out the militia, armed as they were with pike and the latin bow (crossbow). Theodore Laskaris was recalled from his administrative duties to command the army, as he was the only senior commander that the Emperor could trust fully.

In October of that year (1207), Laskaris boarded ship along with his army in Constantinople, and landed along the coast of the Black Sea a week later. While Laskaris had led his army north, the perfidious Sultan of the Turks, Kaykhusraw, coveting the lands of western Anatolia, declared his support for Pseudo-Isaac and began to raid the Roman frontier. Soon, Turkmen were pouring into the Empire, swooping down of unprotected villages and monasteries, burning and looting. The themes, depleted as they were, could not muster enough men for defense. Alexios raised a scratch force of soldiers, mercenaries, sailors, invalids and volunteers and crossed the straights to meet the Turks. At the core of this small army were 200 Kataphracts and 300 Norman knights, recruited quickly by Alexios from Sicily and the Aegean islands. On a dusty field east of Nicea, on a November day, the army of Kaykhusraw met the army of Alexios in open battle. Turk and Greek fought each other to a standstill in a battle which lasted half the day. Finally, exhausted and with no clear victor, both sides retired. Alexios had fought amongst the Katphracts and afforded himself well. The Turks, for their part, slew many and prepared for the next strike.

Meanwhile, Laskaris marched his army down the coast to Sinope, which he placed under siege. The bulk of Peudo-Isaac’s army was further east along the coast and it marched out from Trebizond, endeavoring to lift the siege of Sinope and to route Laskaris. It was a large host, some 50,000 men, though most of these were ill armed and of the peasantry. Two weeks into the siege of Sinope, word reached Laskaris that Pseudo-Isaac had been slain, although by who it was difficult to say exactly. Alexios Komnenos was now in command and perhaps it is not difficult to determine who was ultimately responsible for Isaac’s untimely demise. Upon hearing of their leader’s demise, a number of the common people began to slip away at opportune times, returning to their homes. By the time Komnenos had marched his forces within striking distance of Sinope, some 30,000 remained. This was still a dangerous force, and Laskaris prepared himself accordingly. He left a blocking force around the city’s gates (for the city was poorly garrisoned anyway) and drew the bulk of his army, some 16,000 men, along a ridge that ran perpendicular to the sunken coastal road. The main line of his army consisted of pikemen, 8,000 in number, and 2,000 crossbowmen, drawn up in blocks supporting one another. Of the 900 kataphracts, Laskaris placed these on the right flank, from which they could sweep down the ridge and onto the coastal road. The 5,000 horse archers, the elite of his army, he deployed forward to screen the footmen.

Komnenos’ massive host, unwieldy and mostly ill disciplined, shook itself into a clumsy line two miles from the ridge occupied by Laskaris. The terrain leading to the ridge was compressed and topographically unsuitable for a large army. This caused Komnenos’ army to deploy in a compacted, dense formation. So tightly packed were they, that movement was difficult and the space needed for archery was lacking. Laskaris’ cavalrymen descended upon them, pummeling them with volley after volley of arrows. The casualties sustained by Komnenos’ mob were horrendous and the rebel ordered his men forward, double quick, although the terrain and the amount of fallen bodies made fast movement difficult. For two miles they were constantly under fire, suffering horrible under the relentless storm of missiles. Still, their spirit was not broken and they marched headlong into the fire. As the terrain widened toward the ridge, Komnenos paused to widen his line. It was at this time, while the enemy attempted to organize themselves for an assault, that Laskaris unleashed his Kataphracts. The armored horsemen charged down from the ridge and buried themselves deep in the flank of Komnenos’ host. So devastating and terrible was their attack that the army of Komemnos dissolved like wet paper. The horse archers charged into the front and right flank of the enemy army, killing many with their lances and still more with their swords. For five miles the Roman cavalry pursued the shattered rebel army and by the end of the day the coastal road was carpeted with the bodies of the slain. The Roman infantry had not even engaged the enemy.

As day gave way to night, General Laskaris and a small party of his bodyguard personally captured a wounded Alexios Komnenos near a well. He was put in a wooden cage and his right hand was cut off, so that he could never again raise a sword against the Emperor. He was shipped backed to Constantinople to face the judgment of Alexios. The city of Sinope threw open its gates when news of the victory reached them and Laskaris marched his army triumphantly into the city the next day, ordering its residents to be spared in the name of the emperor. It was that very next day that word arrived that the Turks had penetrated the frontier and that the Emperor himself was riding out to face them. Laskaris once again prepared himself for battle.


*Alexios IV if the reign of his uncle, the usurper, is counted (which it was not by imperial decree).
**Vividly recounted in the General Chronicle of the Emperor Alexios and His Deeds
***Head of the bureaucracy and treasury with a potentially wide range of civil responsibilities
 
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