I honestly didn't have public security high on my list of things to address directly, since crime is directly linked to poverty and inequality. AFAIK most of the favelas (and the problems associated with them) exploded in population during the 60s and 70s for reasons that have been butterflied away ITTL, so they'll be more like low income neighborhoods instead of slums.
A Drop in the Bucket: Brazil and Latin America in the Cold War
- Thread starter Vinization
- Start date
Yeah, you're right. Anyway, I'm really enjoying it, excited for the next chapters
Part 12: Walking the Rope
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Part 12: Walking the Rope
To fully understand the course the Brizola administration's foreign policy was able to take, one must first take a good look at the context Brazil was in during the early sixties. The elephant in the room was the fact the Cold War was slowly winding down, even if the tensions between the West and East blocs never went away entirely (1). Contributing to this scenario was the election of a new government in the United States of America, one which sought to coopt rather than suffocate the growing number of democratic governments springing like mushrooms in its traditional sphere of influence, and was willing to use the vast amounts of money at its disposal to ensure they stayed under Washington's orbit (2).
The second factor to be taken into account was the near synchronised rise of several new countries all over the Third World, especially in Africa, where the last remnants of colonialism were swept away - in theory, at least - and provided Brazil with many potential allies and trade partners, chief among them being the former Portuguese colonies of Angola and Mozambique, which became independent in 1961 (3). This was a very favourable outlook for an government that intended to adopt a multilateral, "third worldist" foreign policy.
Which brings us to the Brizola administration's Minister of Foreign Affairs, San Tiago Dantas, who still is, to this day, hailed as one the best people to occupy that post, second only to the Baron of Rio Branco. An accomplished lawyer and journalist who started his political career as a fascist (before distancing himself from the Integralist movement from 1938 onward, and gradually becoming a "positive leftist"), Dantas joined PTB in the 1955 and won a seat in the Chamber of Deputies three years later. His staunch criticism of most of Etelvino Lins' policies earned him the respect of the left, while his moderation in other areas and status as a respected intellectual did the same with those who were often turned off by PTB's "radicalism". All in all, he was the perfect foil to the president's impetuous personality.
Part 12: Walking the Rope
To fully understand the course the Brizola administration's foreign policy was able to take, one must first take a good look at the context Brazil was in during the early sixties. The elephant in the room was the fact the Cold War was slowly winding down, even if the tensions between the West and East blocs never went away entirely (1). Contributing to this scenario was the election of a new government in the United States of America, one which sought to coopt rather than suffocate the growing number of democratic governments springing like mushrooms in its traditional sphere of influence, and was willing to use the vast amounts of money at its disposal to ensure they stayed under Washington's orbit (2).
The second factor to be taken into account was the near synchronised rise of several new countries all over the Third World, especially in Africa, where the last remnants of colonialism were swept away - in theory, at least - and provided Brazil with many potential allies and trade partners, chief among them being the former Portuguese colonies of Angola and Mozambique, which became independent in 1961 (3). This was a very favourable outlook for an government that intended to adopt a multilateral, "third worldist" foreign policy.
Which brings us to the Brizola administration's Minister of Foreign Affairs, San Tiago Dantas, who still is, to this day, hailed as one the best people to occupy that post, second only to the Baron of Rio Branco. An accomplished lawyer and journalist who started his political career as a fascist (before distancing himself from the Integralist movement from 1938 onward, and gradually becoming a "positive leftist"), Dantas joined PTB in the 1955 and won a seat in the Chamber of Deputies three years later. His staunch criticism of most of Etelvino Lins' policies earned him the respect of the left, while his moderation in other areas and status as a respected intellectual did the same with those who were often turned off by PTB's "radicalism". All in all, he was the perfect foil to the president's impetuous personality.
San Tiago Dantas in his office.
The first country Brizola visited after his inauguration was Argentina, a predictable decision since it was Brazil's largest neighbor. He spent several days in Buenos Aires as a guest of his Argentine counterpart, Juan Perón, during which he, among other things, visited a factory that belonged to IAME, the company that produced the Justicialista car (4). The two leaders also began to discuss the possibility of future economic cooperation between their own nations, something that would eventually be facilitated not only by their ideological similarities, but by the creation of LAFTA (Latin American Free Trade Association) in 1962 (5).
Although San Tiago Dantas was an important character in all of the president's trips abroad, it was the role he played in ensuring Brazil's inclusion in the Alliance for Progress that earned him the most acclaim. Many in Washington were alarmed by Brizola's election in 1960, not only because he had defeated their favourite candidate (Carlos Lacerda) but because his rhetoric reminded them of Chilean president Salvador Allende, who was elected two years prior with support from the Communist Party and established diplomatic and trade relations with China and the Soviet Union after taking office (6). Dantas assuaged the concerns of POTUS Franklin D. Roosevelt Jr. and Secretary of State J. William Fulbright by comparing the administration he belonged to to that of countries like Cuba and especially Mexico, which were loyal allies of the US in spite of their - mostly - independent foreign policy, and promising to not entertain any diplomatic ovetures to the East Bloc. This promise ruffled quite a few feathers back home, but the billions of dollars that came as aid in the coming years ensured complaints were kept to a minimum (7).
San Tiago Dantas meeting with Mexican president Adolfo López Mateos.
The other noteworthy aspect of the Brizola administration's foreign policy was its pivot to Africa. Not only were multiple embassies founded in dozens of countries in just a few years, but Leonel was the first Brazilian president to set foot in the continent, visiting Luanda in 1962 to take part in the ceremonies commemorating the first anniversary of Angola's independence from Portugal. Steps such as this ensured that Brazil's growing industrial sector had a reliable market to which it could export its products, which would come in handy in the future.
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Notes:
(1) The Cuban Missile Crisis never happens ITTL, so détente begins sooner.
(2) The Alliance for Progress. "Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable" and all that.
(3) IOTL Portugal only recognized its colonies' independence in 1974, after more than a decade of war. What happened ITTL, you may ask? I swear I'll give an answer later.
(4) Something that will give Brizola a few ideas.
(5) This is OTL.
(6) IOTL Allende lost the 1958 presidential election to Jorge Alessandri by a very narrow margin. He wins here because of butterflies that will be explored later.
(7) The US is less paranoid ITTL without a Communist regime sitting just south of Florida.
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Notes:
(1) The Cuban Missile Crisis never happens ITTL, so détente begins sooner.
(2) The Alliance for Progress. "Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable" and all that.
(3) IOTL Portugal only recognized its colonies' independence in 1974, after more than a decade of war. What happened ITTL, you may ask? I swear I'll give an answer later.
(4) Something that will give Brizola a few ideas.
(5) This is OTL.
(6) IOTL Allende lost the 1958 presidential election to Jorge Alessandri by a very narrow margin. He wins here because of butterflies that will be explored later.
(7) The US is less paranoid ITTL without a Communist regime sitting just south of Florida.
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Does Castro stay as the populist he was in 1959 if he doesn't go red, or did he step down for elections?
The hero of TTL's Cuban Revolution is José Antonio Echeverría, whose attack against the presidential palace succeeds in killing Batista. Castro is just one revolutionary among many, though he'll show up later.
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Brave lad, Echeverria. Interesting to know what path he'll follow.
Nice, very nice! Thanks for the find, I'll feature it later.
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Well, it's not really a spoiler for me to say that Latin America will be a bit more integrated ITTL since it'll be less of a basket case.
El_Fodedor
Banned
Very good, it makes a lot of sense. The Argentinian-Brazilian rivalry will be solved much earlier this time, without the dictatorships. Besides, the economic prosperity will lead to much more trust in each other's capabilities to integrate.
Yes, and an actually functional economic bloc (not like OTL MERCOSUR) might help the Latin American countries get some footing to compete with larger economies.
El_Fodedor
Banned
By 2020 we will probably have a MERCOSUR encompassing at least all of South America.
It’s not so much a matter of the amount of countries, though it obviously matters. The problem is the bloc not being as bloody ineffective as it is in OTL, and the countries actually being committed to it
This last chapter got me really intrigued about the international scenario in this timeline.
Without a communist regime in Cuba the USA is certainly less paranoid, although Allende's Chile might take their place in this story. Portugal likely had a goverment change since Angola is now independent, whatever is their current goverments and the relations of newly independent Portuguese Africa with Apartheid South Africa along with what would Brazil would do in such a case also sparks my curiosity, There is also the fact of Lacerda being under the protection of Stroessner, will Brizola try to bring him back and put him into justice or he just doesn't care? What happens to Lacerda after Stroessner's downfall?
Without a communist regime in Cuba the USA is certainly less paranoid, although Allende's Chile might take their place in this story. Portugal likely had a goverment change since Angola is now independent, whatever is their current goverments and the relations of newly independent Portuguese Africa with Apartheid South Africa along with what would Brazil would do in such a case also sparks my curiosity, There is also the fact of Lacerda being under the protection of Stroessner, will Brizola try to bring him back and put him into justice or he just doesn't care? What happens to Lacerda after Stroessner's downfall?
There will be some interesting things happening in South Africa and its little northern sibling.
As for Lacerda, Brizola can and will call for his extradition (I should've put that in the last chapter), but I don't think there's anything he can do apart from that as long as Stroessner remains in power - and the Crow might die before said dictator falls.
I'm curious to know how is the railway development under Brizola and as Caio pointed the possible conflicts between Apartheid South Africa and Angola and Mozambique could happen the latter two would be prime buyers of brazilian military equipment and maybe even training fellow lusophone soldiers (I'm seeing Castelo Branco in Angola right now in my head lol) that also could be used to flex Brazil's muscles internationally.
And how is the drive westward afected whithout Brasília?
And how is the drive westward afected whithout Brasília?
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It is slowed by a significant degree, but it will pick up speed once soy takes off.
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Without the dictatorship, i'm curious about how the new left(may 1968 and all that) and the new right(neocons, conservative revolution and whatnot) develops, i imagine people like Florestan Fernandes and FHC could end up in the same party, also wonder how the brizolista-varguista left will clash with the newcomers to politics
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mapuche lautarino
Banned
1938-1944 Pedro Aguirre Cerda (radical party)
1944-1950 Gabriel Gonzales Videla (radical party)
1950-1956 Carlos Ibáñez del Campo (independent)
1956-1962 Jorge Alessandri (independent)
1962-1968 Julio Duran Neumann (radical)
1968-1974 Jorge Alessandri (independent)
1974-1980 Eduardo Frei Montalva (Christian Democracy)
1980-1986 Rodomiro Tomic (Christian Democracy)
1986-1992 Eduardo Frei Montalva (Christian Democracy)
1992-1998 Patricio Aylwin (Christian Democracy)
1998-2004 Joaquín Lavín (national party)
2004-2010 María Isabel Allende Bussi (socialist party)
2010-2016 Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle (Christian democracy)
2016-2022 Michel Bachelet (socialist party)
@Vinization
In case you are interested, create a helpful line on your timeline.
1944-1950 Gabriel Gonzales Videla (radical party)
1950-1956 Carlos Ibáñez del Campo (independent)
1956-1962 Jorge Alessandri (independent)
1962-1968 Julio Duran Neumann (radical)
1968-1974 Jorge Alessandri (independent)
1974-1980 Eduardo Frei Montalva (Christian Democracy)
1980-1986 Rodomiro Tomic (Christian Democracy)
1986-1992 Eduardo Frei Montalva (Christian Democracy)
1992-1998 Patricio Aylwin (Christian Democracy)
1998-2004 Joaquín Lavín (national party)
2004-2010 María Isabel Allende Bussi (socialist party)
2010-2016 Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle (Christian democracy)
2016-2022 Michel Bachelet (socialist party)
@Vinization
In case you are interested, create a helpful line on your timeline.