Part 1: A Divided City
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Part 1: A Divided City


Throughout practicaly all of Porto Alegre's republican history, most of its inhabitants had very little say in how the capital of the state of Rio Grande do Sul was run. During the Old Republic, its mayors, like pretty much all other politicians of the period, took power through fraudulent elections, an environment which reached its logical conclusion with the rise and administration of José Montaury, who ran the city for 27 years straight and was reelected seven times, five of which as the only candidate on the ballot (1). The years that succeeded the Revolution of 1930 weren't that much better regarding political rights either, since even though the citizens freely elected their councillors in the periods between 1934 to 1937 (when the Estado Novo began and all legislatures were abolished) and from 1947 onward (two years after democracy was restored), the mayor was still appointed by the state governor.

That would end in 1951.

For the first time ever, the chief of the executive of the city would be elected by the people, and there were two men who desired to become the first to receive such an honor.​

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The first candidate was Ildo Meneghetti. Born in 1895 to two Italian immigrants, Meneghetti became an engineer and entrepreneur, his career as an elected official only beginning in 1947 when he was elected to the City Council as a member of PSD (the Social Democratic Party, which was quite conservative despite its name). One year after that, he was appointed to the mayoralty by governor Walter Jobim, serving until February 1951, when Jobim's successor, Ernesto Dornelles, removed him. Not only did his mayoral tenure, which was marked by multiple important infrastructure and social housing projects, turn him into someone who was fondly remembered by the people, he had before that been president of Sport Club Internacional (one of Rio Grande do Sul's major football teams, together with its arch-rival Grêmio), which enhanced his fame and popularity.​

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His adversary was Leonel Brizola. Born in 1922 (being, therefore, almost thirty years younger than Meneghetti) to a poor peasant family in what is now the municipality of Carazinho, Brizola lost his father at a very young age to one of the many civil wars and rebellions that shook RS during the Old Republic, which worsened the hardships he and his relatives had to face during his childhood. Taking on a variety of menial jobs after moving to Porto Alegre, such as polishing shoes, he eventually graduated in civil engineering, but never worked in the field since he immediately entered electoral politics by campaigning for and winning a seat in the State Assembly in 1947. A member of PTB (the Brazilian Labour Party), he was easily reelected in 1950 and became a rising star in the party. Young, handsome and extremely charismatic, Brizola was backed by president Getúlio Vargas and, most importantly, governor Ernesto Dornelles.

It didn't take long for the race to take national proportions. The UDN (National Democratic Union), the strongest and most radical opposition party, endorsed Meneghetti in the hope of handing the president a stinging and very personal defeat in the capital of his home state. On the other side, governor Dornelles used the state's public apparatus to give Brizola an unfair advantage, a practice that, although already illegal at the time, was so common that no one batted an eye. The campaign went on for months and mobilized huge crowds for both sides, and a growing feeling of uneasiness descended upon the city as election day approached.

Until November 1 finally arrived, and scores upon scores of voters went to their polling stations to cast their ballots in secret. No one had any idea of who would win, since opinion polls weren't a thing back then and both candidates had run very good campaigns. Hours later, the poll workers began to count the thousands of votes that had been cast one by one, and the numbers were slowly announced by radio news stations piece by piece. As the time passed, however, one thing became clear: Brizola and Meneghetti were only a few hundred votes away from each other, a microscopic difference considering that Porto Alegre's electorate numbered in the tens of thousands.

Hours became days, and soon enough the entire country was biting its nails in anticipation. The final result was announced on November 9, eight days after the election took place, and they showed just how polarized the capital of Rio Grande do Sul was:​

  • Leonel de Moura Brizola - 41.271 votes;​
  • Ildo Meneghetti - 40.823 votes.​
Brizola, who was just 448 votes ahead of Meneghetti, became the first democractically elected mayor of Porto Alegre (2). He was inaugurated in January 1, 1952, days away from his thirtieth birthday, and soon after he set about fulfilling the enormous task ahead of him: not only did he have to urgently heal the huge political divide caused by the election, but he needed to tackle the multiple chronic issues the capital of the gaúchos suffered from (lack of schools, insufficient infrastructure and public sanitation, among others) head on.

After receiving news of the young man's victory, Getúlio supposedly remarked to an aide: "Ha, I knew that kid would go far!"

He would go very far indeed.​

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Notes:

(1) Montaury's counterpart in the state level was Borges de Medeiros, a dictator who ruled Rio Grande do Sul with an iron fist from 1898 to 1928, when he finally stepped down and was succeeded as governor by Getúlio Vargas.

(2) This is the POD. IOTL Brizola lost to Meneghetti by around one thousand votes. He would eventually become mayor in 1955, governor of RS in 1958, and the rest is history. Here, his political career is sped up significantly.

So this is my second TL focusing on Brazil, and just like my first one, Brizola will be a central character in it. I'm more mature now than I was two years ago (when the first TL was written) so hopefully this one's writing will be better since my first work left a bad taste in my mouth because, looking back, it was too much like a "guys I like win, guys I dislike lose" scenario.
 
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I added an extra note and tweaked a few things here and there.

Also, before anyone asks, the "drop in the bucket" is Brizola's tiny margin of victory over Meneghetti,
 
Get hype. Good start for the TL. I recommend that you spend less time describing elections in detail this time around, as I’m sure that was a lot of work during your last TL (has it really been two years?!), too much effort for not too much gain.
 
Get hype. Good start for the TL. I recommend that you spend less time describing elections in detail this time around, as I’m sure that was a lot of work during your last TL (has it really been two years?!), too much effort for not too much gain.
Yeah. That and the fact I eventually began to realize that the POD I chose (in 1979/1980) was a bit too recent for the stuff I had in mind. Plus, I also noticed that it looked like a left-wing equivalent of a famous wikibox TL that I liked a lot in its early days but eventually dropped because it got a little too "out there" for me, to put it mildly.
 
@Vinization who is this Manoel Vargas running as Brizola VP?

Also nice start
This guy.

For those who don't understand Portuguese, he actually became deputy mayor of Porto Alegre in spite of Brizola's defeat since each post was elected separately (just like people did for president and vice president), and because of that he served as mayor for a few months after Meneghetti's resignation in order to run for governor in 1954. After that, he retired from politics and spent the rest of his life in obscurity until he sadly committed suicide in 1997 by shooting himself in the heart just like his father Getúlio did. BTW, he had a son named Getúlio Vargas Neto who also killed himself a few years ago. Seriously, it's like the Vargas bloodline is cursed.

And thanks!
 
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After that, he retired from politics and spent the rest of his life in obscurity until he sadly committed suicide in 1997 by shooting himself in the heart just like his father Getúlio did. BTW, he had a son named Getúlio Vargas Neto who also killed himself a few years ago. Seriously, it's like the Vargas bloodline is cursed.

Suicidal depression is something that goes down family lines - a friend of my brother committed suicide almost 30 years ago, he had an inherited predisposition to depression(his mother had committed suicide before my brother met the guy).
 
Suicidal depression is something that goes down family lines - a friend of my brother committed suicide almost 30 years ago, he had an inherited predisposition to depression(his mother had committed suicide before my brother met the guy).
That being said, Vargas didn't had depression, he killed himself for political reasons

At 3,55 Alzira comments about him and suicide, and how he really disliked the idea of suicide
 
That being said, Vargas didn't had depression, he killed himself for political reasons

At 3,55 Alzira comments about him and suicide, and how he really disliked the idea of suicide
I remember reading somewhere years ago that he contemplated killing himself first if the 1930 Revolution somehow failed, and then in 1945, when he was deposed. I do agree, however, that political calculations made up part of his decision to commit suicide, since he had nowhere to go after Tonelero. The military coup was imminent, after all.
 
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I remember reading somewhere years ago that he contemplated killing himself first if the 1930 Revolution somehow failed, and then in 1945, when he was deposed.

It was on this video

In 1945 it was on the condition of a violent military coup, something that almost happened, but the tanks entrenched around the guanabara palace and the soldiers and officers went inside peacefully to ask him to resign and run as a senator instead of president

Assuming they went guns blazing, he would have gone fighting and this would topple the military coup, so the putschists acted smart in 1945, different from their behaviour in 1954
 
Part 2: Two Stars
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Part 2: Two Stars


For Porto Alegre and its young mayor, the two year period between 1952 and 1954 was an extremely prosperous one. Brizola immediately tackled the multiple chronic issues that affected the capital of Rio Grande do Sul with the seemingly limitless energy that people would soon know him for throughout his long political career. Though the City Council was controlled by the opposition (PTB had a plurality of the seats, but not an absolute majority), he could count on a friendly state and federal governments, since both were controlled by fellow petebistas, and thus it was easy for him to pressure the municipal legislature into voting for the projects he presented. Generously funded by his higher ups in the political ladder, the mayor embarked on a series of public works projects that would noticeably improve Porto Alegre's standard of living, with new roads being paved, electricity and running water being extended to neighborhoods that were until then deprived of these essential services, and hundreds of new public houses being built. All in the span of two and a half years (1).
brizola getulio.jpg

Brizola (with sunglasses) having an informal chat with president Getúlio Vargas.

There was, however, one area that was the municipal government's top priority by far: public education. With the very telling motto of "Nenhuma Criança Sem Escola" ("No Child Out of School"), the mayoral administration built 135 new schools, large and small, throughout Porto Alegre, and the population was mobilized to directly assist the government in this monumental endeavor through mutirões (large numbers of volunteers who work together to achieve a common goal). With so many feats being accomplished in such a short period of time, Brizola quickly became an extremely popular figure, and solidified his reputation as a promising young member of PTB.

Thus, his declaration during an interview in late 1953 that he intended to run for governor in the following year's state election surprised no one.


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While his follower's star glowed ever brighter, Getúlio's grew increasingly dim. The president had already governed Brazil for fifteen years straight (1930-1945), and was still immensely popular among the ordinary people, but it was clear to everyone in his inner circle that he, now in his early seventies, was losing his touch. The elderly gaúcho had, nominally speaking, a majority in both houses of the legislature, with PSD and PTB, two parties he directly participated in the foundation of, having most of the sitting deputies and senators. Unfortunately, not only did his long years as a dictator (1930-34 and 1937-45) leave him unused to negotiating and dealing with criticism when it sprung up, but PSD's status as a big tent party (it was overall a centrist party with some progressive elements, but some parts of it were extremely conservative) made this task even more difficult. Thus, while PTB stood for him through thick and thin, PSD was only somewhat reliable.

As if that weren't enough, the president inherited an economy that was in very bad shape since his predecessor, Eurico Gaspar Dutra, adopted an economic policy that burned most of Brazil's foreign reserves, which had been carefully built up during Getúlio's previous tenure thanks to WWII. Inflation began to rise, and as hundreds of thousands of industrial workers saw their wages' worth erode, strikes became more frequent, with the greatest of them all taking place in the city of São Paulo in March 1953, which counted with the participation of 300.000 workers.
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800px-17_-_Get%C3%BAlio_Dorneles_Vargas_1951_derivative.jpg

Before (1930-45) and after (1951-54).

This tumultuous scenario was eagerly exploited by UDN, especially its most radical members, who were organized in a group known as the "Banda de Música" ("Music Band", a reference to their constant, aggressive rhetoric). Men such as Afonso Arinos, Aliomar Baleeiro and, most importantly, Carlos Lacerda (who wasn't an elected politician yet, but a journalist and owner of Tribuna da Imprensa, an important newspaper) not only regularly accused the government of corruption and incompetence, but secretly conspired with right-wing members of the military to overthrow it by force. In this they were covertly aided by the government of the United States, which, thanks to the ongoing Cold War, was extremely paranoid of any Latin American nation that was not completely submissive to its interests.
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Afonso Arinos, "maestro" of the Banda de Música as well as the author of the first law to prohibit racial discrimination.

Despite these difficulties, Getúlio pursued a bold, nationalist agenda, which predictably only antagonized the US (presided by Dwight D. Eisenhower, a Cold Warrior to the core) even further. Petrobras, the famous state owned corporation which is today a symbol of Brazilian pride, was founded in 1953, and had a monopoly on extraction, refinement of petroleum and all its derivatives, to the ire of companies such as Texaco and Standard Oil of New Jersey. The BNDE (National Economic Development Bank) and Eletrobras (which had a monopoly on all matters regarding electric power) were also founded during this time, and would play a critical role in financing and coordinating Brazil's development in the following decades (2).

But these victories weren't enough to reverse the ongoing crisis, and as 1954 dawned the situation became critical. João Goulart (best known as Jango), Minister of Labour and another bright, promising young member of PTB, proposed a radical solution to put off the constant strikes, which paralyzed the national economy, for good: a 100% increase of the minimum wage. Getúlio accepted it, but UDN, the conservative wing of PSD and much of the army, predictably, did not, and while the increase was implemented, the president had no choice but to fire Jango in order to placate them. On the foreign front, the botched coup against the democratically elected government of Jacobo Árbenz in Guatemala, which was practically an US invasion of said country, sparked a surge of anti-American sentiment throughout Latin America, and Brazil was affected by said wave, making Washington all the more anxious (3).

But if the situation was already bad now, it was about to get one hell of a lot worse. On August 5, 1954, a hired gunman ambushed Lacerda outside his home in Rio de Janeiro, and although he failed to murder his primary target (in fact, Lacerda was only grazed in the foot) he did manage to kill his bodyguard Rubens Florentino Vaz, an Air Force major, something that outraged the Armed Forces for obvious reasons. An enormous manhunt, followed by an equally gigantic investigation, ensued, and the primary suspect of ordering the attack, Gregório Fortunato, chief of the president's personal guard, confessed to the crime.
aaaaaaatribuna-1.png

A Tribuna da Imprensa headline demanding Getúlio Vargas' resignation.
The calls for the president to resign, which were already quite common by this time, grew deafening. The entire press, with the sole exception of Última Hora, owned by Samuel Wainer, went on the offensive against the government, and Afonso Arinos, who had already led a failed attempt to impeach him in June, made a famous speech three days after the attack in which he declared that the Vargas administration sat atop a "sea of mud and blood". But Getúlio stood firm and refused to do so, and as the days went by it became clear that a military coup was imminent, and nothing could be done to stop it.

Nothing, except for one thing.

In the morning of August 24, after meeting with his cabinet for the last time, Getúlio Dornelles Vargas shot himself in the heart with a revolver in the bedroom of the Catete Palace, the president's official residence. Though his family and friends rushed into the scene as soon as they heard the gunshot sound, by the time they arrived it was too late, and in a matter of hours the entire country learned of the president's tragic death.

He was seventy-two years old.

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Notes:

(1) I know this looks like a wank, but I swear it's not. IOTL Brizola was an extremely effective mayor of Porto Alegre during his short tenure (1956-58), and that was with a hostile governor (Ildo Meneghetti, who defeated him in 1951 and was elected governor in 1954) directly above him.

(2) IOTL Getúlio tried to found Eletrobras during his second administration, but the opposition to it was so intense that it was only became a reality in 1962. ITTL Brizola's victory in 1951 means Getúlio's position in Rio is a *little* stronger.

(3) We'll take a closer look at this turn of events later :D.​
 
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the author of the first law to prohibit racial discrimination.

The funny thing is that he was a white supremacist, he wrote the law because his choffer who was black was not allowed to buy candy for Affonso children, so Affonso got so angry with the grocer that he wrote the law

Nice update
 
The funny thing is that he was a white supremacist, he wrote the law because his choffer who was black was not allowed to buy candy for Affonso children, so Affonso got so angry with the grocer that he wrote the law

Nice update
Bruh, you can't post stuff like that and not give us the source, that's impolite :D.

And thanks! Next update will deal with the 1954 state elections, and that's where the butterflies will start flapping their wings REALLY hard.
 
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