A Destiny Reversed: A Different Sixties, A Different America

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THEY SAT IN the living room of the 36th president. Stephen Ambrose sat cross-legged across from the subject of his next book, the former Commander-in-Chief himself. His hands were folded, the tape recorder on, and his gaze intent. The man before him appeared tested yet entirely at peace. For someone who had left the presidency so reviled, he looked remarkably content. Perhaps he hoped Ambrose would find the good in his presidency – something few had cared to find in the nearly 20 years since he left the Oval Office. Ambrose had one goal in mind – to complete a fair and accurate representation of an accidental presidency. “So, Mr. President,” he began, “let’s start with your first day in office – when you received news that you were to become the next President of the United States. Tell me: How did you feel?” The elder statesman let out a laugh and a sigh all at once. The damned fool, he thought to himself. “Stephen,” he replied, “you don’t want to begin there. You want to begin with how I felt on my last day in office: Totally and completely relieved. How I felt when I got the job – well, that’s irrelevant. I had a job to do. How I felt when I was freed – well, that’s everything. I was given back my life.”
 
I'm very interested to see what you're doing and where you take this. Is this a VP Kennedy assumes the Presidency from a slain or dead President Johnson?
 
There are various possibilities. Not Kennedy - he was driven by ambition, not agenda. Not Johnson - this is an AH, and Johnson liked being President: he too was ambitious.

It has to be somebody who didn't seek the Presidency, didn't want it.

Timing is also key. Ike was 34th. This man is 36th. He has to be VP to Ike's successor; he could succeed to the Presidency either in 1961-1965 or 1965-1969 (if Ike's successor is re-elected in 1964). Then he has to live till late 1984 or 1988. (It seems unlikely that an "accidental" President would be re-elected in 1968, so not later than that.)

Actually, there is one other possibility - Ike's successor (35) serves two terms, but the winner of the 1968 election dies before taking office. So 36 is "accidental" and serves a full term; the interview with Ambrose could be in 1992. (Or the presidential candidate dies just before the election and the VP candidate steps up and wins anyway, due to circumstances,but is accidental.)

Or ultimate weirdness: a Wallaceoid Dixiecrat throws the election into the House, which deadlocks. But the Senate elects a VP: the party with a Senate majority elects their candidate who ran second, for party reasons and because the leading VP candidate has become viewed as nasty (he became a drag on the ticket, even his own party doesn't like him). Whereas the second-place VP candidate is a "statesman", with, initially, a better reputation than either P candidate.
 
Chapter 1
~ 1 ~

IT HAD JUST snowed in Washington, ahead of the new president’s inauguration. The president-elect, full of eagerness, was dressed in an overcoat – a sign of just how frigid the city’s temperature was. An aging Dwight Eisenhower prepared to leave office after eight years of peace and prosperity. Now, he watched, as a younger man rose his right hand to God and said the Oath of Office: “I, Richard Milhous Nixon, do solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States.” Dick Nixon grinned, kissed his wife, and reached for the hand of President Eisenhower. He was the 35th President of the United States. This was the fulfillment of a life of maneuvering. He was the first vice president since Martin van Buren in 1836 to directly succeed to the presidency. Now, he presumed four or eight years to leave his mark on the world. He would in ways he could never have imagined.

While the new president prepared to deliver his remarks, behind him sat a young senator from Massachusetts, Nixon’s opponent in one of the closest elections in modern history. John Fitzgerald Kennedy was four years younger than Nixon but believed his career was finished. He had received his party’s nomination for the presidency and lost. By some 30,000 votes, Richard Nixon had defeated Kennedy in the national popular vote, receiving 278 electoral votes. Kennedy, despite the wrath of his father, conceded gracefully to Nixon. On the outside, Kennedy projected a calm demeanor, but inside he was deeply unsure of his political future.

Richard Nixon beamed with delight before beginning his inaugural address. “Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. Vice president, President Eisenhower, President Truman, my fellow Americans – and my fellow citizens of the world community: I ask you to share with me today the majesty of this moment. In the orderly transfer of power, we celebrate the unity that keeps us free.” [1] The new president recognized the realities of the world around him. For now, America was at peace, but that could change. The conflict with the Soviet Union meant the United States was at a perpetual war with Communism. Nixon viewed the world through this lens: America versus Communism. If you were not with the United States, you were against it, and if you were against it, there would be no mercy.

Nixon spoke highly of American custom, of democracy, and used his own inauguration as a symbol for justice. He disparaged the violation of human rights around the globe – the effort of coldhearted Communists. Conveniently, he ignored the violation of human rights at home, in the American South, where segregation remained a way of life. Richard Nixon made one thing clear: He was a foreign policy president, ready to serve as Commander-in-Chief in an effort to make the world safe for democracy.

RICHARD MILHOUS NIXON would go down as one of America’s most beloved presidents, but on that cold January day no one knew how the remainder of his presidency would play out. How would he respond to the threat of Communism? To the issue of civil rights? Who would he appoint to the Supreme Court? What would be his lasting domestic achievement? These questions remained unknown as Richard Nixon, arm around his wife, smiled and waved to the adoring crowd of spectators assembled in the nation’s capital. History had yet to run its course.

In the opening days of President Nixon’s administration, attention was paid to outlining the course of the new president’s administration. Domestically, the president hoped to implement one of the largest tax cuts the nation had ever seen. Nixon believed in a smaller government. On the campaign trail, he attacked Kennedy as a big liberal spender in the vain of Franklin D. Roosevelt. He went as far as to accuse his opponent of bringing about an economic recession, “If he pursued the programs he had advocated domestically - programs which could only produce cruel inflation and Government interference with every aspect of our economic life - he could only pipe us into recession, or worse.” [2] When the new president took office, 90% of the income of America’s wealthiest tax bracket was being taxed. Nixon sought to lower this number to 80%. Other tax brackets would see a more modest deduction. Nixon believed that such reductions would generate economic activity.

His proposal was met with resistance. Opponents of his proposal questioned whether or not it was wise to reduce the government’s intake at the end of a recession. The majority of Americans had grown accustomed to such tax rates, implemented at the height of World War II. Paying taxes was what you did to receive the benefits of government programs – it was part of life. The new president and his team would need to convince the American public that they deserved to get their money back.

Yet, as his team pursued the tax cut with Congressional leaders, the lion’s share of President Nixon’s attention went to Cuba. The island, about 90 miles away from Florida’s shores, had become a bed of Communism since Fidel Castro’s rise to power. Nixon wanted to not only remove Castro from power but also ensure democracy in the Western Hemisphere. While Vice President, Nixon became aware of a plan authorized by President Eisenhower to use Cuban rebels to invade Cuba and kill Castro.

The 35th president was a committed Cold Warrior. In his mind, removing Fidel Castro had to be a top priority for the United States. Castro was a brutal dictator who violated the human rights of the Cuban people. Communism’s spread to an area so close to the United States posed a national security threat, at least in Nixon’s estimation. Simply put, Castro had to go. Failure was not an option. So, when he first met with top CIA and military officials on January 28th to discuss progress on the planned operation to kill Castro, Nixon left the meeting after giving simple instructions: “Make it bigger.”

Notes:
[1] Adapted from Nixon’s actual 1969 Inaugural Address. (See here: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=1941)
[2] Nixon, Richard. Statement of the Vice President of the United States on Democratic Tax Program, Brooklyn, NY. 2 November 1960. (http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=25260)
 
Intriguing. I presume this is a Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. Presidency, which sounds quite interesting and very unique. I look forward to seeing how this plays out.
 
Intriguing. I presume this is a Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. Presidency, which sounds quite interesting and very unique. I look forward to seeing how this plays out.

That would be difficult, as the ex-President is interviewed by Ambrose "nearly 20 years [after] he left the Oval Office", and Lodge died in 1985, aged 83 (i.e. he wasn't going to live much longer).

Though if Lodge succeeded Nixon, and served out the 1961-1965 term, the interview could be in 1984, which would fit. And Lodge seems the right type.
 
Chapter 2
~ 2 ~

FIDEL CASTRO CAME to power in 1959. Since his visit to Washington, D.C. that same year, Castro viewed Richard Nixon not only as a foe of his government but also as a personal enemy. The Cuban leader feared that the United States would try and infiltrate his island to inspire an uprising against his leadership. As soon as he became prime minister, Castro began to purchase millions of dollars in weaponry to assist his government in keeping power in the event of an American-led invasion. Castro doubled the size of Cuba’s military. Additionally, Castro organized a system to train those Cubans who wanted a stake in preserving the revolution Castro had led. Thousands of Cubans (in fact, nearly a third of the island) enlisted to receive combat training so they would be prepared to enlist and join the fight in case the United States or some other effort led to a revolt against the Castro regime. The dictator was prepared to fight for the island he had just won, and so were those who helped him get there.

The United States, and Nixon, specifically, made two racial mischaracterizations about Castro’s Cuba. First, they underestimated the amount of preparation Castro had done to secure his power. The military buildup and the training of civilians to join the cause if needed went largely ignored in Washington. Those who knew of it did not care about it – it was Cuba, they argued. A small island was no match for the power of the United States military. Second, officials in the Nixon Administration overestimated the animosity towards Castro in Cuba. While it is fair to say that many Cubans escaped Castro’s rule as he brutally held on to power, the United States seemed to forget it was a popular uprising that helped Castro gain power in the first place.

In March, President Nixon gathered CIA officials and other national security figures to discuss the Cuba situation. A proposed invasion was being worked out. It would rely on Cuban exiles. They would be airdropped into the island, given weapons and training, but then largely left to fen. Despite the support of Secretary of State Christian Herter, the proposal had one prominent skeptic in the room: President Nixon. After the CIA outlined the step-by-step plan of the invasion, the president raised several concerns. Could the operation succeed without American troops? What would happen if the invasion succeeded in inspiring an uprising and taking out Cuba? Didn’t the United States have an ethical obligation to help form the new government once a power vacuum emerged?

Noticeably absent from the meetings was Vice President Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. Vice President Lodge was kept largely out of the loop on issues of importance, starting January 20th. Instead of recalling his own embarrassment and frustration as a result of Eisenhower’s mistreatment, the new president viewed Ike’s attitude as a model. Nixon had chosen Lodge to make the election about foreign policy, but he had no desire in taking Lodge’s advice. On the campaign trail, Lodge brought great ire to Nixon, promising the Administration would appoint an African-American to the cabinet and committing other gaffes. The new president wanted none of that in his administration. Instead, Lodge was spending this March day on the golf course with friends.

Back at the White House, Richard Nixon was preparing to radically alter American foreign policy. “We cannot afford to allow a Communist infiltration of the Western hemisphere!” Nixon said, banging his fist on the table. “Castro has to go. He is a threat to me. He is a threat to everyone in this room. He is a threat to our country!” Historians continue to debate Nixon’s fascination with removing Castro from power. Nixon viewed a fight against Cuba as a quick and easy battle that would cement him as the man who beat back the Soviet Union. If he could remove Castro and thereby succeed where his predecessor had failed, Nixon would be able to emerge in the history books as a larger-than-life status. Taking Castro out was his path to Lincoln-like status. He was also a genuine believer in the principles of democratic rule and capitalism. Communism was a fundamental challenge to such beliefs. As long as there was Communism in the world, American democracy was under threat.

Secretary of State Christian Herter was less convinced about what the president seemed to be suggesting. It appeared to the Secretary that Nixon wanted a full-scale invasion of the island. He believed such action was a radical overreaction. “We simply don’t need to do it to beat Castro,” he explained. Nixon disagreed. Failure was not an option. “I want to be sure that if we do this we’re doing it right,” the president countered. A clear rift was emerging in the president’s foreign policy team. Nixon had once written of Castro that, “he has those indefinable qualities which make him a leader of men.” [1] The two had met, and Nixon had adequately summed up Castro’s character. In Nixon’s eyes, the Cuban dictator was telling the United States what it wanted to hear, but Nixon believed that underneath Castro’s character lurked a more vile intention – to bring about the demise of democracy and a global Communist order. Herter, for his part, had long opposed the kind of direct intervention that the president was now suggesting. In the earlier stages of the invasion, Herter wrote, “In achieving this objective, the United States should avoid giving the impression of direct pressure or intervention against Castro, except where defense of legitimate United States interest is involved.” [2]

Nixon adjourned the meeting and retreated to the Oval Office where he made a phone call and summoned former Secretary of State Allen Dulles to the White House. He talked openly with Dulles about how to handle Cuba. Dulles returned Nixon’s candor with candor of his own. “Half-assing this thing won’t work,” he said. “You can take out Castro and you can bring back democracy – that’s not the problem. America can do that, but a couple of exiles with American guns won’t get the job done.” Nixon nodded in agreement as Dulles continued, “This is war. If you go soft you lose.” [3]

SECRETARY HERTER WAS enraged when he learned that Nixon had gone behind his back to talk to his predecessor. He demanded a meeting with the president. “If you are not satisfied with my advice or my job performance, you have my resignation,” Herter said. Unwilling to have a resignation within 100 days of his administration’s beginning, the president placated Herter. “You are doing an excellent job,” Nixon said, “but I did want a diversity of opinions about this issue. You understand how important this issue – how important to me Cuba is.” Herter did not resign from the cabinet.

Concerns over Cuba mounted, however, as it became clear that the president was going down a path of war. His Chief of Staff, Robert Finch, tried to put a stop to the invasion. In a mid-April meeting with the president, Finch argued that the president was jeopardizing his domestic agenda with a war against Cuba. Nixon disagreed. “You have it backwards,” he argued. “Cuba strengthens our political capital. Winning a war against Communism? Well, that’s an easy way to get the country behind us. Then we go forward and we push what we want done at home.” Finch, however, held the opposite to be true. While he worked to get Nixon’s tax cut through Congress, he heard grumblings from Republicans on the Hill: Why the hell is Nixon infatuated with Cuba?

While the Defense Department and the CIA worked day and night to craft a plan for the invasion and occupation of Cuba, the president turned to another battlefield of the Cold War: space. On April 12th, the Soviet Union launched Yuri Gagarin into space, making him the first person to go there. Nixon was dismayed – Gagarin’s launch into space could be seen as proof of the United States’ demise. Nixon instructed his team to prepare a major address to Congress in which he would call for a war with Cuba and make a stunning declaration: The United States would launch a man into space and put him on the moon. The theme of the remarks would be democracy’s triumph over Communism, but the effects would dramatically influence the course of world history.

Rather than send Congress home for the summer of 1961, Nixon was preparing to go to war.

Notes:
[1] See here: http://nsarchive.gwu.edu/bayofpigs/chron.html
[2] Ibid.
[3] Based off of a conversation between Dulles and Nixon that I read about after the OTL Bay of Pigs invasion. (See here: http://nsarchive.gwu.edu/bayofpigs/chron.html)
 
With that infobox, it says that Byrd won Alabama and Mississippi, but that only 0.7% of the popular vote went to candidates other than Nixon and Kennedy. You could use the infobox from the 1892 US presidential election if you need a template.
 
Chpt. 3
~ 3 ~

ROBERT FRANCIS KENNEDY had opened his own law practice in Richmond, Virginia after managing his brother’s unsuccessful campaign for president. He was in his office when he received a phone call from Virginia Governor Lindsay Almond. The Governor was calling to see if Kennedy might be interested in running to succeed Almond in the Governor’s Mansion. While Attorney General Albertis Harrison was the frontrunner for the Democratic nomination, Almond promised that it could be Kennedy’s if he was interested. The Massachusetts native demurred, unconvinced that he could win an election in the South.

When Kennedy hung up with the governor, he called his brother, the senator. The senator told his brother to take the plunge. The success of Bobby’s book The Enemy Within and the institutional support Bobby would receive from the Democratic Party was reason enough to do it. “And you’ll do a good job,” Jack said, concluding the conversation. Bobby remained unsure. The campaign had taught him a lot about the process. He had seen Jack’s struggle up close and he wasn’t sure that the life of a politician was how he wanted to live his life. There was another obstacle: Ethel Kennedy was adamantly opposed to Bobby making a bid for governor.

Then, Joseph Kennedy, the family patriarch, caught wind of the offer, and he placed a stern phone call to his son: You are going to do it. You are going to run for Governor. And God willing, you will be the next Governor of Virginia. On Election Day 1961, Robert F. Kennedy became the 59th Governor of Virginia, and the Kennedy family moved in to the Governor’s mansion in Richmond. Thanks to his father’s money and his celebrity last name, the former capital of the Confederacy elected a civil rights advocate to the Governor’s mansion. Without concern for reelection (Virginia governors were limited to one term), Robert F. Kennedy was preparing to radically alter the political landscape of the South. He had successfully evaded the issue during the campaign, enraging the Byrd Organization that dominated Virginia politics at the time. Kennedy was the people’s governor, and he would be beholden to no political machine. [1]

IN WASHINGTON, KENNEDY’S brother sat in the Chamber of the U.S. House of Representatives and listened while President Nixon delivered his most fateful address as President of the United States. In his remarks, Nixon pointed to a global struggle between democracy and communism. In his most passionate address ever, the president pointed to America as a beacon for hope in a dark world. “What kind of a nation we will be, what kind of a world we will live in, whether we shape the future in the image of our hopes, is ours to determine by our actions and our choices,” he said. [2] “It is our destiny to lead a world of democratic principles. It is our responsibility to ensure such a world is possible. If we are to be the world’s leader, we must dare to go where no man has gone before: The moon.” The chamber erupted in raucous applause. Senator Kennedy, too, rose from his seat – his back aching – to show his support for the president’s pronouncement.

After Nixon had inspired the nation to go to the moon, he recognized the “threat” to a democratic world. “We cannot abide violations of human rights just ninety miles from our shore. We cannot support a government that oppresses its citizens. We instead must fight for a world in which all people are given a voice,” Nixon said. Most presumed a shift to the issue of civil rights. Instead, Nixon called for war against the “brutal regime” of Fidel Castro. Nixon informed the Congress that as he spoke, an invasion of the island of Cuba was underway. American troops were arriving on the shores of Cuba as they sat gathered together. “I am asking,” he said, “for Congressional authorization for a sustained involvement in Cuba so we may win the fight for democracy and ensure that in the Western Hemisphere there is no question that every vote will be counted and every voice will be heard.” There was a mixed reaction from the room. Some applauded, others were horrified. Senator Kennedy remained in his seat, as did Senator Johnson.

Nixon did make passing mention of civil rights, arguing that the United States had a responsibility to ensure an equitable treatment of citizens at home, but it was nothing compared to his rousing diatribe against Cuba. Richard Nixon secured his place in history as America’s most aggressive Cold Warrior. The next day, Congress approved a resolution giving Nixon the authority to use the American military to remove the Castro regime from power. Many Democrats, nervous about being seen as weak on Communism, supported the measure. Senator Kennedy of Massachusetts voted no. Senator Johnson of Texas – the Senate Majority Leader – voted in favor of the resolution.

The initial invasion of Cuba was a rousing success. American troops landed on shore over the veil of night and stormed the island as they moved towards Havana. They were supported by military-trained exiles who wanted a place in the fight. Secretary of State Christian Herter was horrified. Not only had he fought the invasion, believing that an uprising could not be so deliberately American-led, but he was also rejected when he suggested that the United States seek the approval of the United Nations. Yet, if Herter thought he had been betrayed, he should have spoken to the vice president. Henry Cabot Lodge learned of the invasion only when reading the prepared text of Nixon’s remarks to Congress – while he sat on the rostrum behind the president.

President Nixon deliberated internally for months about what he should do. Ultimately, he agreed with Dulles’ assessment: If they were going to fight Castro, they had to do it well. Nixon believed that it would take only a few months to remove Castro’s regime and then only another few months to set-up a new government. “We’ll be done just in time for the midterms,” he told his chief of staff. Finch was less convinced, but deferred to the president’s assessment. The more hawkish generals in the Defense Department were relieved they had found an ally in the new president. Eisenhower’s initial plan was a much weaker attempt at removing Castro. It could easily have failed. Nixon’s all-in approach would guarantee a military victory for the United States.

AS AMERICAN TROOPS stormed Cuba, looked for Fidel Castro, and fought back against the Cuban army, the American president had another decision to make. Associate Justice Charles Evans Whittaker announced his intention to retire from the Court in December of 1961. [3] In January, President Nixon nominated Warren Burger, an Eisenhower appointee. The Senate unanimously confirmed the nomination, and Burger assumed office. Nixon briefly considered appointing conservative Harvard Law professor William Hastie. If nominated and confirmed, Hastie would have become the first African-American justice on the Supreme Court. Chief Justice Earl Warren urged Nixon not to appoint Hastie, however, and Nixon concurred.

Also in January, the president used his 1962 State of the Union Address to update the nation on progress in Cuba: American troops had gained control of much of the island, and Fidel Castro was on the run. “We will find him,” the president urged, “and we will bring him to justice.” He called on Congress to fund the space program to ensure his goal of landing a man on the moon was met. With the appropriations request for the space program, however, Nixon passed on his request for a tax cut. Many expected the president to take a stand on civil rights, but he did not.

Briefly, the president suggested that the American people should come together and “oppose the chains of oppression.” No specific policy pledge was made. No civil rights or voting rights bills were suggested. Instead, Nixon seemed intent on walking the tight rope of race until he was forced to one side over the other. In January of 1962, there was no significant wind in either direction, but underneath the water was starting to boil, and the president was about to have his hand forced.

Notes:
[1] I understand there are legitimate concerns about the plausibility of RFK winning. The toughest part for Kennedy would be the nomination, decided in a convention. It would be a battle between the entrenched Byrd Organization and the Kennedy Machine. I believe enough delegates could be persuaded to back RFK given the national potential of supporting a Kennedy. In the general election, I see no reason why Kennedy would have difficulty winning. Understandably, this is a stretch, but I think it is a reasonable stretch.
[2] Actually spoken by Nixon in his 1969 Inaugural Address. (See here: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=1941)
[3] This is just slightly earlier than Whittaker announced his retirement in OTL.
 
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