Will anushilan Samiti journey to Indochina or Russia to train themselves?

What is japan's view towards India?

Are subash and neheru influenced by the socialist thoughts? If so which one?
 
Will anushilan Samiti journey to Indochina or Russia to train themselves?

What is japan's view towards India?

Are subash and neheru influenced by the socialist thoughts? If so which one?
The Anushilan Samiti are part of the wider Indian revolutionary underground and have some contacts to the United Front, although most of them are hidden and unclear.

Japan doesn't have any singular view on India, there are vast differences depending on which faction you are talking about. Most of the Loyalists don't really have much in the way of an opinion on India, the Government views them as part of their ally's, the British, domains and are supportive of greater self rule in India, but again don't really have that strong feelings on the matter. The Communists, however, view it as one of the cornerstones in the liberation of Asia from imperialist tyranny and are extremely interested in whatever contacts might be possible with the revolutionary underground. However, they are rather preoccupied with the Civil War at the moment and as such are unlikely to do much in that regard.

Nehru, much as IOTL, is influenced by socialist thought, but at the moment the emphasis is definitely more on the general struggle for independence than about what the resultant state should look like. Bose, by contrast, is much more nationalistic - leaning towards a point on the ideological spectrum between national socialist and integralist with socialist undertones. He wants a strong state with a powerful state bureaucracy dedicated to improving the lives of all Indians, placing particular importance on the uniqueness of Indian culture, religion and society as the buildblocks upon which this state should be developed.
 
What is Jinnah's view of socialist theories?

Is anushilan Samiti pan India based or is it regional? In canon it limited to Hindus, is it the same here or it integrated Muslims in this timeline?

What is Russia's view of India?

Who has a better relationship with Jinnah subash or neheru? Why Jinnah is more optimistic towards the united front? Due to not having Gandhi to deal with??
 
What is Jinnah's view of socialist theories?

Is anushilan Samiti pan India based or is it regional? In canon it limited to Hindus, is it the same here or it integrated Muslims in this timeline?

What is Russia's view of India?

Who has a better relationship with Jinnah subash or neheru? Why Jinnah is more optimistic towards the united front? Due to not having Gandhi to deal with??
I think Jinnah is going to fall in the liberal ideological sphere for the most part, open to cooperation with socialists but wary about atheism and the like. Might transition towards a more conservative and overtly anti-Socialist outlook down the line depending on how things proceed, but solidly Liberal atm imo.

Anushilan Samiti should remain a predominately Bengal movement IMO. I think they remain purely Hindu, but they might be open to partnering and working with other revolutionary and independence movement entities.

The Soviets view India as a land with considerable potential for the Communist Revolution in the long run, and view the gradual decline of the British Empire as a major impetus for investing in the development of Communist and Socialist organizations in India.

Nehru is definitely closer to Jinnah than Bose. I think it is important to note that there are some pretty big divergences within the United Front, but ITTL Jinnah is more open to working with the Swaraj movement, mostly because they are more responsive to his suggestions and the partnership between the MIP and Swaraj are much stronger and active than the OTL Congress-League partnership.
 
Are there no attempts made to unify revolutionary movements? In Punjab Bengal and Maratha into one?

What is the relation between subash with them? Are there any attempts to include Muslim members into them due to the creation of the united front?

I think Jinnah was ok with the secular outlook as long Muslim priorities are secured. So i think something like a revolutionary church with an Islamic version he can be more or less satisfied with. It will break power among Orthodox imam and ulemas and secure the religious policy of Indian Muslims from any sort of external interference. Iqbal'swish to impose a foreign ruler is far too unpredictable and it will weaken his base, while he can get a greater concession from the united front without diluting the independence movement. being a moderate is a huge advantage to him with both halves of Muslim radicals are hostile to Hindu partnership that makes him an ideal partner to united front. Also, I think he is only willing to pay lip service to the Ottoman caliph because it will provide a huge control over Indian Muslims and make India ripe for ottoman interference which is an idea he is not willing to tolerate. He is ok with lip service to it as long it helps him to strengthen his position however if his interest clashes with any external force he will react with hostility.

Secular-minded Indians often like to cite Jinnah’s speech to Pakistan’s constituent assembly on 11 August 1947 to offer a more nuanced interpretation of his communal outlook. He said: “You are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or any other place of worship in this state of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste or creed—that has nothing to do with the business of the state." Liberal words, almost Nehruvian, that jar with the familiar image of Jinnah.
 
Last edited:
Update Thirty-Six (Pt. 1): Calamity Entailed
Calamity Entailed

Japanese_naval_infantry_near_Sanyili%2C_Shanghai.jpg

Red Guard Advance Through The Ruins Of Nagoya

Japan In Twain​

While the Tokyo stage of the March Coup ended in bloody failure for the Loyalists, the same could not be said for the conspiracy's Kwangtung and Chosun plans. While the redoubtable Governor-General of Chosun, Saito Makoto, had finally been replaced in 1932 by General Koiso Kuniaki, it had not meant any significant shift in alignment from Saito's moderate civilian-oriented administration. Further, Koiso worked in close coordination with the Commander of the Japanese Korean Army, the Chosun-gun, Muto Nobuyoshi in forming a bulwark of pro-establishment leadership in the Japanese Colonies. By contrast, the situation was far more divisive in Kwangtung, where the greatest military might of Japan was concentrated. Already marked by bitter factional infighting, the Kwangtung Garrison had only recently seen the re-appointment of the moderate General Hishikari Takashi as Commanding Officer, who became a target for the conspirators. However, while the plans of the Loyalists largely succeeded, with the assassination of Generals Hishikari Takashi and his second, Kawashima Yoshiyuki, they were unable to secure the appointment of the radical General Honjo Shigeru as Hishikari's successor. Instead it was to be the Chief-of-Staff of the Kwangtung Garrison, General Nagata Tetsuzan, a major leader of the Toseiha faction who had been driven from the General Staff by future-Loyalist Kodoha rivals, who took control of the powerful garrison force and took over leadership of the Loyalist forces on the mainland. A close ally of General Hayashi Senjuro, who played so central role in the March Coup, Nagata was an impressive leader with extensive experience in both command and staff roles who was to use his newly acquired power to rise to a position of immense importance within Loyalist ranks. Mustering up the Kwangtung Garrison while contacting his own supporters and fervent anti-communists in the ranks of the Chosun-gun, most significantly General Ueda Kenkichi who commanded the all-important 19th "Tiger" Division and was famous for his rabid anti-communist sentiment - having argued more than once for an invasion of the Soviet Republic to protect the Empire from Communist infiltration. Having determined that they would need to sweep away Generals Koiso and Muto, Nagata arranged permission for the transfer of most of the Kwangtung Army, as the garrison force was redubbed, through North-Eastern China, in the process establishing what would prove to be a long-lived alliance between Nagata's faction and the Fengtian Government, into Chosun. Entering in secret through border-crossings controlled by the 19th Division, the Kwangtung Army was already sweeping through Heijo on the road towards Keijo, wherefrom Chosun was administered, before news could reach the Chosun-gun leadership. Caught by complete surprise, General Muto sought to rush elements of the 20th Division to halt the rapid advance of the Kwangtung Army, but found them swept aside without much of a fight - several regiments outright switching sides when it became clear they were about to fight the elite Kwangtung forces. Within a week, the pre-Civil War administration of Chosun had been driven from the Chosun capital - fleeing southward towards Busan where it was hoped that reinforcements could be secured from the Home Islands. Nagata handed over the pursuit to Ueda while he set about turning Chosun into a staging ground for the reclamation of the Japanese Home Islands on behalf of the Emperor. As word began to arrive in Chosun of events in the Home Isles, particularly the fact that the Loyalists were finding themselves driven steadily into retreat, the decision was made to prepare for a crossing by the Kwangtung Army to reinforce the faltering Loyalists. During this time factional strife within the Loyalist camp went into high gear, as the Toseiha leadership in Chosun clashed with Kodoha and Kokumin figures who had ostensibly been meant to take up leadership of the region according to the coup-makers' plans. Most prominent of these figures was Count Terauchi Hisaichi, a formal member of the Kokumin Domei's military wing and one of the highest-ranked members of the Kodoha faction, who was dispatched from Kyoto by plane to officially take over as Governor-General of Chosun and as Area Commander of the region, which would effectively subordinate Nagata to his control. While Nagata did accept the appointment of Terauchi as Governor-General, he largely ignored him - refusing to inform the Governor-General of meetings of the Chosun General Staff, arranging orders and appointments without consulting Terauchi and effectively squeezing the Count out of even his own official duties, such that Terauchi seemed little more than a ceremonial figure before long. Nevertheless, Terauchi and his fellow Kodoha members did not take this lying down, with General Honju Shigeru securing appointment as Governor-General of Kwangtung - effectively giving him command of the leased territory and the remnants of the Garrison left behind by Nagata, and General Shirakawa Yoshinori as leader of the planned Home Islands Relief Force which soon began to absorb sections of the Kwangtung Army and Chosun Garrison from Nagata's forces in an open threat to the Toseiha control of the region (1). However, while this backbiting and infighting was consuming the preparations for a crossing from Chosun, the actions of the Government side of the civil war swiftly threw a major wrench into the Loyalists' plans. Given the breakdown of alignments between the Navy and Army in the early Civil War, the Government was able to secure control of the vast majority of the Japanese Empire's naval resources, which they were quick to put to use. Busan, a major port city, was rapidly fortified with naval guns emplaced and city blocks fortified while the remnants of the Government-aligned Chosun Garrison and Navy Ground Forces prepared to stand off against the coming assaults of the Kwangtung Army while a larger campaign of naval interdiction was set in motion by the Navy leadership which was to severely limit the ability of the Loyalists to transfer forces between Chosun and the Home Isles. In Sasebo and Kure similar fortification efforts were undertaken by the Navy, who were determined to protect their major dockyards and maintain control of the Inner Seas and the southern island of Kyushu which fell into Government hands with barely a fight. However, the failure to secure the Maizuru Naval Arsenal north of Kyoto, wherefrom Marshal-Admiral Prince Fushimi Hiroyasu was to lead the Loyalist Navy, was to prove a major challenge to the interdiction efforts and result in a key dynamic of the Civil War - the constant struggle by a weaker Loyalist Navy to break through the Government interdict of Chosun (2).

Mobile warfare characterized the first months of the Civil War with the forces available to both sides relatively small, moving swiftly along rail-lines and roads, with clashes centering on various key cross-roads and railway points. In general, the Government was able to secure firm control of Northern Japan, stretching across Honshu from Tokyo to Kashiwazaki in Niigata Prefecture, encompassing the entirety of the more rural, less populated northern half of the island. By contrast, the Loyalists based themselves out of the densely populated central Honshu along an axis from Osaka, through Kyoto to Nagoya, while contesting for control of the western reaches of Honshu after having seen Kyushu swept out from under them without much in the way of a challenge. The focus of the fighting initially centered on the Shizouka Prefecture, with particularly intense fighting consuming the towns of Gotemba, Fuji and Fujinomiya in the shadow of Mount Fuji itself - an image which was to dominate Loyalist perceptions of the conflict, the Holy Mountain given over to the rapine of the Communist and their collaborators. However, there was little doubt from the get-go that the momentum of the fighting was in favor of the Government forces - largely Red Guard volunteer regiments swelling with daily reinforcements of northern peasants mobilized by Kita Ikki's call to arms. While fighting occurred in the Prefectures of Nagano and Yamanashi, the rough terrain of the region limited the scale of fighting, largely confining it to various raiding forces bolstered by locally recruited auxiliaries who swiftly turned against their neighbors in a classic display of collapsing state authority, which would leave the prefectures with deep wounds for decades to come. As the towns south of Mount Fuji fell to the Government, the Loyalists finally began to get their feet under themselves, relying primarily on the well-stocked Osaka Arsenal to provide themselves with a temporary benefit in tanks and artillery while conscripts were called up and garrison forces were mustered across central Honshu with all haste. Most significant of these initial forces was to be the 3rd and 4th Infantry Divisions based out of Nagoya and Osaka respectively, who were amongst the first soldiers called up by the Loyalists and came under the leadership of General-Prince Higashikuni Naruhiko, head of the Fushimi-no-miya cadet branch of the imperial dynasty and uncle-in-law to the deceased former Crown Prince Hirohito. Under General Higashikuni, these two divisions found themselves thrown into some of the fiercest fighting yet of the nascent Civil War at the Battle of Shizouka, in which they were able to form a defensive barrier along the banks of the Abe River, holding off repeated Red Guard assaults before Government-aligned Battleships arrived off the coast and initiated a prolonged and intense bombardment which forced the defenders into retreat. However, they were to get a final blow in with the sabotage of the Surugao and Shizouka bridges which delayed the Government advance by another day. A week later, General Tadamichi Kuribayashi - now a Genka favorite, would lead an aggressive counter-attack wielding the 6th Division outside Hamamatsu to turn the northern wing of the Red Guard vanguard, pinning them against the sea and securing the surrender of some 4,000 men on a promise of lenient treatment - a promise broken two days later when Emperor Genka ordered their mass execution (3). By late-April, the chaos had begun to settle itself and the conflict was taking on an ever larger scale. In the Sea of Japan, Government and Loyalist destroyers and torpedo boats clashed in a series of actions which allowed the Loyalists to abuse the comparatively short distance from the sites of these clashes to their ports in order to pick and choose their battles - the Government naval units having come out of Sasebo while the Loyalists could use Maizuru as their port of call. For a time, the Loyalists were able to break a hole in the nascent interdict - allowing for the shipping of several regiments of crack troops from the Relief Force being prepared out of Pohang in Chosun, although this cross-shipment route was to largely dry up by the end of May as more significant Government naval resources were put into securing the interdict. A final effort to break through the interdict on the 5th of June 1936 would result in the Battle of Dogojima between the two Battleships Fuso and Yamashiro, four heavy cruisers and an assortment of smaller naval units possessed by the Loyalists under Marshal-Admiral Prince Fushimi Hiroyasu, and a Special Fleet Detachment commanded by Admiral Inoue Shigeyoshi, a protégé of Admiral Yamamoto Isoroku and an ardent supporter of naval air power. As a result, Inoue's force consisted of the twin Battlecruisers Akagi and Amagi, the Battleship Nagato, the light carriers Hosho and Ryujo as well as an assortment of lesser naval units. The clash, which saw one of the first deployments of naval aircraft for battle in the world, saw the large compliments of naval aircraft and exceedingly well-trained air-crews of the Government fleet effectively allowed to take pot-shots at the Loyalist force without their prey having any way of fighting back for the first hours of the battle, before the two forces closed. As a result, aircraft from Hosho were able to sink one heavy cruiser and a couple destroyers while blowing a hole in the upper deck of the Yamashiro, ruining one of its turrets and causing significant casualties. Opposed by a small squadron of ground-based Loyalist fighters, the defending air forces would prove completely insufficient for the job. Thus, by the time the two forces closed, the battle was already swinging in Government favor. Beginning with a long-range torpedo attack by the screening forces on either side, the two sides saw a couple Government destroyers go down in exchange for another heavy cruiser crippled when a gap in the Loyalist screen allowed two torpedoes to hit the main fleet and another destroyer. With the Akagi and Amagi at its head, two Government Battlelines formed and set about bombarding the Fuso and Yamashiro, which struggled to make a fight of it. Several barrages hit home, with an unlucky hit high in the Amagi sending it listing while the already weakened Yamashiro was hammered to pieces even before the Nagato could catch up to the fight - whereupon it put into action its massive guns, smashing apart the Fuso's deck and top-structures, gravely wounding Marshal-Admiral Fushimi who was aboard the Fuso. Splintering apart under the preponderance of Government force, the remnants of the Loyalist Navy began a scattered retreat while the Government went about recovering following the battle, capturing the gravely damaged Fuso and Yamashiro, the latter of which would be judged unseaworthy and allowed to sink, while the Marshal-Admiral was taken into Government custody as a prisoner-of-war. While the damage to the Amagi had been limited, the list created by the blows it had received was to highlight the dangerously top-heavy construction of the Japanese ships when it began to capsize as the Loyalist fleet sailed for home in Sasebo, ultimately requiring significant rescue efforts to bring it back into port for repairs and reconstruction. While the Battle of Dogojima drew some attention from naval observers, the lack of clarity about what had actually happened - a result of heavy Loyalist censoring and Government reports so excessive in their praise of the Navy that they left even their supporters questioning the reliability of the reports - meant that few lessons were drawn from the affair internationally. The same could not be said for the Japanese Navy itself, which learned several important lessons from the encounter which were to significantly strengthen their naval capabilities and help their naval aviation ascend to world-class. While the initial injection of reinforcements helped swing the frontlines, which had shifted further in Government favor over the course of April, back from the approaches to Nagoya, the start of offensive Government actions using forces recruited out of Kyushu and the ever swelling and professionalizing Red Guard forces coming out of the north made clear that it was only a question of time before the war swung in the Government's favor on the Home Islands (4).

The ascension of Machida Chuji ensured that the Government would be constantly divided, at war with itself. The exclusion of Nippon Kyosanto and their associated organizations and supporters in particular from official government positions was to prove a grave issue, as it spurred on parallel organizational developments elsewhere - whereby the Red Guard, and by association the entirety of the emergent Government Army forces, fell under the control of powers outside official government structures. While the Army Ministry and what little of the Imperial Army Staff had not fled with the Loyalists had officially been united with their Navy counterparts, with Admiral Okada Keisuke in particular meant to take the lead on the land-bound side of the conflict, in effect these bodies had been replaced by the Kyosanto and Kokutai dominated People's Council on Military Affairs - the Jinmin Gunjikaigi, an ad-hoc non-governmental organization set up to initially manage Red Guard deployments but which had swiftly come to function as an effective Military Staff directing the Government war effort. In an impressive display of political finesse, Nishida Mitsugi and Kita Ikki were able to recruit several high-ranking outstanding military commanders who had been sidelined in the military's constant factional strife in the pre-Civil War years. Most prominent of these was General Yamashita Tomoyuki who, as Commander of the 3rd Imperial Guard Division, brought with him some of the finest soldiers in the entire Japanese Army. Yamashita was joined by a trio of schoolmates from the 21st Class of the Imperial Japanese Army Academy in the form of Generals Ishiwara Kanji, Yasue Norihiro and Higushi Kiichiro and the air commander Lieutenant General Saburo Endo who, together with Hashimoto Kingoro and the aforementioned military figures, made up the military side of the council. They were joined by Kita Ikki, Fukumoto Kazou and Yamakawa Hitoshi as civilian representatives, making for a central council of ten. Unbeknownst to all but the members of council was the fact that Prince Takahito, increasingly assertive and dedicated to playing a role in the reshaping of Japan, served as an observer at almost every meeting of the body, rarely commenting but giving his tacit support for their revolutionary endeavors. With the Jinmin Gunjikaigi increasingly in control of the main war effort, the official government leadership were forced to work towards limiting and weakening this influence, resulting in the mass recruitment of men to serve putatively as Naval Ground Forces - a similar designation to that of Marines in some western navies, which in effect came to function as army units under Navy control. Recruited primarily through conscription, these marine units suffered from low morale and extremely mixed quality of command, leaving them to crumble when faced with the concentrated fury of the Loyalists on the front lines, but allowing them to function as decent garrison troops - which in turn granted the Navy claim to ever greater control of the land occupied by their NGF divisions. The political debates which engulfed the reestablished Imperial Diet was to prove a key feature of the critical months of May, June and July as the mainstream governments sought to suppress Kyosanto voices while at the same time seeking to develop a firm platform outlining what sort of state would emerge on the other side of the Civil War. All parties could come to a general agreement about the fact that Emperor Genka had proven himself completely and utterly unsuited to the role of Emperor in a liberal, constitutional and democratic Japan - as the Minseito and Seiyukai leadership imagined themselves heading up. There was some debate over whether to simply push for his deposal in favor of either of his younger brothers, but the vast majority of both Seiyukai and Minseito voices soon found themselves occupied by the idea of creating a true Japanese Republic in modern style, ditching the outdated and outmoded ruling style of the past. This idea was bitterly contested by the relatively few remaining conservatives in the Diet, as well as by the Kyosanto representatives who viewed this as simply an attempt to further monopolize power in the hands of establishment parties. It is worth noting at this point the significant economic dislocation which the Japanese Civil War brought with it, tearing apart the home islands in a display of violence not seen since the Sengoku Jidai, dwarfing even the Boshin War and the sundry military clashes during either the restoration or the Tokugawa Shogunate. It displaced men, women and children of all social classes and standings, although as always the rich were more often than not able to make it out more intact. Particularly the first few months of the conflict, in which the sea lanes were left open by the lack of naval interdiction, allowed for the emigration of many of the Japanese elite in the Chubu region, who more often than not uprooted themselves from the Home Islands and took sail for Chosun where they and their wealth were welcomed with open arms. During this time a limited but significant amount of industrial machinery was relocated from the home islands to Chosun, with particularly Nagoya seeing many of its factories shifted across the sea to Chosun with extraordinary haste, although Osaka, Nagahama, Kobe, Fukui and Kyoto were also impacted by this massive shift of industrial infrastructure and population movement - an occurrence given further impetus by near-constant labor unrest in Loyalist territories. Even Tokyo, which had seen its business class become the target of bloody assaults by the Loyalist coup-makers, saw a significant - if smaller - exodus of the rich and wealthy, fearful of what the presence of Kyosanto in government ranks meant for their continued prosperity. This fear became ever more understandable as Kyosanto propaganda became more widespread, with leaflets, speakers and recruiters turning the north of the country into a seething cauldron of pro-Kyosanto agitation and a key recruiting ground. However, by the end of July, as the interdict strengthened precipitously after the Battle of Dogojima, Loyalist reinforcements began to run low and the professionalization of the Government military forces reached a new high, this population shift gradually came to a close as avenues of escape disappeared one by one - the Loyalists finding themselves increasingly reliant on daring and dangerous aerial convoys to maintain contact with the mainland after their loss of the sea routes (5).

The Battle of Dogojima, and the associated closing of Loyalist supply lines was to introduce an important foreign aspect to the conflict as the increasingly pressured Loyalists sought out foreign aid in hopes of reclaiming control of the seas long enough for them to bring the massive army being prepared in Chosun to the Home Islands. A particular focus of these diplomatic efforts were to center on the British, with Ambassador Robert Henry Clive emerging as a key figure in these negotiations. At the time, these diplomatic efforts were to largely flounder in the face of the open British interest in cooperating with the Japanese Government side of the Civil War, viewing them as far more compatible with British values due to their naval, liberal and democratic outlook. Negotiations ultimately stalled out as there was little the Loyalists could offer to attract British aid. By mid-June, with the Government's forces stalling out in the face of intense defensive efforts south of Nagoya, the search for a solution on the part of the Government took over debate and discussion in Government ranks. Some resources would be set aside for the western front, centering on Kyushu and Chugoku - effectively western Honshu, where massed Marine conscript forces led the effort in putting pressure on the Loyalist rear. This saw the Prefectures of Hiroshima and Shimane swiftly turning into a chaotic melee between two ill-prepared forces with the Loyalists reserving the vast majority of their forces for the clashes around Nagoya. However, the spread of rumors that the British were considering intervention in the conflict brought to a fore the bitter and long-lasting Siege of Busan in Chosun within the Government High Command. As the sole remaining redoubt of Government forces in Chosun, fighting under the command of Generals Muto Nobuyoshi and Koiso Kuniaki, the city and its surrounding area had become the destination for all Government supporters in Chosun, and the approaches to the city had been heavily fortified over successive rounds of fighting. The first few clashes had already occurred by mid-April, when the initial Loyalist advance under General Ueda Kenkichi had been fought to a halt south of Pohang-dong along a line from Masan to Miryang west of Busan proper. Relatively shortly after these initial successes, in early May, the Japanese Navy was able to provide assistance, landing several large naval guns and a massive amounts of resources to strengthen the hard-fought frontline. This allowed the Government forces to repel several subsequent assaults - turning back a second attack on Miryang by fortifying the small island of Sammun-Dong in a tributary of the Nakdong River and using the mountainous heights north of Busan itself for artillery spotting to break three individual thrusts from the west over the following month. However, as May turned to June and the interdict strengthened, the Loyalist leadership finally began to focus their resources on finally crushing this last thorn in their side. Massive amounts of artillery and manpower were amassed along the defensive perimeter as a slow and grueling campaign of bloody trench warfare came under way. Naval artillery barrages made up some of the disparity which resulted from the renewed Loyalist assault, but step by step the defenders were pushed back, with Taegu and Kyongju falling by the second week of June while successive attacks on Miryang and Sammun-Dong eventually saw the entire village and fort blasted off the face of the earth. Bloody Loyalist advances out of Masan eventually saw the front placed upon the western branch of the Naktong River, bare miles from Busan itself, while to the north the forested hillsides were turned into a bloody cauldron, with ground shifting ownership a dozen times over before the village of Pyongyong was overrun and the mountain of Geumjeong, from which Government artillery spotting was conducted, was exposed to attacks on its flanks, eventually forcing another Government withdrawal. With the situation ever more dire in Busan, and the Navy staff in search of a way of breaking the status quo on the Home Islands, the decision was made for an amphibious landing in Chosun to relieve pressure upon Busan. After considerable debate it was eventually determined that the landing would occur at the port town of Pohang, north-east of Busan and behind Loyalist lines. Planned by the staff under Admiral Sakonji Seizo and commanded by NGF Commander Seisuke Shimomoura, the Pohang Amphibious Campaign was to prove amongst the most ambitious interventions in ground combat conducted by the Navy during the Japanese Civil War. Starting on the 11th of July 1936 with a massive naval bombardment up and down the coast between Pohang and Busan, the following late evening would see naval landings around and within the town, which swiftly fell to the sudden assault. With a bridgehead secured, Commander Seisuke rushed to land his men even as the Loyalist defenders began to shift northward to meet this sudden new vector of conflict. Over the following days, the NGF forces were able to press down through the Pohang valley, recapturing Kyongju and forcing the Loyalist forces attacking Busan from the north to shift westward into hill country to prevent having their supply lines cut from the north, before General Nagata - reacting to reports of the Pohang Landing, began to shift forces to counter this new assault. By the 19th these troop transfers were well under way and the advancing NGF soldiers gradually found themselves fought to a halt, having failed to link up with the Busan defenders in their southward drive towards the Busan Perimeter. Commanded by Tashiro Kanichiro, the Loyalist reinforcements were to prove dogged and persistent even though they were manned by Korean conscripts, initially trained to hold the frontiers while the Home Islands Relief Force reclaimed the Home Isles, soon beginning to press back the relatively inexperienced NGF soldiers. Major actions south of Yongdok, on the northern approaches to Pohang itself, were to consume much of the NGF's efforts and eventually saw the bridgehead itself placed under incredible pressure. As it became clear that they were going to lose their bridgehead, evacuations began while southward thrusts aimed at linking up with the Busan Garrison were undertaken. With ever more Loyalist troops piling in from the north and west, the pressure grew unbearable and a bloody gauntlet gradually began to emerge south from Kyongju. Finally, the defenses around Pohang crumbled and the only avenue of escape became Busan, resulting in an increasingly panicked southward push, even as Loyalist artillery, now sighted from Geumjeongsan, blasted apart any efforts at organization. Hunted through the narrowing valley past Pyongyong, the losses turned catastrophic, finally seeing some 3,000 of the original 20,000 man NGF force limp to safety past the Busan defensive perimeter on the 3rd of August. With the Pohang Landing crushed, the Loyalists turned their full attentions back to the reduction of Busan, where morale was at an all time low and the decision was finally made to evacuate. The Siege now turned into a race against time as Japanese civilians were shipped out of the city and what resources could be moved out were. Troops were gradually pulled from the line as the front constricted, with the garrison forces shrinking from a high of 80,000 to barely 20,000 by mid-August. It was at this point that the situation began its final collapse as the Korean civilian populace, realizing that they were to be abandoned to the rapine of the Loyalists, began to riot hoping to spare themselves a sack when the Loyalists took the city. As anarchy descended, the Loyalists launched their final assault, overrunning the disorganized and threadbare defenders as the city collapsed into bloody chaos. The following capture of Busan was to prove a bloody horror as hysterical Korean civilians tore apart fleeing Government defenders, only to see the advancing Loyalists turn their guns against them in turn. It would take two days to restore order, during which time 18,000 of the 20,000 defenders died, the remnants either falling into Loyalist hands or fleeing aboard what ships remained in Busan's port, while a full 30,000 civilians were killed in the chaos (6).

The Fall of Busan and the decisive shift in favor of the Loyalists in Chosun was to be mirrored by the equally decisive Battle of Nagoya on the Home Isles. Nagoya had seen the first clashes in its environs already in mid-April, but it would take until the middle of May before the Battle of Nagoya really came under way. Dominated by bloody-handed urban warfare equal to some of the fiercest fighting of the Great War, the stalemate which had developed over the course of June between the Yahagi and Sakai Rivers in southern Nagoya proved an endless gristmill for either side as they threw men at each other in endless assaults and retreats which often left companies cut off and butchered to the last man. A particular focus of the fighting would be the port of Takahama, situated at the mouth of the Sakai River, where the flat expanse soon turned into a deadly no-man's ground where machineguns regularly raked back and forth across the waters, wharfs and piers. Ultimately it would prove to be the decision of the Jimin Gunjikaigi to refocus Red Guard efforts in the mountainous Nagano Prefecture which allowed for the breaking of this stalemate. Fighting through the Kiso Mountains, the Government forces were eventually able to break though and capture Iida and Nakatsugawa, introducing a second front to the Battle of Nagoya on its eastern flank. Pincered between these two sides, General Hayashi Senjuro, who had taken personal command of the battle, found his men increasingly pressed into a bloody salient to the east of Nagoya proper from Seto and Nagakute to Toyota in the south. With pressure redoubled and reinforcements sluggish to arrive in response to continued advances in the west out of Kure and Hiroshima, the Loyalist positions finally began to crumble over the course of August, collapsing completely on the 22nd of August 1936 when the organized Loyalist withdrawal collapsed into a rout. The pursuit was rapid, and it was only through the dispatch of the last major reserves held by the Loyalists that the Government was brought to a halt south of Mount Ibuki, on the approach to Lake Biwa. With the situation in the Home Isles collapsing both in east and west, the Loyalists made the drastic decision to abandon their position - Emperor Genka and his family taking flight out of the recently constructed Itami Airport for Chosun, soon to be followed by much of the court and higher staff. Dinghies and what few submarines were available at Maizuru Naval Base were further used to ship out the imperial relics and what portable wealth could be moved from Kyoto and Osaka. Finally, on the 8th of September, the last Loyalist resistance on the Home Isles came to an end with the capture of Maizuru, Kyoto having fallen a week prior and Osaka two days before that (7).

While victory in the Home Isles was met with widespread celebration in Government-controlled lands, the flight of much of the imperial family into exile along with many of the imperial treasures was to prove a decisive turning point in Japanese history. Rumblings in favor of establishing a republic had already been growing with astonishing pace amongst the Minseito and Seiyukai elite, with more limited backing from the Navy leadership - although the rank and file remained reluctant to abandon their ancient, storied and semi-divine ruling house in favor of what was widely seen as an attempted power-grab by westernized elites. As such, a motion was set forth by the Imperial Diet on the 2nd of October 1936 which would see the abolition of the Imperial Monarchy and the calling of a constitutional convention to establish the framework for a Presidential Republic to replace it. Now, while opposition to Emperor Genka had been widespread and the prestige of the Imperial House as a whole had been damaged significantly, the very idea of abandoning the monarchy broke against everything most of the population had been told throughout their lives. Public protests spread widely in response to the motion and agitation grew evermore widespread, with Nippon Kyosanto at its heart. The defining conflict within Nippon Kyosanto of the 1920s had been over the issue of the monarchy and under the guidance of Yamakawa Hitoshi and Kita Ikki the Communist movement had remained fervently monarchist even as they went to war with the Loyalists. The prospect of abandoning what Kita referred to as the Kokutai - the system of government and sovereignty which embodied the Japanese Spirit and the basis upon which Japan was to be reformed - in favor of a structure based upon Western principles deeply offended many in the Kyosanto leadership and swiftly saw them turn wholly against the government. Rallying support from the public in opposition to the motion and presenting Takahito as the rightful replacement to Emperor Genka, Kyosanto was able to secure support from a surprisingly diverse coalition all united in support of the Imperial Monarchy. As tensions grew and the prospect of open conflict over the issue seemed on the verge of breaking out, a series of events began to play out which were to overturn the situation entirely. Kita Ikki, utterly disgusted with Kyosanto's putative allies on the right, had set in motion a series of plans which were to ultimately result in a coup attempt. Having already developed close ties with Admiral Takarabe Takeshi, who commanded naval forces in Yokohama, Kita had initiated contact with Admiral Yamamoto Isoroku who expressed his willingness to back the forceful protection of the monarchy, even at the cost of overturning what he viewed as an out-of-control Diet. With the support of these two prominent figures in the Navy, and with control of the Red Guard forces which had spent the past month returning to their homes in northern Japan, it did not take long before Kita was able to muster up sufficient forces to overturn the situation. Handing the matter over to Red Guard Commander Hashimoto Kingoro, the plan which emerged was in many ways a simpler version of that prepared for the March Coup. With the ongoing public unrest, which Kita Ikki and Kyosanto would further enflame, Hashimoto would force the government to proclaim martial law which would in turn allow for the dispatch of NGF and Red Guard forces directed by Hashimoto and Takarabe, who would then overthrow the government and form a new cabinet to reform government according to Communist principles while enthroning Prince Takahito as Emperor to direct these affairs. The first phase of the plan, which saw massive riots break out across much of central Tokyo in protest at the Republican Motion starting on the 16th of October, went off without any problem and eventually forced Prime Minister Machida to issue martial law three days later. However, knowing that Kyosanto was at least partially behind the chaos, he forbid the use of Red Guard forces to quell the unrest, instead handing the matter over entirely to the trusted Navy. As a result a lot more NGF soldiers swarmed into the city than originally planned on the 20th, around a third of them outside the command of either Takarabe or Yamamoto, with the result that when the coup makers set in motion their plan, they swiftly found themselves forced into an open firefight with opposing NGF forces - who were caught by surprise at this sudden betrayal. Red Guards, who had been mustered outside the city and in poorer districts of the city, streamed into the city to join the fighting as well, soon overwhelming the grossly outnumbered government NGFs. However, the fighting which resulted not only saw a large section of downtown Tokyo turned into a war zone, it left plenty of prominent politicians dead or on the run. Prime Minister Machida himself would be taken into custody and eventually shot as a traitor to the revolution, but Inukai Tsuyoshi was able to make his escape alongside a group of 15 prominent Seiyukai politicians, eventually making their way to Chosun where they were welcomed with hesitance. A bloody purge began against many of the most prominent anti-Kyosanto politicians and Navy figures, with hundreds spirited away for execution when they weren't simply murdered outright by their attackers. A week of Red Terror engulfed the entirety of Tokyo as Tokkeitai - Navy Secret Police, commanded by Commander Daigo Tadashige, and Red Guards set about purging Japan of Loyalist and anti-Kyosanto Government figures - the effort soon expanding to cover the rest of the country. Many were imprisoned and tortured, some executed, and many more deprived of their wealth as mass proscriptions were undertaken. In the meanwhile the Jimin Gunjikaigi, with added membership from primarily the Navy, Adachi Kenzo and a handful of others, took up effective leadership of Japan until a more permanent structure could be organized (8).

Footnotes:
(1) The Loyalists succeed in taking control of almost the entirety of Japan's mainland possessions, but do so under the leadership of Toseiha commanders, most prominently Nagata Tetsuzan. IOTL Nagata was eventually assassinated in the Aizawa Incident by a Kodoha supporter, but prior to that he was one of the foremost Toseiha leaders. Ueda Kenichi was known IOTL as one of the foremost supporters of the Northern Strategy, calling for the military focus to be upon war with the Soviet Union - and was a well-known fanatic anti-communist, which makes him a pretty natural figure to jump ship for the Loyalists when it becomes clear the Government is cooperating with the Communists. Notably, he was part of the Toseiha faction, not the Kodoha faction. I should probably note here that while the entirety of the Kodoha Faction ITTL (which includes most of their OTL members) are in the Loyalist camp the Toseiha faction is more split around 70/30 in favor of the Loyalists with the Kokutai completely behind the Government. What I am trying to portray with this constant barrage of names, factions and inter-personal conflicts is that the Military, which IOTL was noted for its factional divides, are bitterly divided with numerous cliques, factions and societies which intersect between each other, and this fact is a major hinderance for both sides of the conflict. Heijo and Keijo are Pyongyang and Seoul respectively by their names at the time.

(2) The Navy is able to secure some areas quite well, turning their naval arsenals into massive fortresses, but their failure to ensure control of the Maizuru Naval Arsenal proves one of the great failures of the Navy. With Maizuru under control, the Loyalists are able to exert quite a bit of pressure on Government interdiction efforts out of Kure and Sasebo (near Nagasaki on Kyushu). However, it is worth noting that it is between 80-90% of the Navy which is backing the Government, leaving significant disparities in what resources are available to the Loyalists.

(3) It is worth noting that while both sides are strengthening significantly as time goes on, the Loyalists are faced with constant social unrest in the cities under their control. Kyosanto drew a lot of its urban support from the industrial cities of Chubu and with the region becoming a stronghold for the Loyalists, these supporters turn to sabotage, work stoppages and strikes to make themselves felt. Nevertheless, the Loyalists have the benefit of being able to draw on a lot more of the professional army, calling up divisions and regiments from across central and southern Honshu, but struggle to recruit reinforcements for those men. By contrast, the Red Guard - who form the vast majority of the Government's forces, are constantly strengthening as more volunteers stream to the banner but have a significant lack of upper-level military leadership experience and professionalization. At the moment the fighting is dominated by the Government throwing their weight of numbers at the Loyalists and chipping away at their numbers, overrunning them by a quantitative difference in manpower while paying for it dearly in blood.

(4) Naval affairs are not something I am well versed in, so I hope this makes sense to people. Effectively, the Battle of Dogojima consists of the Government naval forces exploiting their advantage in naval aviation to weaken the Loyalist navy before they close for a proper big gun clash. Oh, the Akagi and Amagi were not refitted as carriers as IOTL, but remained under construction as Battlecruisers due to the lack of a Washington Treaty ITTL. As a result the Amagi was not totaled in the Kanto Earthquake - having already finished construction, allowing it to remain a valid vessel and ensuring the survival of the twin ship duo. All of this naval skirmishing and the actual clash prove invaluable to the Japanese Navy, allowing them to acquire a superior level of experience with post-Great War naval technology to anything possessed by the world's navies. Granted, a single battle isn't going to be world-changing, but it does allow them to smooth out a lot of the kinks in the process and to develop a moderate level of veterancy.

(5) This section is meant to help highlight the fact that despite their every effort, the Naval leadership and Machida's faction are unable to keep Kyosanto and their backers down. The government is debating how to deal with the fact that their emperor wants to kill them all, and while popular support for the Imperial House remains strong, amongst the political and business elite support is far lower, with many advocating for a republic. The fact that Takahito is sitting in on meetings of the Jimin Gujikaigi, which has basically come to serve as the executive body of the land-bound war effort, is an important development which helps to signify that he is completely in the Kyosanto/Kokutai camp by this point in time and is being treated as a major figure within the party - although public knowledge of this fact remains non-existent, it is in fact the greatest secret of Nippon Kyosanto. It is also worth noting that while the vast majority of the army figures on the side of the Government are relatively low-ranking, they have been able to recruit a few major figures who had been sidelined in the political infighting of the Toseiha and Kodoha factions - in fact, Ishiwara is a former leading member of the Toseiha faction while Yamashita is an ex-Kodoha factional leader. Ishiwara was sidelined by Nagata and Tojo while Yamashita was placed on administrative leave after losing a factional struggle with Araki Sadao. Notably, both of these prominent military figures were amongst those most open to Kita's message in the first place, and as such find refuge with the Kokutai after the coup plays out.

(6) The Siege of Busan, along with the ongoing Battle of Nagoya, are decisive battles which determine the course of the war. The failure of the Pohang Landing and subsequent collapse at Busan result in a massive blow to the Navy's prestige and mean that Chosun is lost to the Government for the time being. It is worth noting that both Koiso Kuniaki and Muto Nobuyoshi are amongst those evacuated before the Fall of Busan. The Loyalists are not really acknowledged by most international parties as the legitimate government - the Fengtian Government have accepted an ambassador, but beyond that they are largely without international backing.

Here is a map to illustrate where the various places are in the Siege of Busan. I am using the Battle of Pusan Perimeter to get an idea of the area being contested.

Pusan_Perimeter.jpg

(7) With that the Government emerges victorious in the Home Isles, bringing to a close the relatively short but horrifically bloody ground war. Most of the Loyalist leadership end up making their escape, but they arrive in Chosun with a lot of egg on their faces. The loss of the Home Isles is an immense blow to Loyalist morale and severely discredits the Kodoha faction which has largely held dominance of military affairs in the Home Isles for the duration of the Civil War. Additionally, victory on the Home Isles means that everything that has been set aside in the name of expedience by the Government suddenly comes roaring back into focus requiring decisive action by a state fundamentally divided between the Minseito-Seiyukai alliance and Kyosanto.

(8) And there we have it! A New Day Dawns Upon Red Japan! :D There is still a ton to work out, but with the October Coup - later to be known as the October Revolution, Nippon Kyosanto and their associated organizations and powers rise to rule the Home Isles (at least so long as they can quash Government faction resistance). While there is resistance to these initiatives, by this point Kyosanto controls the vast majority of Government ground forces while with the addition of Admirals Takarabe Takeshi and Yamamoto Isoroku they are able to secure effective control of most of Navy resources, particularly those readily available near Tokyo itself. The bloody purge which follows is pretty standard fare, not unlike what we saw in other revolutionary contexts, but it proves relatively short-lived in its first iteration. The actual structure of how the coup plays out is based mostly on Hashimoto's plans for the March Incident of OTL - it seemed like the plan would fit the situation best, whereas the March Coup ITTL is based more on the February 26 Incident.

End Note:

We will be closing out the JCW chapter on Sunday, but I felt that this would be a good point to leave off for now. I cannot stress how much work went into getting everything in order for this series of events, from figuring out the complex factional politics, to the course of the war and the involvement of foreign powers (more on that on Sunday) and everything else. I hope this lives up to people's expectations and that it is as exciting to read as it was to work on. I spent weeks on this section, researching every little development in detail to work out how this conflict would play out. I am really looking forward to introducing Red Japan to you all, it was a lot of fun to explore and work on - and I think that my version is going to be rather unique.

And with that, I wish you all a Happy New Year! (May it be better than the shitshow that was 2020.)
 
So now we have essentially a national-bolshevist Japan. That’s certainly novel; as is the fact that the liberals are in favor of a republic while the communists want to retain the monarchy. That’s gonna raise some eyebrows internationally, lol. I wonder if there’s going to be tension between Red Japan and Russia due to ideological differences.

I noticed that Taiwan wasn’t mentioned, nor were Japan’s other possessions, so I assume that’s gonna be addressed next time. If I understand correctly, Red Japan is in possession of the majority of Japan’s naval forces?
 
Is japan fucked ?
Will we never see the rising flag on top of Manila?
Will we never hear "Tennoheika Banzai" in the forests of Papua?

We will see... While this has been a dramatic and damaging conflict, it is still far from the OTL post-WW2 devastation. There will be a lot of rebuilding to be done for whoever wins out and the international dimensions of these events are only just starting to make themselves felt.

So now we have essentially a national-bolshevist Japan. That’s certainly novel; as is the fact that the liberals are in favor of a republic while the communists want to retain the monarchy. That’s gonna raise some eyebrows internationally, lol. I wonder if there’s going to be tension between Red Japan and Russia due to ideological differences.

I noticed that Taiwan wasn’t mentioned, nor were Japan’s other possessions, so I assume that’s gonna be addressed next time. If I understand correctly, Red Japan is in possession of the majority of Japan’s naval forces?

You don’t know half of what is to come. Things are going to get weird and hopefully deeply interesting.

There is a full extra section coming to close it out. I have gone into detail with what the new Communist state hopes to look like and how this changes things in Chosun as well. The wider Japanese imperial domains will be addressed next time, as will the international response and the next phase of the Civil War.

Gonna leave off there, watching the Danish Queen’s New Year’s Speech, been a tradition with my family since birth basically. Happy New Years everyone!
 
Update Thirty-Six (Pt. 2): Calamity Entailed
Calamity Entailed

1087px-GF_in_Indian_Ocean%2C_1942.jpg

Imperial People's Navy of Japan

The Churning Tides​

The October Revolution marked the rise of Prince Takahito to political prominence and the complete reshuffling of state affairs in the formerly Government-ruled Japan. An avowed, if secret, Communist, Prince Takahito had played a key role in the legitimization of the Kokutai Genriha and its spread throughout the Army Academy in the years he studied at the institution, swiftly proving himself a talented ideologue with a compassionate heart and an uncommon dedication to ensuring the betterment of Japan. He was well known for his conscientious personality, scholarly personality - always seeking to learn and understand the world around him, humaneness - having been deeply marked by stories of inequality and inequity presented by his fellow cadets of commoner standing, and his whole-hearted dedication to the betterment of the Japanese people. Having agonized greatly over betraying his brother's dangerous plans for a coup, Takahito's subsequent appointment as Regent in Emperor Genka's name had been viewed by the young prince as an unjust reward for the betrayal of his family. Nevertheless, he and the rest of the imperial house under Government control had largely been marginalized by the Machida's government push for the establishment of a Republic. Nevertheless, Takahito and his wife Princess Tokugawa Kikuko spent the months between the March Coup and October Revolution touring the warfront, caring for the wounded and displaced, swiftly engendering a considerable degree of popularity with the common man - wherefrom he would emerge with the nickname of "The People's Prince". While a propaganda effort pursued by the Kyosanto leadership in their hopes of placing the young man on the throne some time in the future, there was no way of dismissing Takahito's great care for the people of Japan, his constant insistence on the humane treatment of prisoners and insistence upon the care that had to be taken of the common man when military affairs were discussed. Having sat in on meetings of the Jimin Gunjikaigi, Takahito was amongst the most knowledgeable figures about the course of the war despite Machida's efforts to limit any spread of information to the Imperial Family, which he viewed as politically unreliable - a not unreasonable view considering that both Takahito's political affiliations and role in betraying the March Coup were not known to the Prime Minister. As such, with the overthrow of the Machida Administration and resultant purge which saw the Imperial Diet largely dispersed, Takahito remained as the sole legitimate source of authority in Government Japan and in a position to fundamentally reshape the consensus established with the Meiji Constitution. With the advice of Kita Ikki and Yamakawa Hitoshi, Takahito eventually settled on the temporary elevation of the Jimin Gunjikaigi while a more permanent solution was determined. The result of these deliberations, taking place over the course of some ten days in late October and early November, was the establishment of what Takahito called the People's Shogunate, the Jimin Bakufu, which was to replace the Jimin Gunjikaigi and serve as both the civilian and military government of Japan under his rule. While borrowing heavily from the militarist rhetoric of Trotskyite Communism, mixed with the uniquely Japanese institution of the Shogunate - whereby the state was administered by military force, and combining it with Kita Ikki's ideological structures focused on Pan-Asianism, Socialism and intense Japanese Nationalism - the resultant reforms saw the formation of a dictatorial council which was to rule and govern Japan. Officially headed by Takahito as stand-in for the Emperor, the People's Shogunate was unique to Shogunates in Japanese history in that it lacked a single leading figure, instead relying upon a conciliar model surprisingly similar to the Central Committee of the Soviet Republic of Russia. Structured in consecutive layers, the Grand Council of the Shogunate - translated as Shogun Dai Hyogikai, was formed by the Emperor, or in this case Regent, and eight Shogun, two each representing the Military and Navy with the last four Civilian. The first of these Shogun would prove to be Kita Ikki, Fukumoto Kazou, Yamakawa Hitoshi and Adachi Kenzo representing the Civilian seats, Nishida Mitsugi and Yamashita Tomoyuki for the Military seats and Yamamoto Isoroku and Takarabe Takeshi for the Navy seats. Below the Shogun Council were three councils: the Army Council - Rikugun Hyogikai, the Navy Council - Kaigun Hyogikai and the People's Councils - the Jimin Gikai which was in turn split into two subsidiary councils - the Rodosha Hyogikai and Nimin Hyogikai, meaning the Workers' and Peasants' Councils respectively. These three bodies were elected to serve as counter-balance to their respective Shoguns and were partly selected and partly elected. Nippon Kyosanto was to select a third each of the members for the two People's Councils, with Adachi Kenzo's Minseito selecting one sixth of the seats in the Workers' Council while the remaining seats in each council were put up for election from rural and urban electorates respectively for a total of 320 seats split equally between the two councils. The Army Council was split with half its seats elected from the general soldiery of the Red Guard, soon to be renamed as the Imperial People's Army, while the latter half was split between seats granted on the basis of command and appointment by the Military Shoguns - with a similar division for the Navy Council. These four councils were to elect the Shoguns to five-year terms of office and aid in the legislation of their individual spheres. A fifth, and final, council called the Bugyo Hyogikai - translating as Magistrates' Council, served as representative of what soon proved an extensive government bureaucracy answering directly to the Shogun Council and the organizational structure along which governmental appointments would flow - with Bugyo taking the place of ministries and governmental institutions in the People's Shogunate. With these structures now in place, the focus now turned to the legitimization of their cause, resulting in the officious deposal of Emperor Genka and ascension of Prince Takahito as Emperor - who would take up the Era Name of Koji 広至, translating roughly as Great Arrival, signaling the ambitious sentiment of the new Emperor and his advisors for the next chapter of Japanese history, although it would be as "The People's Emperor" that he would be fondly remembered by the peoples of Japan (9).

While the October Revolution was incredibly successful, securing control over the majority of the Home Isles without much challenge and sweeping enemies of the revolution away through the sheer speed and totality of the initial crackdown, there were areas which failed to fall at first. From the start of the Civil war, the clear focus of Nippon Kyosanto and the Jimin Gunjikaigi had been on the northern and central sections of the Home Isles while the south and west had largely been left in the hands of the Navy. While the revolutionaries had been able to secure the aid of important segments of the Navy, they failed to secure the support of Minister Okada Keisuke or Admiral Sakonji Seizo - the former being executed as a traitor to the revolution and the latter imprisoned and questioned harshly after being removed from his post as head of the Navy General Staff, and with them a significant portion of the more conservative Navy leadership was removed from power. The most important of these conservatives to not be swept up initially would prove to be Admiral Nagumo Chuichi, Commander-in-Chief of the Western Front based out of Kyushu, commanding the vast Naval Ground Forces which had been used to challenge Loyalist control of the southern and western reaches of the Home Isles. Notably, he controlled the large naval force based out of Kure which was meant to maintain peace and order in the Inner Sea of Japan. Notably, the capture of the Maizuru Naval Base as the Loyalists fled the isles would prove important to the disposition of forces to the resultant clash, as the majority of the interdicting forces were shifted from the naval base in Sasebo, of which Nagumo held command, to Maizuru under Yamamoto Isoroku's protégé Inoue Shigeyoshi. When word reached Nagumo of the Communist Coup in Tokyo he was swift to publicly denounce the revolutionaries and declared that he would fight to restore the legitimate government to power, rallying the gradually demobilizing NGF soldiery of the south to the cause while preparing for an open clash over control of the Inner Sea. Ultimately this effort was to prove insufficient to the needs of the Government forces, as the newly redubbed Imperial People's Army swept southward out of Central Honshu, crushing all opposition before them. It is notable that this advance included the heavy use of armored vehicles and tanks, many of which had been secured when Osaka fell into the hands of the Revolutionaries - the city having served as key production center for such vehicles both during and prior to the Civil War. Unable to stand against this armored advance given that their own arms were a mishmash of old guns dug out of various arsenals in the south, the NGF gave ground with astonishing speed, rapidly falling back towards Hiroshima where the fortifications built around Kure earlier in the war were hoped to safeguard the Government. It was at this point that the Imperial People's Navy entered the field, sailing into the Inner Sea to contest control of the area. Nagumo was an old-school naval thinker specializing in Battleships and Torpedo-warfare and as such was unprepared for the radical use of naval aviation by the revolutionary fleet commanded by Admiral Yamamoto Isoroku personally and the air fleet under the command of the astonishingly talented but youthful Genda Minoru. Sweeping forward in waves, the naval carrier fighter contingent once again made itself known by gravely wounding what few major ships were available to Nagumo in the Inner Sea before driving the smaller ships, cruisers, destroyers and torpedo boats, which constituted the majority of the Inner Sea Fleet into port at Kure. Landings in Kyushu and Shikoku by IPAJ forces soon swept the poorly trained garrison Naval Ground Forces before them. The Siege of Kure, which lasted through to the middle of December - two months in all, finally came to an end when supplies ran out and news of Kyushu and Shikoku's fall reached Nagumo. Demoralized and now certain of his failure to rescue the Government cause, Nagumo blew his own brains out after ordering his subordinates to surrender, bringing to an end active resistance to the new revolutionary regime in the Home Isles (10). The October Revolution was also to drastically change the calculus of various international actors. With the ascension of a Communist state in Japan, the entire Pacific suddenly seemed under threat from the world revolution, be it the American West Coast, the British Colonies and Dominions, French Indochina or any of a dozen other powers now placed under pressure. The recognition of the new People's Shogunate by the Soviet Republic, the Mexican Republic, the Central American Workers' and Farmers' Republic and the Socialist Republic of Chile in short succession were to further highlight the threat posed by the international Communist and Socialist movements active across the Pacific Seaboard. The first to act were the British, who shifted from their recognition of the Government to support of the Loyalists, viewing them as the rightful successors to government once Inukai Tsuyoshi joined them in Chosun. This was soon followed by similar declarations from Ambassadors Joseph Grew and Fernand Pila of the United States and France respectively. However, the attitudes of these two latter governments were far from as fervent as the British, who rapidly took a leading role in mustering up anti-Communist support. With France mired in the bloody Indochinese Revolt and America still struggling to pull itself out of its Isolationism, these two secondary powers would do little other than pledge their political and diplomatic support to a British response. Thus, it would prove to be the British, long allied with the Japanese, who took the lead in responding to the emergence of a Communist power capable of challenging its Pacific dominions. After some deliberation, largely excluding the Labour-affiliated Australian Government, it was decided that the British Empire would have to lend its aid in restoring order to the Far East or risk allowing Communism to run rampant across the Pacific and East Asia - wherefrom it could easily seep into India with potentially disastrous consequences for the Empire. As such it was not long before Ambassador Robert Henry Clive declared the British Empire's support for the Loyalist cause, formally entering the Japanese Civil War on the 26th of November 1936 (11).

Since the start of the Civil War Chosun had experienced a constant, and ever swelling, wave of refugees from the Japanese Home Isles. Some came out of political conviction or affiliation, more came to save fortunes, but most departed the Home Isles to get away from the bloody unceasing warfare and bloodshed which had left them homeless and penniless. During the first three months of the Civil War, more than half a million Japanese would cross the Straits of Tsushima for Chosun, followed in dribs and drabs by another quarter million in the months prior to the October Revolution - which set in motion the final wave of refugees, numbering another half million or more in total - resulting in a population of nearly three million Japanese in Chosun in total by the end of 1936 not including the soldiers of the Kwangtung and Korean Armies, as contrasted with more than twenty-two million Koreans. The arrival of Emperor Genka and the Loyalist Leadership from the Home Isles was to further result in a series of complicated intrigues which saw General Nagata and the Toseiha Faction emerge in a superior position to that of the failed Kodoha Faction. Having been an avid advocate of securing foreign involvement in the conflict, Nagata was able to convince Emperor Genka to hand over leadership of the war effort to him, resulting in a fundamental shift in power within Loyalist ranks as Nagata assumed a near-dictatorial position in Chosun. With British entry into the war, it swiftly became a matter of determining how this support might make the greatest impact upon the war effort in Loyalist Favor. It is worth noting that a series of important changes in command occurred during this time as the Home Islands Relief Force, commanded by General Shirakawa Yoshinori and containing the bulk of Loyalist forces, saw a major reorganization in which the forces available to it were reduced to barely a tenth of its original size, the remainder being reintegrated into the Chosun-Gun under Nagata's direct command and the post of Governor-General of Chosun finding itself abolished in favor of an ostensibly civilian government under rule of Prime Minister Hiranuma Kiichiro - the longtim Kokumin Domei civilian leader of the more moderate wing of the party, who found common cause with the powerful Nagata. Through this reorganization, Nagata was able to weaken or remove the two most prominent Kodoha appointees in Chosun, sidelining the radical wing of Kokumin Domei which included men like Araki Sadao and Okawa Shumei while shifting the Loyalist government away from its xenophobic stance. What allowed for Nagata's rise to power was Emperor Genka's temporary incapacitation on realizing his failure to secure victory and the sheer scale of his beloved brother Takahito's betrayal. Since the start of the Civil War, Yasuhito had been certain that Takahito was being forced to oppose him by the treacherous Government forces - a belief strengthened by reports of Takahito's lack of influence on government affairs and seeming unwillingness to speak out publicly against the Loyalists. The sudden news that Takahito was not only a leading proponent of the October Revolution, but also a key figure on the Jimin Gujikaigi and a card-carrying member of Nippon Kyosanto came as an absolute body blow to the Emperor who had viewed his youngest sibling as his closest confidante and favorite brother. He suffered a mental collapse, secluding himself in the Gyeongbokgung Palace in Keijo opposite the Japanese General Government Building from which Nagata was to rule while refusing to meet with anyone. As Nagata strengthened his grip on power, Araki Sadao eventually broke this order of seclusion and tried to enter the palace, only to find himself forcibly ejected by the enraged Emperor. It would not be until the start of 1937 that Emperor Genka emerged from his seclusion a changed man. Untrusting and with a harshness now sharpened to an edge, Genka abandoned any and every principal in the name of securing his restoration, even setting aside his wish for greater direct imperial power in favor of supporting General Nagata's plans for the time being - going so far as to acquiesce to leaning on foreign support to restore him to power, a sharp break from the rabid xenophobia he had preached in the pre-Civil War days. Deliberations over the shape of British intervention soon saw ground forces excluded from consideration, with naval support soon coming to dominate considerations - although whether to transfer elements of the Home Fleet to reinforce the pre-existing Dominion Fleet based out of Singapore or to just proceed with the naval resources available in Singapore remained a topic of considerable debate within the British Admiralty. Ultimately, the slow pace of decision-making on the part of the British was to allow the Revolutionary Government based in Tokyo to take the initiative. Led by a series of young and ambitious naval commanders suddenly risen to top positions as a result of the considerable turnover of officers at the top of the Navy, the Imperial People's Navy set about an extensive island hopping campaign aimed at securing control of as much of the Japanese colonial empire as possible. The vast majority of these efforts were to prove peaceful, as small naval forces set about ensuring the continuity of administration in the Pacific domains, although a series of brief clashes on Saipan would mar the otherwise peaceful takeover. The Ryuku Isles would see limited fighting as a few rabid anti-Communist officers in the islands sought to contest naval landings without much success, while the campaign to secure Taiwan saw the civilian Minseito-aligned Governor-General who had declared his support for the Government initially ousted in favor of one of Adachi Kenzo's supporters and a significant strengthening of naval power over the island. Ultimately, the most contested conquest would prove to be the island of Jeju, off the southern coast of Chosun. Here landings by the IPNJ were bloodily contested by Loyalist garrison troops who, despite being cut off from reinforcements and support from Chosun proper, fought to nearly the last man in a greatly remarked upon last stand. Particularly the reclamation of Taiwan was to have a profound impact upon the considerations of the British Admiralty, convincing them that they would not be able to wait much longer before acting or they might well find the entire East China Sea cut off to them. As a result, the Dominion Fleet in Singapore was ordered to set sail for Japanese waters on the 28th of December 1936 (12).

Built in response to decisions taken at the Imperial Council of 1920, the Dominion Fleet was a relatively recent construction which drew heavily on the Australian and New Zealand Dominions as well as the Indian Raj to pay for and man the navy, only a third of the force stemming from the British Isles, and ostensibly set to be under the command of dominion-born naval officers. In fact, it was these concessions to the dominions which had seen the Anglo-Japanese Alliance renewed after the end of the Great War in response to fears in the British Royal Navy that the dominions would prove unable to muster the professionalism and capable leadership inherent to the British Navy proper. To lead this new fleet, the British Admiralty had turned to the talented if controversial and youthful Australian-born Rear Admiral John Saumarez Dumaresq to lead and shape the nascent fleet. An innovator and free-thinker, Dumaresq had proven instrumental in championing naval aviation within the Dominion Fleet, but had struggled to secure the funding he had hoped for to build the new fleet - finding himself forced to limit the amount of heavy carriers and battleships in favor of cheaper and lighter constructions of Battlecruisers and Light Carriers. His experiments had seen the development of a high level of professionalization and competence amongst the naval air corps of the fleet, but had left the surface forces neglected by the end of the 1920s. In response to Dumaresq's failures to maintain the professionalism of the surface fleet, and his inability to secure a proper contingent of battleships for the Dominion Fleet, the Admiral would ultimately see himself forced from his post - being named as Chief of the Australian Navy in a promotion which removed him effective command. His replacement was to be the British-born Vice-Admiral Sir Humphrey Thomas Walwyn, an appointment which drew considerable outrage on the part of the Australians and helped spur the disillusionment of the Australians with their British cousins. An admiral of the old school, Walwyn was a strong proponent of Battleship warfare and largely sidelined Dumaresq's naval aviation projects in favor of heavy investment in the surface fleet - relying on contacts in the British Admiralty to secure the transfer of four battleships to compliment the six battlecruisers already stationed in Singapore. Over the following years, Walwyn would further strengthen the surface fleet with two more battleships. In Walwyn's estimation, the role of naval aviation was to serve as scouting force for the navy proper, which would close the distance to the enemy after they had been found by the light carriers whereupon they would engage in a knock-down, drawn out brawl with the opposing surface fleet, relying on their professionalism and the traditions of the British Navy to come out on top. Increasingly unhappy with Walwyn, the Dominions were finally able to secure his replacement by the far better liked Admiral Sir Wilbraham Tennyson Randle Ford, a Channel Islands-born navy man greatly loved by his men for his unceasing optimism, kindness towards his subordinates and boundless humor - being famed for playing pranks and practical jokes upon anyone and everyone. However, he was known for being exceedingly strict with his English officers and often came into conflict with the Admiralty on a variety of issues, primarily stemming from the Admiralty's overeager interference in his commands. Having served in both the Mediterranean Fleet and as navy commander during the capture of Hormuz, Admiral Ford had made a bit of a name for himself by the time he was chosen to succeed Walwyn in early 1936, bare weeks before the March Coup in Japan turned the relatively sedate posting in Singapore into an active duty station (13).

Since the Battle of Tsushima, Japanese Naval Strategy had been fundamentally defensive, oriented around large decisive battles in home waters. Imagining the Philippine Sea, East China Sea, Yellow Sea and Sea of Japan as their favored battle zones where they could bring to bear all their naval resources, both land and sea based, against the enemy with little chance for the enemy to do the same, the Japanese sought to secure a victory which would wipe the enemy from the face of the sea and allow them total control of the sea-lanes. Known as the Kantai Kessen - the Decisive Battle Doctrine, the plan had largely been targeted at defeating the United States Navy on the basis of their being viewed as the only real challenger to Japanese power in the Pacific - the British being seen as allies by and large during the formulation of Japan's naval strategy. The result had been a continual, and growing, naval expenditure throughout Prime Minister Yamamoto Gonbee's term of office which had driven Japan to possessing not only the single largest navy in the Pacific, but to it sitting as one of the premier naval powers of the world. While initial investment had focused on the strengthening of the Big Gun Fleet of Battleships and Battlecruisers advances in naval aviation had seen the navy gradually increase its investments in airpower and doctrine following major improvements in the performance of naval bombing aircrafts and carrier construction, with mass aerial assaults increasingly seen as a viable alternative to the big gun approach. However, by the start of the Japanese Civil War, the Big Gun advocates had still held the upper hand in the ongoing debate, leaving the investment in carrier and naval aviation technology a secondary focus. While subsequent actions at Dogojima and the Inner Seas had helped demonstrate the worth of air power, the distribution of resources remained in favor of the Big Gun doctrine and as such necessitated a continuation of the pre-Civil War approach to the dispatch of the Dominion Fleet despite the leadership of the Imperial People's Navy having come under the dominance of air-power proponents. It had taken until early December for word to reach the People's Shogunate of Britain's entry into the war, meaning that they were sent scrambling to reconstitute their fleet for the decisive clash to come after having dispersed it to secure control of Japan's colonial empire in the Pacific. At the same time, the recently reformed Naval General Staff worked around the clock to adapt their plans to war with the British - whose naval prowess was widely admired and feared in Japanese ranks, the Japanese Navy having built itself in the image of the Royal British Navy. The rapidly adapted plans which emerged thus called for the rapid dispatch of Japan's submarine flotilla and supporting cruiser and destroyer flotillas southward - aiming to set a perimeter south of Taiwan in the Philippine and South China Seas which would serve to weaken the advancing Dominion fleet by attrition before the decisive battle through destroyer night attacks and submarine ambushes. In the meanwhile, the Combined Fleet was to be rapidly reconstituted at the Sasebo Naval Base near Nagasaki with Admiral-Shogun Yamamoto Isoroku taking up personal command of the reconstituted Combined Fleet while appointing Admiral Inoue Shigeyoshi of Dogojima fame to command the Carrier Fleet, recently promoted Vice Admiral Ito Seiichi to command of the Main Battlefleet and command of the screening force of cruisers and destroyers to Rear Admiral Fukudome Shigeru. Fleet-based air operations were handed over to Captain Genda Minoru while ground-based aerial operations were turned over to Genda's close colleague Captain Fuchida Mitsuo (14).

As the Dominion Fleet steamed into the South China Sea on the afternoon of the 28th of December - reinforced by detachments from the Persian Gulf Station, India Station and East Africa Station with men further mobilized from the Royal Naval Reserve, they made what preparations they could to protect the heart of their fleet. Constant aerial scouting from the Dominion Light Carriers and a screen of destroyers sought to prevent premature losses while a constant watch from the middle of the second day of sailing sought to ensure that the Dominion Navy would make it to the battlefield intact. It would take until the 30th before the first encounters between Dominion and Japanese naval units occurred with the ambush sinking of the destroyer HMS Hostile off the Parcel Islands by the submarine I-4 and of HMS Grafton by I-2, the latter of which was damaged by subsequent ASW efforts by the British. On the night of the 30th-31st, a major Japanese destroyer attack by IPNJ Destroyer Squadrons 1-5 of the 1st Fleet occurred north of the Parcel Islands in which the extremely long-range and immensely innovative Type-93 Torpedoes loaded aboard the IPNJ destroyer flotilla were put to use. The extreme distances at which these torpedoes could be fired meant that the attack went largely undetected by the British until the first torpedoes struck, resulting in considerable damage - despite almost 90% of the torpedoes missing. Five destroyers were sunk alongside three cruisers and the heavy cruiser HMAS Canberra was gravely damaged alongside the Battleship HMS Emperor of India, which had been sold to the Indian section of the Dominion Navy in 1931 as part of Walwyn's Big Gun focused fleet building, while half a dozen other ships saw varying levels of lesser damage. Unwilling to slow down and thereby allow for more potshots to be taken at the Dominion Fleet, Admiral Ford directed the HMS Emperor of India and the other more damaged ships of the fleet to make for temporary shelter at Hong Kong while the main fleet continued onward under significantly tightened watch. This decision was to eventually draw considerable recrimination, for the weakened and wounded splinter fleet under the HMS Emperor of India was to find itself a target of several submarine attacks in the two days it took them to reach Hong Kong, with a second torpedo attack breaking the keel of the HMS Canberra and blowing a massive hole in its side, from which it would sink within two hours while the HMS Emperor of India just barely avoided a similar fate when the torpedoes fired at it by I-13 passed through its wake, striking an accompanying Destroyer a glancing blow. The 31st would see further submarine attacks against the main Dominion Fleet, but also saw Japanese losses accelerate considerably with three submarines sunk in return for a sunken destroyer and a wounded light cruiser in the form of HMS Cordelia which limped on with the rest of the fleet after emergency repairs resolved most of the issues with the damage. New Years Night saw the Dominion Fleet pass through the Bashi Channel between Taiwan and the Philippines in the face of the fiercest attack yet. Now prepared for a night attack, the two destroyer flotillas clashed in a series of bloody exchanges during the night that followed, seeing half a dozen sunk on either side and a torpedo attack on the Battleship line by the Japanese which forced the light cruisers HMNZS Achilles and HMS Emerald to interpose themselves to take the successive blows. However, the launching of the Dominion Fleet's air contingent was to help make up the losses, sinking, or slowing long enough for their pursuers to catch them, the IPN Oi, Isuzu and Kitakami Light Cruisers alongside the destroyers Inazuma, Ikazuchi, Fubuki, Murakumo and Miyuki, the latter exploding when the volatile Type-93 torpedoes detonated in response to the concussive blows given the destroyer - a grave loss to the IPN screening forces which forced their recall from the South China and Philippine Seas. The first day of the 1937 was to dawn with the first major aerial clashes between the two forces, as ground-based fighters and bombers out of Taiwan and the southern Ryukyus initiated an intense attack on the Dominion fleet which required the entirety of the British air forces to repel the attackers. The dog fight which erupted was bitterly intense, with numerous losses on both sides, but while the British had introduced the modern Gladiator navy fighter in late-1936, the Dominion Fleet was forced to rely on the significantly older Hawker Nimrod which stood up rather poorly to the relatively modern Japanese Nakajima A4N fighter, while a series of aerial torpedo attacks and dive bombings left the HMS Hermes light carrier with a swiftly spreading fire below deck, blew the turret of HMS Malaya and succeeded in blowing a gaping hole in the side of the Battlecruiser HMNZS Auckland, although once again a preponderance of the torpedoes missed their target. Heavy anti-air efforts by the rest of the fleet eventually helped drive off the aerial assault, just as the Dominion Fleet finally made the push into the East China Sea - passing between Mikayojima and Okinawa shortly after mid-day on the 1st. The stage was now set for the Battle of the East China Sea and all participants stood ready for the bloody clash to follow. With scouting flights out of the Ryukyus sending constant updates back to the Home Isles, wherefrom they kept Admiral-Shogun Yamamoto aware of the progress of the Dominion Fleet, the decision was finally made to launch the Combined Fleet - which had been undergoing rapid coordination drills and familiarization efforts between the various fleet commands, individual ships and squadrons - on the morning of the 1st of January 1937. The harassment of the Dominion Fleet continued throughout the day, forcing the navy personnel to remain at quarters constantly - a state they had been forced into for days at this point, resulting in ever worsening exhaustion amongst the sailors even before the battle began. However, by nightfall the Dominion Fleet was making its way well into the East China Sea, gradually emerging from the umbrella of the Japanese ground-based aviation in order to allow Admiral Ford to give his men a short but much needed rest. A blood red sun rose out of the east on the winter morning of the 2nd, the conditions at sea worsening gradually as midday neared. Since dawn, the Dominion Fleet had sent out scouting air craft to search for the Japanese Fleet, which was expected to be steaming to meet them, while repairs from the previous day's harassment were undertaken and those who could were allowed to rest. Suddenly, shortly past noon, one of the scouting aircrafts returned to the fleet bullet ridden and smoking with word that the Combined Fleet was coming their way from the North-North-East. With both forces now aware of the other's position, they began to close the range while the entire compliment of the three Hiryu-Class Fleet Air Carriers - a class planned and built as purpose-built carriers between 1934-36 on the basis of lessons learned in the construction and non-combat service of the Ryujo-class Carriers between 1928-1931, took to the heavens in the first massed naval aviation assault in world history (15).

The first shots of the Battle of the East China Sea would be airborne, as the Dominion carriers HMS Furious, HMS Hermes and HMS Australia disgorged their swarm of fighters in a well coordinated scramble - allowing them to put up a fierce resistance to the oncoming wave of Japanese fighters. The dog fight that followed, which saw nearly one hundred twenty fighters clash while several dozen torpedo and dive bombers made their way through the fighting, was incredibly intense with nearly two dozen Japanese fighters lost for some eighteen Dominion fighters before the naval bombers broke through the British air cover and initiated their assault on the Dominion Fleet. Torpedo after torpedo was dropped while dive bombers entered their final approaches amidst a storm of anti-air fire which raked several of the attacking aircrafts. However, when the assault wave hit it did so with calamitous effect. The HMS Furious was holed in three placed before a bomb dropped on its wooden top set the ship ablaze while three of the eleven Dominion Battleships were damaged, a fourth set to sinking alongside two Battlecruisers - requiring rapid rescue efforts to get most of the personnel off the two Battlecruisers. An additional half dozen ships were holed or sunk while a daring dive bomber was able to steer his thoroughly trashed airplane into the conning tower of the HMS Sydney - the flagship of the Dominion Navy. While Admiral Ford survived the crash, several of his staff did not and he was forced to shift his flag to the HMS Royal Sovereign, which had only joined the Dominion Fleet from the Mediterranean in December as rapid preparations were undertaken for the current expedition, weakening his ability to coordinate the fleet for some time. As the Japanese attackers began to pull back they experienced grievous losses, half of the attacking wave of bombers being lost in the process while the escorting fighters put up a bitter resistance to pursuit. It was at this point that Admiral Ford ordered the dispatch of the Dominion Fleet's own air compliment while repair efforts were undertaken as best could be done under the circumstances as the direct clash between the two fleets loomed. The British attack, which was about a third smaller than the Japanese, was to prove a rousing success - catching the Japanese unprepared for the sudden assault. With only a skeleton air complement to counter this thrust, they were swiftly swept from the heavens while the Dominion bombers made their own runs. The dive bombers and torpedo bombers, led by veterans trained in the Dumaresq days, were exceedingly effective, hammering home against the Amagi and Hiei Battlecruisers - sinking them, while setting ablaze the Ryojo, which capsized soon after, and succeeded in blowing turrets on the Mutso and Hyuga Battleships, but experienced significant losses - in a near mirror of the situation when the Dominion Fleet was attacked. While the Hiryu and its sister ships Soryu and Akaryu were largely able to avoid most of the damage, having been positioned at a distance from the main battlefleet, the last of these carriers saw two of its fighters explode on deck, requiring rapid firefighting to prevent the ship from being set ablaze, when a lone dive bomber struck the carrier force. By this point the two fleets were closing rapidly, with initial long-range fire beginning to be exchanged while the respective screens sallied forth to engage each other in a short but exceedingly bloody melee which largely went in the favor of the Japanese, their significant advantage in long-range torpedoes swaying the course of the battle in their favor. However, after a few long range barrages which drove drumbeats across either line at distance, but failed to make a significant impact, the two fleets were interrupted by the rapidly oncoming night. During the night between the 2nd and 3rd of January, the two fleets would circle each other in the dark, exchanging fire on occasion when their ships neared one another as the various naval formations gradually got tangled up with each other - a destroyer running into a light cruiser causing the former to sink on the Japanese side while the cruiser was knocked into a slow list which required considerable effort to right before the ship capsized. It would take until the hours just before dawn before the Japanese shifted course, coming out of the west with night at their rear and the sun dawning in front of them. Caught against the dawning sun lay the Dominion Fleet, clear cut against the horizon, while the Japanese still remained in the dark of night. The result was to provide the Japanese with the tactical element of surprise, launching a series of disorganized torpedo barrages before the Battleships and Battlecruisers opened up with a massive barrage at medium-distance. The initial surprise was what determined the course of the fighting, sending a pair of Battleships to sinking while immense damage was done to the screening elements. By the third barrage on the part of the Japanese, Admiral Ford had been able to redirect his forces to counter-fire, setting in motion the most intense exchange of the entire battle as the two lines closed the distance. Both sides were battered beyond all belief, ships falling apart under the intensity of the barrages. Blow after blow was exchanged, with a Japanese Battleship exploding from a lucky hit to its magazine and two of the British Battlecruisers sent limping away from the main clash. Twice more, the two sides would ram against each other, the two fleets tearing at each other like mad dogs, before finally the Dominion Fleet's cohesion fell apart and Admiral Ford - who had been forced to change ship once more after the HMS Royal Sovereign sank beneath him, called for a retreat. Admiral-Shogun Yamamoto Isoroku, realizing that his Battleships and Battlecruisers were too damaged to pursue, handed over command of the chase to Admiral Inoue Shigeyoshi and his carrier fleet - both sides carrier elements having been sidelined in the main clash of the two fleets, giving them time to repair and prepare. In disarray, the Dominion Fleet retreated southward towards the Taiwan Strait, making for Hong Kong, with their carrier air complement sacrificing themselves in the effort to shield the retreat. Repeated dog fights broke out on the retreat south as the Dominion aircraft were gradually whittled away at, the Japanese bomber force beginning to make its presence known once more - experiencing significantly improved survivability hunting a broken enemy compared to when they were challenging the full might of the fleet. Ship after ship was run down and sunk over the following day as sailors collapsed from exhaustion while the overclocked fighter pilots made ever more deadly mistakes. As the fleeing Dominion Fleet fell within the Taiwanese air envelope once again, the harassment doubled, before Admiral Inoue's carrier fleet was called back from its pursuit late on the 5th, south of Taiwan - the remnants of the Dominion Fleet limping into the port of Hong Kong over the following three days (16).

The Battle of the East China Sea was to prove an era-defining clash which set in motion a whole host of changes. Not only had the Communist menace demonstrated themselves to possess a supremely capable naval element able to go toe-to-toe with the best in the world, they also fractured the aura of invincibility once possessed by the Royal Navy. Where the naval clashes of the Great War had been relatively indecisive affairs, with unclear victors and losers in what few major naval encounters occurred, this latest battle was the definition of decisive. While the Imperial People's Navy Combined Fleet slowly made its way back to port in Sasebo, battered and bleeding but victorious, word of the battle spread with lightning speed around the world. In Australia and New Zealand a week of public mourning was initiated while Prime Minister Jack Lang publicly castigated the British Admiralty for leading Australian boys to their deaths over another country's internal affairs, in the process leaving the Australasian Dominions at the complete mercy of the Japanese. In New Zealand, which had invested so many of its resources in building up the Dominion Fleet to serve as a bulwark against Japanese aggression, news of the calamity sent shockwaves through society and led to widespread anti-British protests and incredible displays of public mourning. In India, while the loss of the Indian naval compliment was met with anger, more emphasis would be put upon the demonstrable weakness of the British which the battle had shown - greatly empowering and emboldening an already eager independence movement. Admiral Ford, despite having done everything in his power to win the battle, was made a scapegoat for the defeat and was cashiered and removed from active posting for the affair. As to the Loyalists in Chosun, they were unable to comprehend this course of events. The British Navy had always been held up as the foremost marine force on the world's seas - it was an undisputed fact - while the Revolutionaries had thrown out most of the admirals with experience and the capacity to go toe-to-toe with the British. The British were not supposed to lose this battle. When General Nagata finally pulled together enough confidence to inform Emperor Genka of the British defeat, he was so sharply criticized by the Emperor that he allegedly contemplated seppuku on returning to the General Government Building, even going so far as to have his swords prepared and picking an adjutant to behead him, before he was brought to his senses by Prime Minister Hiranuma Kiichiro. The arrival of the Combined Fleet in Sasebo was celebrated across the Japanese Home Isles, pictures of Admiral-Shogun Yamamoto, Kita Ikki and Emperor Koji being carried through the streets while a week of national public celebration was declared. It was at this point that the Soviet Republic, which had been following events in Japan with considerable eagerness if without active support, at the direction of Commissar for Foreign Affairs Georgy Chicherin set forth a proposal to aid in the negotiation of a ceasefire between the People's Shogunate and their opponents. Meeting with approval from the Shogun Council, the first diplomatic feelers were undertaken in the middle of January in London where the political aftermath of the entire affair was playing out explosively. With the situation chaotic and the British Empire under fundamental threat, a threat further highlighted by the arrival of elements of the IPNJ 3rd Fleet off Hong Kong on the 18th of January, the decision was made at Whitehall to bring the whole sorry affair to a close before the Communists could go on a rampage across the Pacific. As a result, negotiations were soon under way in Vladivostok between representatives from the Loyalist and Revolutionary governments as well as the British. Over the course of a month the details of a treaty were hammered out which would allow the British to shift their gravely damaged Dominion Fleet south from the Hong Kong Harbor to Singapore for repairs in return for a minor indemnity and acknowledgement of the People's Shogunate as the rightful government of the Japanese Home Isles and Japan's Pacific possessions. While the Loyalists screamed betrayal, the British envoy Sir Hughe Montgomery Knatchbull-Hugessen signed off on the agreement - ignominiously removing Britain from the conflict once more. Left with little other option but to accept the situation, the Loyalist envoy Prince Konoe Fumimaro signed off on a ceasefire agreement on the 8th of March 1937 but refused to sign any treaty which would abandon Emperor Genka's claim to being the rightful ruler of the Japanese Empire. As such an official state of war would be maintained between the two Japanese states, although military clashes came to an end. The Japanese Civil War had come to an end in just under a year, but in that short year it fundamentally reordered the geopolitical situation in the Pacific and brought fear of the rising tide of Communism roaring back to life around the world. A new day dawned on the Japanese People, and the world would never be the same again (17).

Footnotes:
(9) This is a lot, I know, and I really hope that people can understand what I am trying to describe. The idea of reimposing a Shogunate upon Japan is actually an idea brought up by Hashimoto Kingoro IOTL and others in the more radical segments of the Kodoha faction. Granted the shape of this People's Shogunate is considerably different from anything they would have proposed IOTL but I hope that given the mix of Trotskyite militarism, Kitan sentimental nationalism and general socialist ambition this ends up making sense. The Kyosanto leadership who are largely responsible for the form this new government takes are purposefully trying to bolster the new government's nativist credits by leaning into a very uniquely Japanese institution in the Shogunate, even if it bears more of a resemblance to the Soviet structures in Russia than the Tokugawa Shogunate. It is worth noting that with this shift in government, the People's Shogunate adopts the Trotskyite practice of referring even to civilian endeavors as military campaigns and using military terminology to organize the state. They are not actually going through with a total militarization of the state, just incorporating some of its elements in how they tackle issues of government. The Japanese Communists end up with a model with much clearer lines than the obfuscated and complicated Soviet bureaucracy, but in the process adopt a significantly less overtly democratic model. I should note that the Army and Navy Councils hold seats for those of rank on either General Staff and for major commanders - although they will prove to often be represented by stand-ins representing the interests of the relevant appointee. There are democratic elements to the system, but it is most definitely a large step back from the democratic heyday of the Yamamoto Gonbee administrations. As to the Era Name, I have here used an alternative era name rejected for use IOTL when Reiwa was selected. The first kanji, 広, means “wide” or “vast”, while 至 can mean “destination,” “high” or “extreme” - which combined hold a pretty abstract meaning coming out to something very like Great Arrival. Considering the context of TTL I felt Koji was immensely fitting to the circumstances and therefore chose to adopt it here.

Takahito is honestly a pretty interesting figure - when he saw the Japanese army's conduct in China (specifically using Chinese PoWs for bayonet practice), he wrote a letter to his brother the Emperor criticizing the Army harshly - the letter ended up being censored and a single copy eventually turned up in 1994. In 1940 he saw a special screening of the germ bombing of Nanbo and was so moved and disgusted by it that he forced the Emperor to watch the movie so that he would understand how out of control the situation had become. After the war ended he was a leading voice in demanding that his brother take responsibility for the war and abdicate, which McArthur was the one to shut down. In the post-war world he was known as the Imperial Scholar and studied archaeology, Middle Eastern studies and Semitic languages. He seems to have been immensely forthright, having had a strong moral compass and a deep intellect, which made me feel that he was the best candidate to take on the role of People's Emperor.

(10) Rather than the victor of Pearl Habor and half a dozen other great battles of OTL, Nagumo becomes the last Government Hero ITTL for his resistance to the revolutionary government. Once again, the fact that the naval aviation faction of the navy falls entirely on the radical side of the political spectrum helps determine the course of the naval encounter - significantly strengthening support for the ultra-modern navies advocated by the naval aviation crowd. I felt that it was necessary to show that the revolutionaries don't get everything their way from the start, they are forced to fight to secure their claim to rule and in the process shed even more blood in the process. The poor quality of the Naval Ground Forces also makes itself known once more, as they crumble in the face of the hardened and well-equipped Imperial People's Army. I should probably explain the Imperial People's moniker - I thought it helped convey the image of a monarchist socialist regime which wants to emphasize both parts.

(11) The Soviet Republic's control of Siberia was already troubling to the Western Powers, but a Communist Japan is a hundred times worse. The large and well trained Japanese Navy is a creature which has shown itself capable of going toe-to-toe with Western navies in the past (and would demonstrate that same capability IOTL during WW2). As such, the international community feels forced to enter the conflict, setting in motion the entry of the British Empire as an active combatant and both France and the US as supporting powers on the Loyalist side.

(12) The Toseiha faction and the modernists really take over the Loyalist cause as a whole, side-lining the more radical Kodoha members and their more out-there civilian ideologues. It is worth noting that IOTL a similar development happened, with the Toseiha faction winning out in the intra-service clashes with Kodoha, and that it was the Toseiha faction which led the Japanese Empire into the Second World War - just because they aren't completely nuts doesn't necessarily make them a great alternative. At the same time we see the Revolutionaries consolidate their hold on the Japanese island possessions, including capturing Taiwan, Okinawa and Jeju. Yasuhito really takes all of this very poorly, but ultimately he probably comes out of it a better monarch than he went into it. While he is a lot less trusting of those around him, he is also much more open to compromise and cooperation with those who might not necessarily agree with him and is capable of developing working relationships with them. Prior to this he struggled to remain civil when faced with those he dislikes.

(13) I felt it necessary to go through and detail the development of the Dominion Fleet here, just as it gets under way for the fateful clash with the Imperial People's Navy of Japan. I have Dumaresq surviving past 1922 ITTL because he seems like an intriguing figure who would have been the most natural candidate for leadership of the Dominion Fleet at its inception. He is proudly Australian and as such is a great figure to demonstrate the British willingness to abide by their decision to hand power of the Dominion Fleet to the dominions. His naval aviation focus is based on OTL, where he was noted for his focus on that aspect of naval affairs and for his innovative and new thinking ways. However, these very elements are what result in him being out of favor with the British Admiralty, limiting his ability to amass a fleet capable of what it should do. The appointment of Walwyn is a clear breach of the British promise to hand over leadership to the dominions, and while he does strengthen the Dominion fleet considerably his draconian ways and dismissive attitude towards the Dominion Fleet (an attitude rife in Royal Navy ranks) leaves him intensely unpopular with the men. He is finally replaced by Admiral Ford who finds himself thrust suddenly into a position of considerable importance with little time to acclimate to his post or shape it to his interests - although by the end of the year he has gotten a decent handle of the situation. Naval affairs are not my strong suit, so I hope you will forgive me being a bit vague on the details - I am trying to keep it plausible and reading up what I can but this is not a topic I am super familiar with or versed in.

(14) In general this whole naval campaign has been a significant challenge to work out because there are just so many divergences and differences in the years between the PoD and this point, but there are some elements which remain largely static. It is worth noting that the Kantai Kessen doctrine was a very stable part of Japanese naval war planning from the beginning, and that their target was the United States consistently after the end of the Great War, even when the Anglo-Japanese Alliance came to an end. While the naval aviation crowd is ascendant in the revolutionary navy, there were a lot of important naval innovations in the last half of the 1930s IOTL which made an air-power first strategy viable - it is not quite there yet by the time of the coming clash. The various commanders of the different forces have been receiving a rapid series of promotions since the start of the Civil War, as the Government and subsequent Revolutionary leaderships seek to promote their supporters up the ranks which is why someone like Ito Seiichi would have a Vice Admiral rank or Fukodome Shigeru a Rear Admiral rank.

(15) The entire reason for the Dominion Fleet being dispatched is the need to clear away the naval interdiction of Chosun in order to open up for the landing of the Loyalist armies for a reconquest of the Home Isles. The calculations which go into determining the resultant dispatch of the Dominion Fleet are not particularly bound up in the details of how such a campaign is to play out - while the Dominion Fleet Headquarters have made plenty of plans for dealing with the Japanese in a naval conflict, the same cannot be said for the British Admiralty who have largely been focused on the Atlantic, Mediterranean and Indian naval theaters - and it is the latter demanding that the Dominion Fleet engage the Japanese revolutionaries directly on the basis of reports from the Loyalists that they have purged most of their navy's staff officers. Admiral Ford soon realizes that he has been sent on a much more dangerous expedition than expected, and makes what preparations he can, but it isn't like he can just sit back and do nothing - they have to find and engage the Japanese in a decisive battle, as both sides' naval doctrines call for in the region, or there will be hell to pay in London. Just a note, the lack of a Washington Treaty has meant that a lot of ships which were converted to carriers or decommissioned IOTL are still in service and carrier development, particularly in Japan, has taken a completely different path. The Hiryu and Ryujo classes are different from their OTL counterparts seeing as the lack of conversion of Battlecruisers/Battleships into the Akagi/Amagi and Kaga leave the Japanese to rely on alternate purpose-built carriers. The Ryujo-Class possesses a lot of the issues of the two aforementioned conversions although without having to deal with the conversion troubles it still ends up a significantly more useful structure. The Ryujo sees failures in the flight deck which lead to their recall and refit in 1932-33 alongside a further reduction of the top structures on the basis of lessons learned in the Hosho IOTL, although problems with propulsion plague the Hiryu and Ryujo classes both and they remain top-heavy, like many other Japanese ships of the period - it is a problem which has come to attention only after the Battle of Dogojima and the troubles faced in the Akagi after the battle.

(16) I really hope that all of this is suitably epic and doesn't send too many of the naval buffs out there into fits. This is probably the single largest naval battle since Jutland and ends up a stinging British defeat mostly as a result of them having to cross the long distance to the battlefield through Japanese waters. I am sorry about the lack of specificity at points, particularly the headlong clash between the two Big Gun fleets, but I hope that this was sufficiently impressive.

(17) I will be providing a lot more context for the how and why of the British entering the Japanese Civil War and departing it so shortly thereafter at a later point, much as I did with the Two Rivers Crisis. There is a lot going on behind the scenes and a lot of political machinations which led to this course of events. I know that there are likely many who would want a second round go around by the British, but it is worth a reminder that the British Empire was already significantly overstretched before they lost most of the Dominion Fleet and this defeat has just made the whole situation a hundred times worse. While they will be dispatching ships from the Home Fleet and Mediterranean to help shore up some of the losses, there are just so many different requirements elsewhere that they can't muster up sufficient forces to launch a second assault. Additionally, their entire Australasian Dominions and various concessions in China are now largely undefended by sea and as such the British Foreign Office comes under intense pressure to resolve the issue before things spin completely out of control. The Dominions of Australia and New Zealand take the defeat especially hard, having invested so heavily in the fleet which was just sunk to the bottom of the seas at the insistence of the British Admiralty - overriding all concerns expressed on the part of the Dominions.

End Note:

Written as I just finished this section:

Holy shit, I did it! :D

I honestly did not know how the hell I was going to get this to work, but I feel it ended up working out quite well.

I will be honest, when I first thought of a Red Shogunate I had absolutely no clue if I would be able to figure out a plausible explanation for how it came about. It took quite a bit of back and forth with @Ombra before the shape of something workable began to emerge, but I do think that what I have ended with should satisfy those wishing for plausibility. I just remember getting this image in my head of Communist Samurai Banzai charging an enemy line and couldn't let it go.

Written after edits, just before posting:

It took a lot of work to finesse things into shape, but I hope that the end result is sufficiently memorable for everyone out there. I can remember working on this section of the timeline during the late Summer, swimming in the sea while thinking about how all the different pieces forces and doctrines would line up against each other. I am far from an expert on naval affairs, so there was an immense amount of research that had to go into writing this update. I was not on purpose that the battle ended up coinciding exactly with when the Battle of the East China Sea was going to be posted, but I find it a fun little additional wrinkle to the whole thing.

Can't wait to see what everyone thinks of this one.

I hope everyone is enjoying the New Year and that the coming year treats us better than the last. Best of wishes, and I really hope you all enjoyed the Japanese Civil War arc of updates during the Christmas holidays.
 
Last edited:
Zulfurium,can you make a list of no of types of ships destroyed in the battles Between British and Japanese and a list of notable japanese politicians and armed forces people who are killed but in OTL,would play important roles in World war 2 ?

Honestly, that is a level of detail that I simply have not gone into. I am not even sure of the exact size of the two fleets - they are very large, both have significant naval aviation complements, and by the end of the battle, the Dominion Fleet has been shattered. I have used mostly OTL ships for those named, so you will be able to find them if you start looking through wikipedia, but I don't have anything like a list of the ships on either side or anything like that.

Almost everyone mentioned on the Japanese side played some sort of role during WW2 or its preliminaries, and people who have some basic knowledge of the Japanese side of WW2 should be able to recognize a lot of the commanders mentioned. Again, I don't have a complete list of everyone who has been killed, partly because it gives me a lot more flexibility in writing later on and partly because it would be an absolutely ridiculous level of work to write it up.

With what is actually written in the JCW updates, you should be able to get an overview of things. If anyone is interested in making a wikibox of it or anything like that, I am happy to help flesh things out in greater detail, but for the time being this is about as detailed as you are going to get.

Sorry I can't be of more help, but most of my time is used on trying to push forward the TL, rather than digging deep. There are plans for an update on the state of international military affairs at a later point in time though.
 
Oh,no need for sorry . I have a rudimentary knowledge of Japanese military but Japanese politics is a far complex web.Are the Hokushin Ron more inclined towards loyalist while Nanshin Ron towards Communists?
Are the communists traditional communists who are inclined against landowners,noblemen and men of religion or are they are they communists with specific japanese flavour?
What are the communists approach towards japanese colonial empires subjects like Taiwanese aboriginals, Taiwanese Chinese and Koreans ?
What is the shogunates approach towards western colonial empires ?
Oh trust me, I know. Particularly once you start getting into the interconnected nature of the military and politics it gets very messy very quickly.

Hokushin-ron supporters were largely ardent anti-Communists, which is why I have them mostly falling on the side of the Loyalists, even early on during the Loyalist/Government phase of the conflict. The Nanshin-ron are significantly more divided, some are Loyalists, some are Government supporters and some are aligned with Kyosanto.

I have gone on pretty expansively about Japanese Communism in several updates, but it is very much different from what we would consider orthodox Communism OTL. It borrows from Trotskyite Communism but is primarily an internally developed movement. They are supportive of the monarchy, but generally opposed to the upper classes. They follow a branch of State Shintoism (although quite different from anything like OTL State Shintoism) for the most part but also have a good section of atheists and others. TBH, it would be better to go back and reread the Japanese sections of the TL if you haven't caught the nuances - I have gone on about the development of Japanese Communism rather extensively already.

The Communists see themselves as standard bearers in a crusade to free the Asiatic peoples from imperialist bondage. As such, they are far more welcoming of minority populations and have far fewer systemic, legislative and structural barriers than the Japanese regimes have traditionally had either IOTL or ITTL. However, that does not prevent most of the ethnically Japanese population from holding some rather racist views. The state is less racist than in the past, but not all barriers have been removed.

As mentioned, the Shogunate is viewed as the vanguard of the revolution in Asia. You should check out Kita Ikki on Wikipedia if you want to get a better idea of what their outlook is like. While they are communist in ideology, I have used a ton of his ideas as the framework for what makes Japanese Communism unique.

From Wiki: "The common theme to Kita's first and last political works is the notion of a national policy (Kokutai), through which Japan would overcome a coming national crisis of economics or international relations, lead a united and free Asia (see pan-Asianism), and unify culture of the world through Japanized and universalized Asian thoughts in order to be prepared for the appearance of the sole superpower which would be inevitable for the future world peace. "
 
Germany must be feeling heavily conflicted right now. On one hand, they don't like Communists all that much. On the other, the Royal Navy just suffered a body blow and the usefulness of Naval Aviation was suitably demonstrated. Guess it's time to start building All The Carriers and give London even more to worry about?
 
Great update; probably the best one since the end of the Russian civil war. British involvement was certainly a surprise, and the battle was well written. Britain’s defeat is even worse than it looks at first glance, because by throwing in the towel after only one battle, it looks to the world as if Britain no longer has the stomach for long, protracted wars.

I also wonder if the idea of monarchical socialism could serve as a model for other countries. Siding with the lower classes against the bourgeoisie, which has traditionally been much more hostile to monarchy than the lower classes, might be a tempting way for ambitious monarchs to retain or expand their power, instead of being sidelined or overthrown as happened IOTL in most countries in the 20th century. The fact that the Japanese communists also aren’t iconoclasts like the Russian bolsheviks (especially in the early days) or the OTL Maoists in China, but are willing to incorporate Japanese cultural traditions and institutions into their vision of a future society, would also make their ideology appear quite a bit less scary to conservatives and even reactionaries who care more about cultural and social issues as opposed to economics.
 
I recently discovered this TL and literally binge read it through the holidays, and i totally love it, i think it's one of the best i ever read on this site, so keep it up with the good work!

The only question i have regarding the last update is the whereabouts of Prince Nobuhito? Will he have a role in the Loyalist Japanese faction in the future? I feel like he has been a bit sidelined in the last Japanese chapters, but perhaps he could somehow replace Emperor Genka to revitalize the Loyalist cause?
 
Zulfurium, I noticed that updates have been getting longer and longer in recent weeks and months. This last update could’ve easily been split in half, for example; same with the one before that. The Japanese civil war has easily enough material to fill a normal 4-part chapter. If future updates are similarly long, you could split those too, which would allow you to post two updates per week like you did in the beginning, without having to change your pace of writing.
 
Magnificent. Reading this had me at the edge of my sit. OTL Japan was the example to follow for many non-Western nations, TTL with the survival of the Monarchy in a Communist system this will be even more impactful, esp. with Japan bloodying the Greatest Naval Power in the world at sea. Ethiopia is certainly taking notes.

Love the longer chapters. Far more satisfying to read than morsels.
 
Thank u very much.

Happy to indulge in this sort of discussion.

What is the stance of Japan towards religion? Are they supported by various Shintoists and Buddhists?

Japan follows its OTL path for the most part up until the 1930s where, the Communists try to coopt the State Shintoist movement, which had in turn assimilated, influenced or crushed most Buddhist factions in Japan. Religion is seen as part of Japanese identity in Kyosanto ideology.

Germany must be feeling heavily conflicted right now. On one hand, they don't like Communists all that much. On the other, the Royal Navy just suffered a body blow and the usefulness of Naval Aviation was suitably demonstrated. Guess it's time to start building All The Carriers and give London even more to worry about?

One thing to note is that Germany never saw, and never has seen, Great Britain as their natural enemy. In fact, in most cases they are seen as a rather natural ally of Germany if just the British would realize it. There really isn't all that much Great Britain can do to threaten Germany mortally without significant support in Europe, whereas a hostile Germany is a deadly threat to London.

Naval Aviation has more than demonstrated its utility, and there is going to be something of a mad scramble on all sides to modernize their fleets to meet these new challenges.

Germany is very negative towards the emergence of the People's Shogunate, and we are going to see some shifts in attitudes towards Communism within Germany as a result.

Great update; probably the best one since the end of the Russian civil war. British involvement was certainly a surprise, and the battle was well written. Britain’s defeat is even worse than it looks at first glance, because by throwing in the towel after only one battle, it looks to the world as if Britain no longer has the stomach for long, protracted wars.

I also wonder if the idea of monarchical socialism could serve as a model for other countries. Siding with the lower classes against the bourgeoisie, which has traditionally been much more hostile to monarchy than the lower classes, might be a tempting way for ambitious monarchs to retain or expand their power, instead of being sidelined or overthrown as happened IOTL in most countries in the 20th century. The fact that the Japanese communists also aren’t iconoclasts like the Russian bolsheviks (especially in the early days) or the OTL Maoists in China, but are willing to incorporate Japanese cultural traditions and institutions into their vision of a future society, would also make their ideology appear quite a bit less scary to conservatives and even reactionaries who care more about cultural and social issues as opposed to economics.
Zulfurium, I noticed that updates have been getting longer and longer in recent weeks and months. This last update could’ve easily been split in half, for example; same with the one before that. The Japanese civil war has easily enough material to fill a normal 4-part chapter. If future updates are similarly long, you could split those too, which would allow you to post two updates per week like you did in the beginning, without having to change your pace of writing.

Doing both of these together.

Really happy to see you enjoyed them. I put a ton of work into them.

Oh trust me, I know, the British are so absolutely fucked in so many ways that it is hard to comprehend. This is going to have so many follow-on consequences that it is hard to keep track sometimes.

Monarchical Socialism coming into use in practice is going to have some pretty major repercussions. In general, I put a lot of thought into imagining what a communist movement more localized than the OTL orthodox Marxist-Leninist model would look like, and how that might spread in time. Russian Communism is going to be faced with some pretty important questions as a result, on top of the way in which it will have an impact elsewhere. As you say, this ideology is going to be at once less scary in its radicalism to many, but also more worrying in how rapidly it can spread and build support. It is going to be an absolute pain to deal with in colonial nations in particular.

As to the updates, there are a number of things to consider. I have been writing basically non-stop on the timeline for around 10 months now, and I can feel that I am slowing significantly in my pace of output. In fact, I am now working on the last part of update 38 to give you an idea of how little of a margin I have left. That said, each section has expanded rather significantly in size, and future updates are going to be around as long, if not longer, so I am strongly considering shifting to posting a single section at a time when it makes sense. I won't be going to the two updates per week simply because it would tear through my backlog in no time. I have work starting up again tomorrow, so that will be a drain on my time and efforts as well - I have gotten a good deal done during the christmas break, so things might slow down a bit again.

I recently discovered this TL and literally binge read it through the holidays, and i totally love it, i think it's one of the best i ever read on this site, so keep it up with the good work!

The only question i have regarding the last update is the whereabouts of Prince Nobuhito? Will he have a role in the Loyalist Japanese faction in the future? I feel like he has been a bit sidelined in the last Japanese chapters, but perhaps he could somehow replace Emperor Genka to revitalize the Loyalist cause?

I am very happy to hear that you have enjoyed it. If you are interested, I have also written timelines about the 100 Years War and the Reformation before I worked on ADiJ, although those are on indefinite hiatus at the moment.

To answer your question, Prince Nobuhito has been part of the Imperial Family's entourage during the shifts to Kyoto and later Keijo. He has been sidelined mostly because of his rather extensive ties to the Japanese Navy. Where Takahito and Yasuhito were army men, Nobuhito was very much a navy man, and as such he has been seen as untrustworthy by the army-dominated Loyalist leadership. For now, Emperor Genka is in command and in control, and raring for revenge. In the future? Who knows? :p

Magnificent. Reading this had me at the edge of my sit. OTL Japan was the example to follow for many non-Western nations, TTL with the survival of the Monarchy in a Communist system this will be even more impactful, esp. with Japan bloodying the Greatest Naval Power in the world at sea. Ethiopia is certainly taking notes.

Love the longer chapters. Far more satisfying to read than morsels.

Great to hear, Japan is going to be an important power moving forward, both for its ideological importance, but also as a great power in and of itself.

Happy to hear you like the chapters. As mentioned, I might be shifting to a single, long section at a time, with some combined updates. Going to take some time for me to figure out exactly how I go about the update schedule.
 

Blaze

Banned
I have to say, while i very much liked this direction with Japan proper, the loyalist remnant in Korea is also capturing my interest and i´m eager to see how they can manage to accept being a Japan in exile and integrate the now sizable japanese minority due to all those refugees and how long it will take them to realize that they may need to co-opt with the korean population to have a shot to not only reclaim Japan, but more immediatly and importantly, to survive long term.
 
Top