A Constitution for Rome

Quotes attributed to Drusus (probably apocryphal)
-"If men could turn into gods the moment they became rulers or after they die, that would mean the gods themselves are quite insignificant beings. The gods themselves would feel insulted by such a comparison, and then they would not aid us." - Nero Claudius Drusus.

-"Rome is no better than her conquered tribes if she remains a principate." - Nero Claudius Drusus.

-"Carthage was Rome’s greatest enemy, because Carthage was a republic." - Nero Claudius Drusus.

-"Only a properly functioning republic could inspire the masses to serve the state out of patriotism and its rulers to check their excesses out of civic duty." - Nero Claudius Drusus.

-"If men grow accustomed to serving absolute rulers, then the whole state and populace will have been infected with a weak spirit, the spirit of slavery and servitude. The state could only grow weaker over time under such circumstances.” -Nero Claudius Drusus
 
Last edited:
Article III: On the sacred bodies of the Republic and elections
The Roman Republic shall have seven sacred bodies: the Senate, the Consilium Principis, the Centuriata Assembly, the Curiata Assembly, the College of Pontiffs, the College of Tribunes, and the active Equestrian Order. Article III details the role and function of these bodies in the Republic and while other assemblies/colleges could exist, they had to be instituted by ordinary laws, and were not divinely ordained by Jupiter. They could be established or disestablished as necessary.


1) The Centuriata Assembly was an assembly composed of soldiers divided into centuries. Each century had one vote. In a departure from the present centuriata assembly, the process was wholly democratic and based upon proportional representation of numbers, rather than wealth. However across different soldier types, the level of proportional representation could vary: for example the Legions had a higher proportional representation based on their numbers than the Auxilia did. The precise level of proportional representation would be left to the Senate to decide. Every soldier had one vote in the century that represented them. Illiterate soldiers were allowed to vote as well. Any declaration of war accepted by the Senate had to be confirmed by the Assembly as well to be ratified. For voting purposes, a century is considered called when a majority of its votes goes in one way. As soon as over half the centuries support or reject a motion, the vote is finished. The traditional number of centuries was kept at 373, later the Senate would pass a law giving 180 centuries to the Legions, 132 to the Auxilia, 30 to the Praetorian Guard, 20 to the Navy, 6 to the Foederati, and 5 to the active members of the Equestrian Order. The commanding officer of cohorts, legions, numeri (foederati), fleets would preside over the vote in their unit.

Drusus' motive for making the Centuriata Assembly wholly democratic was that he believed wars were more likely to be won if the soldiers were wholly behind the war effort, and there was no better way of motivating them than to give them the right to decide when to go to war and when to accept peace. The Assembly would serve as a valuable link between the Senate and soldiers which would prevent the political and military classes from being wholly detached from one another. Lastly, citizen soldiers waived their right to vote or participate in any other electoral process other than the Centuriata Assembly when they joined the military. This was clearly an attempt by Drusus to get the military out of the political process altogether, as he was far-sighted enough to see the problem of soldiers disagreeing with political outcomes and taking matters in their own hand. By asserting beforehand that they were outside the process altogether via constitutional law, he was decreasing the chances that they might see themselves as the Republican's guardians or to have a great, vested interest in its politics. By trying to create a trend and culture of neutral detachment of the military from matters that did not concern them (those not concerning war and peace and the upholding of the constitution), Drusus would contribute greatly to elevating the professionalism of the Republic's soldiers.


2) The Curiata Assembly was a fusion of two prior Republican assemblies: the Tribal Assembly and the (ancient) Curiata Assembly. In the earliest days of the Republic, the Curiata Assembly functioned as the main democratic, plebeian assembly of the Republic, before reforms transferred that role to the Tribal Assembly. By reinstitution the ancient form of the Curiata Assembly and folding the rights and responsibilities of the Tribal Assembly into it, Drusus was attempting a call-back to the earliest days of the democratic Republic. However this was merely symbolism as he significant curtailed the powers of this body.

The new Curiata Assembly represented the citizens of Italy who were divided into blocs called curiae based on geographical location and population. Each curiae would represent roughly an equal number of citizens irregardless of wealth or status. Each curiae would get one vote before the Assembly, with there being 30 curiae in total, replacing the current 35 tribes of the Tribal Assembly. In the ancient days of the Republic, an Assembly would be called and all intended voters would congregate in one place for a prior convention where debates and speeches would be heard. Presiding magistrates had complete authority over procedure and could abuse it. Afterwards the voters would arrange themselves into their tribes/voting groups to vote.

To more effectively represent the citizens across the entirety of Italy, Drusus broke with the convention of a single, unified Assembly, and instead distributed voting across 30 geographical areas; but it would still be symbolically considered a single Assembly vote. While citizens could gather for conventions, they would be separated in different curiae to begin with due to geographical reality. Such split conventions would help foster a voting group identity distinct for each curiae. By the same token, geographically dispersed conventions would no longer be a part of the unified, assembly process; they were now considered the private, informal business of citizens outside the purview of the state. This removed the right of magistrates presiding over elections, to interfere with them.

However Drusus instituted a great number of safeguards against the dangers of democracy as he saw it. The voting period was limited to 3 days, and after the window for voting was over, and a plurality of its votes went one way, the vote for that curiae would be considered called. Each curiae was allowed only one poll station, so 30 voting stations represented the entirety of Italy. One had to either travel to a poll station personally to vote or hire a proxy, which advantaged wealthier voters who had such economic means and/or time to vote. (Essentially unless you happened to live near a voting station, you could not afford to vote unless you could afford a proxy) It also advantaged urbanites since voting stations were located in important population centres, as well as those who were better informed and had a more avid interest in politics since the voting period was very short and votes were frequent. All this contributed to a very low turnout even among those who were qualified to vote: male, literate citizens of Italy. Nevertheless compared to the old Assemblies, vastly more citizens were able to vote.

The main function of the Curiata Assembly was to elect "lower" executive magistrates: Quaestors, Aediles, and Tribunes. As Quaestors automatically became Senators upon the end of their term, the Curiata Assembly greatly influenced the long term composition of the Senate. But the Curiata Assembly had no judicial powers, legislative powers were limited to consultation and overview only, to gauge public opinion. It could not propose legislation and legislation could only be presented to the Assembly and thus the public AFTER it had been passed and approved by the Senate already and not before. Even though a vote in the Curiata Assembly on a piece of policy or legislation was a matter of consultation only with a non-binding result, nevertheless the Assembly was still widely seen as relevant due to the power of public opinion. It served as a minor check to the power of the Senate.


3) The Senate remained by far the most important body of the Republic, with almost all power concentrated into its hands. The Senate was responsible for electing all the "higher" executive magistrates: Consuls, Praetors, Proconsuls, Tetrarchs and the Princeps (more to be explained in Article IV), from amongst themselves. It was made up of all the most experienced politicians, statesmen, generals of the Republic who had to fulfil property qualifications to retain membership. This was a 250,000 denarii property requirement, though the Princeps could grant exceptions. Importantly, the Senate body was limited to 300 members only, with quorum being set at 200. Quorum was not required to pass acts and legislation, which could be done unilaterally by the Consuls. But it is required to open any debate and discussion over matters. Drusus disliked the notion of a large Senate since it made everything more difficult to get done, filled the body with useless members making it less prestigious and less competent and more corrupt, and also made it more raucous. If membership would exceed 300, the most senior members (by date of becoming a senator) were retired by the newcomers (Quaestors who finished their term of office). This was done to weed out those who were excessively old to carry out vigorous state duties and to stay informed of political affairs. This mandatory retirement would not include the Princeps, Consuls, Praetors, Propraetors, Proconsuls, Tetrarchs during their term of office. Since the Princeps and Tetrarchs (insofar as they were not dismissed by the Princeps) served for life, they were the only permanent members.

The Senate was the only effective legislative body, deciding and dictating both acts of domestic and foreign policy. Although in the aftermath of passing laws, treaties, it was not part of the mandatory process to consult the Curiata Assembly, it was the expected custom and tradition for major pieces of legislation. Senators by virtue of their imperium also have legal immunity and thus can only be tried by their peers. Only Senators may grant and hold imperium in the Republic, thus all proconsuls (governors of provinces holding the highest imperium in their province) were Senators also. This was also the case for Praetors/Propraetors, Consuls, the Tetrarchs, and the Princeps, who was princeps senatus (head of the Senate) in addition to being First Citizen. The minimum age requirement for Senators was set at 32 with no exceptions. The Senate as a collective body, was also the highest judicial authority (by virtue of imperium), though that power was rarely used. Ordinarily, the Senate functions in the judiciary process only by dismissing cases of corrupt higher judges from office as explained in Article VII, even if they did have the nominal right to overturn or decide any legal case by vote.

Lastly, Senators had to be actually present in a Senate meeting to cast a vote. (This held true for the Princeps as well to utilize his veto.) Those absent from Rome could not and thus successful Senators abroad would have diminishing political influence back in Rome, that held in check their ambitions abroad, and which would incentivize them to return.


4) The College of Pontiffs was in charge of religious affairs of the state, devoted to religious duties, the regulation and keeping of the Calendar, as well as the keeping of the Roman state cult of the 15 gods/goddesses of the Roman state religion. Underneath this body and in their charge, were various other religious bodies including the augurs (who read omens), the epulones (in charge of religious festivals), and the Vestal Virgins. The College was headed by the Pontifex Maximus elected by the other 15 Pontifices. Each Pontifice was put in charge of one of the 15 cults as priests/flamens. New appointments to the College would be given one of the 12 minor deities. The 3 major deities would be reserved for the promotion of a pontifice from a minor deity (after the election of a new pontifex maximus). A Pontifex Maximus was always chosen out of the 3 Pontifices in charge of the 3 Major Deities: Jupiter, Mars, and Janus/Quirinus. Membership of the college was stripped down to 16 from the 25 of Augustus, and membership was for life. Out of all the religious bodies the College of Pontiffs was the only one with a distinct political role.

Pontifices were appointed by the Princeps with the approval of the College of Tribunes (who could veto an appointment on grounds of bad character). They usually consisted of prominent, former Senators, newly retired. Though theoretically anyone could hold office, the Princeps would usually promise it to influential Senators in exchange for political favours. The 16 members had the role of electing censors, with the Pontifex Maximus holding the power of veto. Their secondary political role was the right to interpret the constitution to determine whether it had been violated in cases of uncertainty. Their interpretation had no formal legal standing, but had an important moral and religious standing as many Romans believed that only by following and complying with the divine constitution, would the gods look upon the Republic with favour.


5) The College of Tribunes consists of all former Tribunes who had served out their term. As there was a ten year required interval before Tribunes could run for office again, the College had a significant number of members, though it was unimportant politically. Their main role was to be often commissioned with specific tasks by the Senate, such as providing them with reports and briefings from fact-finding missions. They fulfilled this role as essential aides to Senate commissions in groups of ten known as decemvirs. Their only significant political role was the right to veto Pontifice appointments by the Princeps. Since Pontifices elected censors, and censors had the right to veto the censorial acts of the Princeps, the College had an important indirect role in maintaining the balance of power between the Princeps and the Senate. But more on that in Article IV.


6) The sixth body was the active Equestrian Order. While Augustus had instituted reforms allowing any man of sufficient property status to be called an equestrian, and the equestrian class filled important administrative roles, the Equestrian Order was reformed by Drusus into a purely military order. This was undoubtedly another concession to the Senate in exchange for various other reforms, but it had the effect of increasing the number of posts available to the Senatorial class, as well as for common citizens (with no property requirements) on merit. The active order would always consist of the current military commanders of the cohorts in the regular army (Legions, Auxilia, Praetorian Guard), who were appointed by a Senate military commission. All former cohort commanders were also considered part of the order as equestrians, but not as active members. It was stipulated in Article III that only active members of the Equestrian Order could command cohorts. The motivation for this on the part of Drusus was to better centralize command and authority of the army in the hands of the Republic's Senate, as opposed to potentially ambitious legati, proconsuls, tetrarchs, ect. It also provided for a more effective and trustworthy command structure for the command of Auxilia cohorts. More on this general topic will be discussed in Article VI. Apart from their military function, and their ceremonial role as part of a military order which was also established to foster a sense of military spirit and unity amongst the cohort commanders of the Republic to try and reduce the chances of civil war between armies, this body had no political role.


7) The final body was a new creation by Drusus and served another military role. The Consilium Principis was comprised of the two Consuls, the Princeps, and all ex-consuls who were not yet retired from the Senate who were available in Rome (having served out their term as proconsul in the provinces).

The Consilium functioned as a central military command (with the highest overall military authority in the Republic) or army general staff. Using the (highest) imperium of the Consuls, they decided where fleets, legions, troops should be prepositioned in the Republic. While all the former, ex-consuls were given no formal political role or power over proceedings, they had a voice in the council to give advice. The Princeps, by virtue of his censorial power, would have great influence over proceedings. The three most influential members of the body would undoubtedly be the Princeps and the two sitting consuls, who would make all the final decisions, thus the rule of three was formalized in their role as the current, ruling triumvirate of the Republic.

The effectiveness of such a centralized military command would prove to be limited because of the vast distances of communication involved. However it did serve to formally centralize military decision-making. Even though contingencies would still be effectively handled by proconsuls in their provinces, the Consilium was important for directing the movement of armies behind the scenes, to where they were strategically needed to reinforce existing troops and commands. Theirs was a strategic, grand-scale role.
 
Last edited:
Article IV: On Executive Magistrates (part 1)
Article IV begins with a clarification of (general) state imperium. As was previously stated in Article III only the Senate and Senators could hold imperium. General state imperium can be contrasted with specific powers, duties, responsibilities that were given to other non-Senatorial magisterial positions and ranks. Imperium by contrast meant having the legal right to be able to wield any general power, it was state power without any defined limits on its own.

Article IV recognized three levels of imperium only, all of which belonged to Senators. The Consuls, the Praetors, and then everyone else who by virtue of being individual Senators, held imperium. This definition of imperium meant collective Senate acts and decisions were almost ceremonial in nature, since the Senate's nominal right to pass anything at all relied on the assent of the consuls or at the very least their act of abstaining, as they held the highest imperium. Consuls could enforce agenda bypassing the Senate altogether, they could veto any motion. The imperium of any individual Senator or collective of ordinary Senators on the other hand, was always less than the higher imperium that Consuls possessed. The imperium of the Praetors was often meaningless as well due to the Consul's elevated imperium. Praetors could veto acts of the Senate or enforce agenda, but they could always be overruled by the Consuls. Thus if the Consuls agreed with the Praetors, they would be the ones to enforce it, though Consuls could try to downplay their own involvement by having the Praetors push through legislation with the Consuls abstaining. The only time that all Senators held equal imperium in voting was in the election of higher magistrates from amongst themselves: the election of Consuls, Praetors, the Princeps, Proconsuls, the confirmation of tetrarch appointments. Veto power was suspended for the Consuls, Praetors, Princeps, Tribunes on such voting.

Any magistrate could veto the action of a magistrate of equal or lesser imperium, so every Senator was accountable to a fellow Senator, Consuls could be vetoed by another Consul, and Praetors likewise. Since there were only two Praetors and Consuls, one could always counterbalance the other. However in the Senate, if all Praetors and Consuls abstained from the vote, and a majority of Senators voted one way, the greater number of Senators would outweigh the imperium of the minority.

While Proconsuls held highest imperium in their assigned province, outside of it they are just a Senator. Thus while a Senator (even a Consul) visiting a province was of lower imperium than the proconsul, in all other places their imperium equaled or exceeded that of proconsuls. The Senate could thus terminate a proconsul's tenure in office, even if both Consuls and Praetors abstained from the vote, so long as a majority (greater than one) of Senators voted in favour. Consuls could give commands to Proconsuls, to transfer military forces to another province for example, while in Rome, so long as they were outside their province. They could also unilaterally terminate proconsulships given their extraordinary imperium.

Apart from the Senators however, everyone else in service to the Republic of any office, has specific duties and rank, but not general imperium. Quaestors for example have no imperium from their own position and rank, their authority comes from the Senate, to implement its acts and decisions only.


The rest of Article IV was split into seven sections describing the powers of executive magistrates.


1. The Princeps. He was the head of state/the republic, but not head of the government of the Republic, that would be the Consuls. He had no elevated imperium compared to other Senators. He could be considered just an ordinary Senator. However he did have the unique power of being able to bypass considerations of imperium due to censorial powers. As only Senators could hold imperium, expelling members of the Senate would remove their imperium automatically. As part of the census, the Princeps can add new members to the Senate (but only to fill vacancies below 300), expel members, deny Quaestors entry into the Senate after the end of their term, and veto the candidacy of a Tribune. All these powers were shared with the two censors, any one of them could veto his censorial acts. In addition to being head of the state and republic, he was Princeps Senatus (head of the Senate) and had veto power over the Senate similar to Tribunes. Unlike Consuls, he could not enforce legislation and acts upon the Senate. He is responsible for appointing Pontifices to the College of Pontiffs, candidates must also be confirmed by the College of Tribunes. Importantly, like the rest of the magistrates, the Princeps could not hold a second office in addition to the one he held. He could not become Consul too for example and was strictly limited to the roles and powers defined for the Princeps. The Princeps had a life term and there could only be one Princeps at any given time with such powers.

As the Princeps had no extraordinary imperium to just implement decisions or command armies (like Consuls), he had to present proposals before the Senate to be granted imperium in specific matters. Therefore the Princeps had to rule with the assent of the Consuls at the very least. And if he chose to censor them for obstruction, he needed the backing of both Censors as well as the Senate to elect new Consuls that he would approve of.

And lastly, by law a princeps' private and personal wealth must always be clearly distinguished from state property and finances.


2. The Tetrarchs. The Tetrarchs are four Senators appointed by the Princeps requiring majority confirmation from the Senate. They are the four potential successors of the Princeps to inherit his position and also his personal subordinates leading armies on his behalf. They are barred from holding consulships, praetorship, proconsulships. They had to be Senators and possessed ordinary imperium. Any of the four could be replaced at any time by the Princeps with Senatorial approval, otherwise they served for life. After the death of a Princeps, the Senate elects one of the four as the next Princeps.

Unlike all other Senatorial voting which was done publicly, the election of a new Princeps would employ the secret vote. Each Tetrarch would be assigned one of four colours: red, blue, purple, and green. Senators would line up to vote, enter one by one into a deserted room with a scrap of papyrus. There would be dyes in the four colours waiting. They would pick the dye representing the candidate they intended to vote for and smear it onto the papyrus. They would then wash their hands in the basin of water provided, and return to the waiting Senators, and clearly drop one folded scrap of papyrus into a jar for all to see. Once all available Senators had voted, the tetrarch with the fewest votes would be eliminated and the same process would begin the next day. Once all the Tetrarchs but one were eliminated in the voting, a new Princeps had been chosen.

The Tetrarchs' main responsibility was to serve as regional commanders; Drusus was evidently contemplating the sheer size of the Roman Republic when he created this position. All territory of the Republic was divided into four areas of military responsibility, and each Tetrarch would be assigned to one region by the Princeps. (This did not include neutral Italy). However crucially, they had no extraordinary imperium to command the Republic's military forces stationed in the provinces, except for the part of the Praetorian Guard assigned to them. The Senate has to first authorize a military campaign for the Princeps. Tetrarchs could then act in the name of the Princeps, who often gave them considerable autonomy. This assigned Senatorial power (endorsed by the Consuls) would then override that of the Proconsuls in the provinces, but it was restricted to a specific matter only, and it would expire with the task that was assigned.

This was all to decrease the chances of unconstitutional rebellion, the Tetrarchs were normally limited to a relatively small force of command, yet great enough to defend himself from any Proconsul. Only in a military emergency would extensive armies be placed in his command for either the regional defence of the Republic or a major offensive military campaign. To reduce the possibility of conflict and foul play, the Tetrarchs were separated by vast distances, and stationed in the four corners of the Republic. Foul play with the presence of three other potential heirs also raised enormous risks. Murdering the Princeps or even another tetrarch would not guarantee succession. In addition all tetrarchs could be replaced from their position fairly easily. The minimum age to be appointed a Tetrarch was 36.

Lastly, the tetrarchs were the joint heads of the Frumentarii. (the secret police with wide ranging powers, more will be elaborated in Article VII.) This decentralized command reduced the potential for abuse. But being the head of such a feared police force also helped ensure tetrarchs won’t be chosen lightly by senators for political reasons, and thus the future princeps will be trustworthy and responsible as well. The Tetrarch's chief role here is to maintain the frumentarii’s independence and guarantee its authority, to ensure the organization is loyal to the Roman state, and to make sure its activities are reasonable and without prejudice.


3. The Consuls. There were two consuls who functioned as the head of the Republican government, they possessed the highest imperium. They served a one year term that could not be extended. There was a minimum age requirement of 40 to be elected a consul. Upon the end of term, consuls had to serve a mandatory proconsulship which lasted five years (the two outgoing Consuls had first pick of provinces, without requiring Senatorial approval, but were limited to only one province), and it was five years before they were eligible to become consul again. Consuls possessed absolute amnesty right by virtue of their extraordinary imperium, all other amnesties granted by Senators including the Princeps could be vetoed.

In Italy, the two Consuls directly command all military forces (except the Praetorian Guard) As they also have the highest overall imperium, they can issue orders to proconsuls without Senatorial approval. But due to their short terms in office (which cannot be extended), consuls would rarely leave Italy to go on campaign. They were expected to remain, to command forces in Italy’s defence if ever necessary, and to chair the Consilium Principis. Consuls are also responsible for designating higher judges for Italy (more will be explained in Article VII)

As Consuls served only a year, in addition to being restrained by his counterpart and the tribunes, the five years he had to serve in relative political wilderness after his term, would make him an easy target to be censored by the Princeps if he angered a lot of fellow Senators. This was intended to weigh into his consideration of how much unreasonable, absolute power he dared exercise during his term. And of course Consuls could be censored by the Princeps during his term, if both Censors agreed.


4. Praetors, the Praetorian Guard and Propraetors. The Praetors played a significant role in providing checks and balances to the system. There were two Praetors at any time, there was a minimum age requirement of 39 to be elected. They served a one year term and had the second highest imperium that was higher than ordinary Senatorial imperium.

Their most important role was first control of the Praetorian Guard, a special unit whose ultimate authority and command belonged to the Praetors. This joint command and supreme authority over the Praetorian Guard preceded even that of the Consul's imperium. Praetors could transfer command of the Praetorian Guard to the Princeps or refuse and revoke that transfer. Command could never be transferred to the Consuls or anyone else. It was specified in Article IV that the Praetorian Guard could ever only be transferred to the Princeps or commanded by the Praetors themselves. Once command was transferred to the Princeps it could be revoked by the Praetors at any time, and Article IV required that the force be equally divided between the Princeps and his tetrarchs so that no individual commanded too many men directly. The main purpose of the Praetorian Guard was two fold, to counter the Consul's supreme command of all other military forces in Italy by which he could use to seize unconstitutional power, and to act as a check on the Princeps.

To serve that purpose, the Praetorian Guard was mandated to recruit only from Italian citizen families with a history of honourable military service, in the belief that Italians were naturally more attuned and loyal to the mechanics of the Constitution as opposed to the rule of statesmen and generals, and thus would obey the command to take orders from Praetors before the Princeps or the Tetrarchs. There was a remarkable passage in Article IV here that explicated the legal process to remove a (tyrannical) Princeps. All the more remarkable since Drusus had come up with it whilst he was Princeps himself. Both Praetors had to agree to take away the Princeps' control of the Praetorian Guard (this simultaneously deprived the tetrarchs of their military force too). At least one Consul gives the go-ahead to arrest the Princeps with the assurance they won't be prosecuted in the aftermath, while the other Consul abstains and does not veto. At least one Censor has to refuse to protect the Princeps by vetoing his censorial actions. While normally in constitutional terms, one magistrate only has to abstain for his counterpart's decision to go through: for the specific act of transferring and revoking command of the Praetorian Guard however, both Praetors have to agree. In this legal process to remove the Princeps however, there was no guarantee that new consuls, or the next Princeps won’t take retaliatory action so the power could not be abused.
 
Last edited:
How do you envision the provincial administration in this proposed system? In OTL the Roman Enpire had to deal with provincial uprising provoked by incompetent governors. I was thinking that perhaps you should separate the provincial administration from the military command. In the more civilized and sensitive provinces, Drusus can have native governors since they know which lines not to cross with the people in their province. You can then have the proconsul be the military commander in charge any troops stationed in the province. A side effect of not tying military commanders to province administration is that you then move them to various trouble spots as needed.
 
How do you envision the provincial administration in this proposed system? In OTL the Roman Enpire had to deal with provincial uprising provoked by incompetent governors. I was thinking that perhaps you should separate the provincial administration from the military command. In the more civilized and sensitive provinces, Drusus can have native governors since they know which lines not to cross with the people in their province. You can then have the proconsul be the military commander in charge any troops stationed in the province. A side effect of not tying military commanders to province administration is that you then move them to various trouble spots as needed.


I’ll try not to spoil too much since a lot of it will be covered in Article V. But here’s the basics.

1. Provincial Councils have to approve of financial officers for the provinces
2. Legionary commanders more independent of proconsuls, proconsuls never legionary commanders as well. Legions not permanently stationed in a province.
3. Correctores reporting to the Senate
4. Expanded Frumentarii role
5. More dedicated, local provincial administration that is composed of natives, yet they still have to be citizens of that province. (rather than these posts being held by a cosmopolitan equestrian class)
6. Agoge emphasis to train a class of great men every generation among the elites, gradually opening up to the upper classes from the provinces as well. These provincial elites will eventually identify as Roman, as they will spend most of their teenage years in Rome attending the agoge.
7. Longer governor and proconsul terms, so that proconsuls don’t see the province as a temporary opportunity to squeeze.
8. No more election debts for proconsuls to repay, they are elected into their posts by their Senate peers only

But yeah the problem of incompetence and corruption will never entirely go away, it won’t be terminal for the Republic though. Proconsuls also have to maintain ultimate political, civil, and military authority in a province, the Senate wouldn’t have it any other way as this Constitution formally enshrines the Senate as being the source for all legitimate political power in the Republic.

Nor would the provinces be stable if authority was uncertain or could be contested, so proconsuls need general imperium in their province in case of emergencies. But for most of the time, they will be essentially figureheads, with the proquaestors and procurators under them doing all the real work.
 
Last edited:
Article IV: On Executive Magistrates (part 2)
So in addition to the normal, legal procedure to remove a Princeps, the support of the Senate and at least some of the Tetrarchs was crucial in guaranteeing that the newly elected Princeps and Consuls would also look favourably on such an action. This also made clear that the Princeps could not afford to alienate the Senate, because it was the Senate ultimately that elected two Consuls and two Praetors every year. New Consuls could also take office on promise of action against former Consuls who acted unreasonably in pushing past legislation without consulting the Senate. So although the Senate had little formal power next to the Consuls or the Princeps, they had a great deal of background power: in having future electoral powers. Therefore their opinion on matters and their vote on legislation ultimately could not be ignored.


4. Praetors, the Praetorian Guard and Propraetors (continued)

Although consuls have the highest imperium, including legal authority, the highest political crimes in Italy committed by non-Senators (such as treason) are specified to fall under the jurisdiction of praetors. This was done to enforce a separation of powers, since consuls also had the highest amnesty right. Consular judicial duties were limited to holding trials for fellow Senators accused of misconduct.

After serving out their year term, Praetors automatically were required to become propraetors. Propraetors served a five year term, so normally there were 10 of them. Praetors had to serve this five year term after leaving office, during which they were barred from holding other offices. Propraetors were collectively responsible for negotiating treaties with foreign powers and client states on behalf of the Senate. They had ultimate authority in the negotiations but they had to bring any proposal back to the Senate for debate, discussion, voting, and ratification Propraetors were also frequently appointed as trusted, foreign dignitaries travelling to foreign countries to improve relations. The main purpose for Drusus in creating such a post was to remove the power of foreign policy making from proconsuls and other ambitious statesmen, who would no longer have the highest authority to conduct negotiations that preceded any treaty. It was also intended to prevent Praetors serving consecutive terms but also to prevent them from taking proconsulships in the aftermath of their term. This made Praetors more responsible for the actions they made with regards to the Praetorian Guard, they could no longer escape to the provinces afterwards with greater political immunity.

A secondary role played by the propraetors was their importance during a Princeps succession. For the election of a new princeps, all four tetrarchs had to journey to Rome for the election, and relinquish command of their armies as well as command of the Praetorian Guard in doing so. (This was in order to prevent violent usurpations. Tetrarchs who refuse could not be legally considered for succession.) Until after the election and succession was concluded (which could take months), their role and place would be temporarily taken by four Senate-appointed propraetors.

Lastly we might note that the extensive changes made by Drusus with regards to praetors was a response to what he saw as Augustus' attempts to degrade the office and turn it into a mid-level administrative post. These reforms made Praetors central power figures in the Republic again, and Praetorships were to be much sought-after as a very prestigious position.


5. The Censors. There were two censors at any time elected by the College of Pontiffs. They served a single five year term, with no possibility of a second term, and importantly they had to be ex-Senators who had been retired or chose to retire from the body. The Censors had equal censorial powers with the Princeps (complete with the right to expel and induct members into the Senate, right to deny outgoing Quaestors a Senate seat, right to veto Tribune candidacies), and their censorial acts could be vetoed by the Princeps or if the other Censor disagreed, likewise they also had veto power over the Princeps. Their first role was to work with the Princeps on the (annual) census for the Senate. This included the responsibility of registering the wealth of Senators as well as those who stand for Quaestor and Tribunes, to confirm that wealth requirements were met. Such requirements could only be waived if all three members (2 Censors, Princeps) agreed to grant an exemption to the individual in question. Their second role was to work with curators to maintain voter lists for all citizens in Italy eligible to vote, and had registered to do so. This particular role fell to them alone and was not the responsibility of the Princeps.


6. Tribunes and Aediles. Both positions were much reformed by Drusus. The number of Aediles was reduced to four, and their administrative duties much reduced and given over to local administrators elected by Rome's Tribal Assembly. Aediles served a one year term, and their main role was to work with the decurions elected by the Tribal Assembly. The Tribal Assembly was transformed by Drusus into a local legislative body for Rome that was responsible for local affairs and administration. It governed the city of Rome only and decurions were elected in the traditional single Assembly format: one day of voting, voters divided into 35 tribes by geography, voting ends by nightfall, on a first come first vote basis.

Aediles supervised and funded local games, festivals, maintained public buildings, and managed the grain supply. Thus they worked with the Epulones (in charge of religious festivals), and the Decurions of the Tribal Assembly, elected as local administrators. Because Aediles were elected by (urban) voters across Italy however, the largesse they promised voters had to be distributed across all of Italy, including other cities. Aediles thus also needed to work with the decurions/local administrators of other cities and their local curia. They served as an invaluable link between the Senate, Rome's local Tribal Assembly, and the local curia of Italy's other cities.

Aedileships were generally sought by political newcomers who wanted to make a political statement and intent in terms of wealth, with the eventual hope of being elected as Quaestors and entering the Senate. There were no property qualifications for running unlike other posts, but only very wealthy individuals would be elected as they were elected on promises to organize public festivals and games out of their own purse. There were also no term limits, and Aediles could serve for reelection. Senators with no need for public support would not run, therefore typically only those who had not held Quaestorships would run.
 
Last edited:
Article IV: On Executive Magistrates (part 3)
6. Tribunes and Aediles (continued)

While Drusus kept most of the powers of the original Tribune of Plebs, he condensed its various powers down to two: veto power over all Senate acts (including acts of the Consul), and tribunal judicial powers. He instituted various new safeguards to prevent tribunes from being a populist nuisance to the Republic, including a 100,000 denarii wealth requirement to stand for office, and the right for the Princeps (with the agreement of the censors) to veto candidacies. After their one year term, a second tribuneship would only be allowed after a full interval of ten years. Most importantly Tribunes would no longer be an office for the plebs solely, anyone who was not a Senator could run, and the title of the post became simply known as "Tribune". With the Constitution seemingly intent on abolishing any legal distinction between patricians, equestrians, and plebs, between "classes" of citizens, this was another good example of such. It was a strange form of egalitarianism, as even though the poorest plebeian citizens now had the same legal rights as patricians, nevertheless all political offices that formerly existed to benefit them solely were gone.

There were ten tribunes elected each year by the Curiata Assembly. Although they had veto power over Senate legislation or the act of any Senator, they were legally prevented from bypassing the Senate and presenting legislation to the Curiata Assembly. Doing so would forfeit their sacrosanct status.

The second power Tribunes possessed was the protected right to contest judicial decisions, on the behalf of a citizen who asks the tribune to assess the legal situation and determine the lawfulness of a judicial decision. Tribunals may be then called by tribunes in cases where the judge is assessed to have made an unfair ruling. A tribunal would be composed of several new judges with a presiding tribune to pass a new ruling. This right only applied to citizens living in Italy.


7. Quaestors and Curators. There were 20 Quaestors at any time, who had to be at least 30 years of age to stand for office. Drusus increased a Quaestor's term length to two years from one, to account for his shrinking of the Senate by half. In this way, the number of new incoming Senators every year matched roughly the annual death and retirement rate of Senators leaving office. Since 10 Quaestors were elected each year by the Curiata Assembly, generally a minimum of 10 Senators had to lose their seats and be forced into retirement. This annual cull of up to 10 Senators and the entry of 10 new ones occurred at a given point of time each year, and so vacancies caused by deaths/resignations/expulsions in between could be filled by the Princeps and the censors.

In other notable reforms, Quaestors were no longer responsible for overseeing provincial administration, that role was take over by the proquaestors as will be discussed in Article V. Just like Senators who have to fulfill a 250,000 denarii wealth requirement to hold office, Quaestors also needed to meet such a requirement to stand for office and afterwards, enter the Senate.

Quaestors were responsible for overseeing the republican administration and the administration for Italy, including budget and finances. They were chief financial officers and in charge of curators that they would appoint. While the Senate decides policy, it was Quaestors' job to see it implemented. They had no imperium of their own, and by convention already Senators would never run for this office. Quaestors were expected to do a competent job in running the administration, or else it was highly likely their progression into the Senate upon leaving office would be vetoed by the Princeps and the censors. This incentivized good and honest conduct, competence, and reduced the risk of abuse and mismanagement at the overall republican administration level even if the office was popularly elected.

Curators were day to day administrative officials for the republican administration and Italy, appointed by Quaestors. They were mostly stationed in Italy but could also be stationed in the provinces to serve as a liaison with proconsuls, proquaestors and procurators. They were responsible not only to Quaestors who appointed them and could dismiss them, but also the Senate military commission for military procurement matters (Article VI) and censors for compiling voter lists. Among their required duties laid out in Article IV, they were in charge of presiding over votes in the Curiata Assembly, with at least one curator presiding over each curiae voting station. Standardized procedures for voting and elections as laid out in the Constitution removed the need for powerful presiding magistrates over the voting however. Curators that preside over elections only have the power to ensure that the constitutional procedure is followed. There were no term lengths for curators, they served until they either resigned or were dismissed. Ultimately, while the Senate decided legislation and spending policy, Quaestors and Curators had to make sure it was realized in the Republican administration and the administration for Rome/Italy, with the onus being on Quaestors to deliver, and be rewarded with acceptance in the Senate ranks.


In addition to the various magisterial roles and powers as defined in Article IV of the Constitution, all additional roles and responsibilities beyond these stipulated, insofar as they are not ruled out in Article IV, could possibly be established by Senatorial decree. This gave the Republic the flexibility to institute new roles and duties where it was required, as circumstances would warrant.
 
Slightly disappointed by no mention of Cicero. He would have survived because there’s no proscriptions by the Second Triumvir. And he tutored Octavian OTL and was the greatest orator of Rome at the time.

He would have spoken out against Mark Anthony who he hated (see second philippic) as well. But amazing work even if it’s going to be nothing I recognise. I’ve finished my essay on Suetonius so it’s weird seeing this, but will keep an eye on this.
 
Slightly disappointed by no mention of Cicero. He would have survived because there’s no proscriptions by the Second Triumvir. And he tutored Octavian OTL and was the greatest orator of Rome at the time.

He would have spoken out against Mark Anthony who he hated (see second philippic) as well. But amazing work even if it’s going to be nothing I recognise. I’ve finished my essay on Suetonius so it’s weird seeing this, but will keep an eye on this.


I've always felt the role of Cicero in Roman history has been exaggerated just because he was very good at speeches and his letters were so good. Ultimately he had a great deal of soft influence in the Senate, but real politics was defined by military power.

In TTL, he survives, continues to make speeches extolling the Republic and Republicanism, his work in later years may have influenced Drusus somewhat. But he died before the war against Antony could begin. Let's say he lives ten more years and dies in 33 BC. Caesar had just died two years before and Antony had not yet revealed himself to be such a turncoat.
 
Last edited:
I've always felt the role of Cicero in Roman history has been exaggerated just because he was very good at speeches and his letters were so good. Ultimately he had a great deal of soft influence in the Senate, but real politics was defined by military power.

In TTL, he survives, continues to make speeches extolling the Republic and Republicanism, his work in later years may have influenced Drusus somewhat. But he died before the war against Antony could begin. Let's say he lives ten more years and dies in 33 BC. Caesar had just died two years later and Antony had not yet revealed himself to be such a turncoat.

I do probably have a soft spot. In terms of the soft politics Cicero was king, he was on good terms with both Caesar and Pompey. So basically if it wasn’t because the last century was constant civil war he’d be a much bigger factor in politics. He was able to leverage his handling of the Cataline Conspiracy into quite a bit of influence.


But Cicero would actually be happy just writing philosophy for the rest of life. Unfortunately OTL he pissed off Mark Anthony first.
 
Top