A Cat of a Different Color: China After Mao

[Rediv]

Warmly Welcome Comrade Wang Hongwen on His Inspection Tour of Xiyang County!

-- banner at Dazhai Model Commune, Jul. 1, 1977


This visit to Dazhai, a village often hailed in China’s press as the “national pacesetter in agriculture,” comes amidst reports that the country’s grain purchases from Australia have risen 5% from the previous year, and many experts see Mr. Wang’s widely publicized appearance today as a further indication that China’s declining agricultural production is major source of concern for the top leaders in Beijing.

-- Washington Post, Jul. 2, 1977


Photos released by the Xinhua News Agency show Mr. Wang inspecting fields and examining farm machinery. Constantly by his side is Chen Yonggui, former head of the Dazhai party committee and now a deputy premier. A colorful character, Mr. Chen often appears in public with a farmer’s towel wrapped around his head. Today Mr. Wang seemed to be following his host’s sartorial lead, shedding his usual army tunic and donning a straw hat.

-- The Guardian, Jul. 2, 1977


In learning from Dazhai, we must rely upon the creative energy of the masses, and in particular the energies of the poor and lower-middle class peasants. It was they who took the lead in carrying out land reform, and it was they who most enthusiastically embraced Chairman Mao’s teachings during the Great Cultural Revolution. Therefore, it must be the poor peasants who take the lead in learning from Dazhai and building Dazhai-style counties across our country.

-- Wang Hongwen, address to the Dazhai Poor Peasants’ Association, Jul. 1, 1977


When Comrade Wang Hongwen entered our kitchen, one of the cooks offered him a stool to sit on. He turned to the cook and said:

“Today is the fifty-sixth anniversary of the founding of the Chinese Communist Party. Our Party is committed to serving the people, and we in the Party must always keep the interests of the broad masses of the people in our hearts. ” He gestured to an elderly poor peasant woman and said: “Old grandmother, please sit down and rest.”

Seeing Comrade Wang Hongwen’s concern for the poor peasants, we were deeply moved and resolved to double our efforts to grasp revolution and promote production in transforming China into a powerful socialist country!

-- “Comrade Wang Hongwen Visited Our Brigade,” Nongmin Ribao [Peasants’ Daily], Jul. 3, 1977


Let Us Follow Comrade Wang Hongwen’s Directive to Bring Forth A Great Upsurge in Learning From Dazhai In Agriculture

– an editorial by the members of the Anzhou Poor Peasants’ Association

-- Renmin Ribao, Jul. 4, 1977

 

[subversivepancakes]

I love the newspaper excerpt format that you've chosen, because the tone is absolutely perfect. You should really think about a career with the Central Propaganda Office. I warmly congratulate you . . .

I'd be interested to hear more about your exact POD, especially given Wang Hongwen's rapid ascent to power. Or are you setting him up as a sort of Manchurian candidate for Jiang Qing and Zhang Chunqiao? OTL he was considered more of a sidekick than a leader (and it was reflected in his prison sentence, which was lenient compared to Jiang's, for example). That leads me to my other question: how exactly did Jiang/Zhang/Wang/Yao avoid their fate of OTL? I mean, in real life they were arrested like a month after Mao's death. Really, in the mid-1970s there was an enormous backlash against the Cultural Revolution and everyone associated with it. I think you've got to have at least a few scapegoats to appease the mob. And I know that you drew attention to it, but I just can't believe that Wang would be elected General Secretary at such a young age.

Nitpicks aside, I'm really enjoying the timeline, although I fear for China. Wang was, well, a bit of a nutter. I'm especially fond of the story from during his days as the boss of Shanghai, when he ordered drivers to stop on green and go on red, based on the theory that red was a revolutionary and socialist color and it should thus be associated with movement. Hilarity ensued.

 

[Rediv]

SubversivePanda:

Sorry I haven’t been clear at all about my POD. My original plan was to reveal it incrementally, in the same manner as the world learned about the Lin Biao Incident in 1971. But I’ll be sure to speed things up and make things clearer.

As for Wang Hongwen, pretty much everybody agrees he’s a figurehead who’s being controlled by someone else, but the question is: who? It’s entirely possible that, seeing the dire straits of the radicals, he abandoned the Gang and started sucking up to the moderates. Considering his OTL willingness to go cooperate in the trial and confess to everything he was charged with, as opposed to Jiang Qing and Zhang Chunqiao, who were as recalcitrant and uncooperative as could be, I wouldn’t say that’s too ASB as long as Wang realizes just how screwed he’ll be if he sticks with the Gang. Plus, I’ve read that – strangely enough – unlike the rest of the Gang, he still acted somewhat respectfully towards Zhou Enlai during the “Criticize Lin, Criticize Confucius” campaign. So the pill might not be so hard for him to swallow.

Or, as you said, maybe this is all an elaborate ruse, and Wang is indeed a “Manchurian Candidate” for the radicals.

But no, Wang Hongwen is not the sharpest tool in the shed, and not particularly qualified for the job he has now. He was pretty good at stirring up trouble in the January Seizure of Power back in 1967, but actually running things isn’t really his forte. Maybe if they had just kept him in charge of the Shanghai Militia he would have done an ok job, but as the Acting Chairman of the Communist Party he’s pretty in over his head.

 

[Rediv]

Subversive Panda, cont'd:

You brought up a really important point about popular dissatisfaction and a need for scapegoats which I forgot to address. Here's how I've been seeing it:

(Let me know if you're still not convinced, though, since I do think I'm erring on the side of an elite politics focus and neglecting how things play out in the grassroots)

Before the OTL arrest of the Gang of Four, the public removal of leaders was usually rather gradual. In 1966, for example, while Liu Shaoqi’s policies were being repudiated and attacked, for the first few months he himself stuck around, and even appeared at the first Red Guard rallies. Then, slowly, he began to fade away, appearing at fewer official functions, his name being mentioned less and less in connection with the other leaders. Then the denunciations of “China’s Khrushchev” started, and eventually Liu was criticized by name.

In TTL, we haven’t been seeing a whole lot of Jiang Qing, and neither Zhang nor Yao have been particularly vocal or active since Mao’s death. I would imagine that people in China would have taken note of this, and concluded that Jiang Qing was as good as gone, and that Zhang and Yao were likely being pushed down quite a few notches as well. As for a more cathartic denunciation campaign, that would probably come later.

But then again, cathartic denunciations were usually accompanied by just the sort of chaos that the Gang represented, and so I’m sure plenty of people would be happy to forego the slogan-shouting and flag-waving as long as they could just go about their lives in peace, confident that the upheavals were behind them. And considering that in TTL we haven’t heard anybody in the top leadership talking about class struggle or capitalist roaders for a while, some people may well be coming to such a conclusion.

There still is dissasisfaction, though, and we're likely to see more local unrest and a spread in crime, etc. Hopefully, barring something unforeseen, we should be able to avoid something like a repeat of the April 1976 Tiananmen protests (Which the leaders have been especially sensitive to -- hence the Zhou Enlai commemorative ceremony in January 1977)

 

[Rediv]

Mao Zedong famously said that political power grows from the barrel of a gun. Now, ten months after his death, the chairman’s words still appear to ring true in Beijing’s corridors of power. China’s top brass gathered today in the Great Hall of the People to mark the fiftieth anniversary of the founding of the People’s Liberation Army, in what many are seeing as a clear display of the military’s growing dominance in the country’s leadership.

Wang Hongwen, acting chairman of the Chinese Communist Party, presided over the gathering of over 7,000 officers, enlisted men, and veterans, calling upon the Chinese people to “learn from the glorious example of the People’s Liberation Army in holding high the great red banner of Mao Zedong Thought.” Speeches were also given by Ye Jianying, China’s defense minister, and Chen Xilian, commander of the Beijing military region. Many experts believe Chen to be the de facto head of China’s military, noting that Ye, who is 83 years old, has increasingly been showing signs of ill health.

In recent weeks the Chinese press has carried numerous articles praising the army’s “tireless efforts in serving the people through diligence and self-sacrifice,” and stories recounting the heroic feats of the Long March have been a regular feature of Beijing radio broadcasts. Westerners living in Guangzhou have noted that movie theaters there have begun advertising military themed films which had not been shown since the beginning of the Cultural Revolution in 1966. All this suggests a growing influence of the PLA in China’s cultural sphere, which had previously been the exclusive domain of radical ideologues such as Mao’s widow Jiang Qing.

Miss Jiang, said to be unpopular among more conservative military circles, has rarely been seen in public since the death of her husband.

-- Globe and Mail, Aug. 2, 1977


China commemorated the first anniversary of the death of Mao Zedong today with a brief, solemn ceremony opening his white marble mausoleum in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square.
…
The mausoleum is a flat-roofed, rectangular structure 105 feet high, built in a kind of Chinese Greek Revival style of architecture. Flanked by granite columns and topped by gold-glazed tiles, it was built in six months.
…
The live television broadcast allowed observers here in Hong Kong a rare glimpse at the senior party leadership. Defense minister Ye Jianying appeared gaunt and moved slowly with the assistance of a nurse, confirming persistent rumors of his ill health. Also notable was the presence of Jiang Qing, who had not appeared in public since the groundbreaking of the mausoleum six months ago.

But the status accorded to the chairman’s widow was a clear sign of the changes that have taken place in China’s balance of power since her husband’s passing. At the memorial ceremony last year, Miss Jiang stood at the center of the rostrum with the other members of the Politburo. Today, she was shown standing apart from the top party leaders, surrounded by other surviving members of Mao’s family.

Curiously, the television broadcast did not show the crystal sarcophagus in which Mao’s remains have been placed. The Chinese press agency Xinhua reported last month that it had taken 10 months for China’s scientists to find a way to preserve the chairman’s body, and there was speculation that it might have partially decomposed in that interval.

-- New York Times, Sept. 10, 1977

 

[Rediv]

PRESS COMMUNIQUE OF THE THIRD PLENARY SESSION OF THE TENTH CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF CHINA


The Tenth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China held its third plenary session on September 15th.

New members of the central organs were elected at the session. The results of the election are as follows:

Chairman of the Central Committee: Wang Hongwen

Vice-Chairmen of the Central Committee: Hua Guofeng, Ye Jianying, Zhang Chunqiao

Members of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee: Wang Hongwen, Hua Guofeng, Ye Jianying, Zhang Chunqiao, Li Xiannian, Yao Wenyuan, Chen Xilian, Ji Dengkui, Li Desheng


The session unanimously resolved the following:

The publication of Volume Five of the Selected Works of Mao Zedong is to begin at the earliest possible date.

The Eleventh National Congress of the Communist Party of China is to be convened in three months time.


-- Xinhua News Agency Press Bulletin, Sept. 15, 1977

 

[Rediv]

The Whole Party, the Whole Army, and the People of Every Nationality in Our Country Celebrate the Election of Chairman Wang Hongwen with Boundless Enthusiasm

-- Renmin Ribao, Sept. 16, 1977


Analysts in Hong Kong noted that the new leadership lineup showed very little change from before the plenum. The highest-ranking members of the Standing Committee were bumped up to the three Vice-Chairman seats, and the Politburo members listed next in line were similarly promoted to the Standing Committee.

The only surprise comes in the person of Li Desheng, the commander of the Shenyang Military Region. Li had previously ranked twelfth in the Politburo, but in yesterday’s plenum was promoted to ninth place, above fellow PLA men Wang Dongxing and Xu Shiyou. Li had been named a member of the Standing Committee in 1973 but was inexplicably demoted two years later. He is considered to be closely allied to Chen Xilian, a leading member of the Military Affairs Commission and believed by many to be acting defense minister.
…
The announcement of the upcoming party congress surprised many long-time China-watchers here, with many calling the news unprecedented since the Cultural Revolution. Previous congresses in 1969 and 1973 – as well as the 1975 meeting of China’s parliament – had been held in complete secrecy, The official announcement coming only after the meetings were over.

-- The Washington Post, Sept. 17, 1977


We Will Sacrifice Our Lives to Defend the Supreme Commander Chairman Wang Hongwen

-- Jiefangjun Bao editorial, Sept. 17, 1977


This morning, I opened the newspaper to find my own face staring back at me! This was quite a shock, but even more shocking was that my face was placed directly beside that of Chairman Mao. Now comrades, you know that I am young and have only been waging revolution for a few years. The Party has decided to give me this responsibility, in spite of my many mistakes and failings. I myself believed that Comrade Ye Jianying was the one suited to this position, but I have submitted to the will of the Party. How can I, a lowly soldier, be worthy to take a place equal to that of the Great Leader and Great Teacher Chairman Mao?

I have heard, as well, that when the decision of the Central Committee was announced, there were some who cried out “Long live Chairman Wang!” This too is inappropriate. It would be better to say “Long live Mao Zedong Thought!” “Long Live the Communist Party!”

-- attributed to Wang Hongwen, anonymous big-character poster, People’s University, Beijing

 

[Rediv]

Today the Chinese took us to see the Maosoleum. Some of us guys have been trying to convince the English-speaking hotel staff that that’s the way you’re supposed to pronounce it, but it hasn’t caught on. Haven’t given up hope yet.

When you first see it, it’s a pretty impressive building, I’ve got to admit. Inside though you get the sense that it was put together kind of slapdash, but what can you expect when they built the thing in such a short time? When you first go inside, there’s this big white statue of the guy sitting in an armchair, and they had us stand there and think sad thoughts for a while before they let us in to see the man himself. Doesn’t look as bad as some of the reports we’ve been getting led us to believe, but I wouldn’t be surprised if somebody told me he was made out of papier-mâché.

-- diary of Richard Asper, correspondent, Globe and Mail, Sept. 19, 1977


Technological Revolution in the Countryside: Color Television Brings Joy to Poor Peasants

-- Nongmin Ribao, Sept. 28, 1977


Chairman Wang Hongwen Meets with Guests from New Zealand

-- Xinhua News Agency Bulletin, Sept. 22, 1977


In the morning they told us that we would meet with Chairman Wang. This was unexpected, as previously the only member of the Politburo with whom foreign dignitaries had met had been Premier Hua. Around noon the car came for us, and again we were surprised to be taken not to the Great Hall of the People, but rather to the leaders’ compound where Mao had met his guests. As we were ushered inside a somewhat traditional-looking building, we were met by Foreign Minister Qiao Guanhua and a number of secretaries. The girl who had previously served as interpreter was not present, but the task was instead filled by a man I had not seen before.

We were ushered into a reception room where Chairman Wang stood waiting for us. I remembered that Mao had always received guests in his private study, with piles of books lying haphazardly around on tables, but this room was almost antiseptic in its neatness, even lacking the traditional paintings and porcelain vases which one finds in the Great Hall.

Chairman Wang was dressed in the baggy green uniform with red collar tabs which was common to all men in their army. His hair had been combed back and slicked with a pomade which shone brilliantly in the powerful lights which the Chinese film crew had brought in. Although in photographs, Chairman Wang had always struck me as a tall and even somewhat dashing figure, upon seeing him in person I was surprised by his rather diminutive stature. He took my hand gently in the manner of a man aged and infirm, and clasped it for a long time, looking up into my eyes with a wearied and melancholy gaze which was almost pitiable.

Sitting down, we began our discussion, which could not have lasted more than ten minutes. Indeed, the majority of talking was done by Foreign Minister Qiao, with Wang occasionally nodding or mouthing short expressions as he gazed across at me with a somewhat puzzled look. When it became clear that our meeting was coming to an end, Wang leaned over towards me and spoke in a voice that was as soft and hesitant as the rest of his demeanor – indeed, the translator seemed to have had trouble making out what he was saying. His message was a rather anodyne expression of his interest in the improvement of relations between our countries and the friendship of our two peoples. Not a single word was exchanged on any of the issues I had discussed with Minister Qiao, and I left the meeting with the distinct impression that Chairman Wang had not the slightest idea who I was, what country I was from, or indeed whether I was not simply one of the many visitors from any number of “fraternal socialist parties” who so regularly visit Beijing.

-- Brian Talboys, Deputy Prime Minister of New Zealand, private correspondence, Sept. 24, 1977

 

[Rediv]

Question to the readers: Do you have any suggestions/critiques/gripes about the timeline and the way it’s written? Any points-of-view or sources you’d like to hear less or more from? Is the chronology going too slow? Updates too short? Any parts that just aren’t written too convincingly or any points/references that I haven’t made clear?

I really appreciate any feedback, since this is, after all, my first timeline, and I’ve still got plenty to learn.

But anyway, here’s the next update:


-------------


Warmly Celebrate the Publication of the Fifth Volume of the Selected Works of Mao Zedong!

-- Renmin Ribao headline, Oct. 1, 1977


Mao Zedong Thought Is the Eternally Never-Setting Red Sun in Our Hearts

-- Renmin Ribao, Jiefangjun Bao, Hong Qi joint editorial, Oct. 1, 1977


A Commentary on Chairman Mao’s Important Work “On the Ten Great Relationships”

-- by Zhang Chunqiao

-- Hong Qi editorial, Oct. 1, 1977


A Commentary on Chairman Mao’s Important Work “On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People”

-- by Yao Wenyuan

-- Hong Qi editorial, Oct. 1, 1977


Deepen the Study of Chairman Mao’s Works, Adhere to the Mass Line

-- by Liang Xiao

-- Hong Qi editorial, Oct. 1, 1977

 

[Rediv]

Who's on the Politburo and what are their positions? Is China gonna be reformed anytime soon?

I probably should have posted this a long time ago. Here's a list of everybody on the Politburo:


The Chairman:

Wang Hongwen – Chairman of Military Affairs Commission


The Vice-Chairmen:

Hua Guofeng – Premier, Minister of Public Security
Ye Jianying – Vice-Chairman of Military Affairs Commission, Minister of Defense
Zhang Chunqiao – Vice-Premier, Mayor of Shanghai, Director of PLA General Political Department [1]


The Standing Committee:

Li Xiannian – Vice-Premier, former Minister of Finance
Yao Wenyuan – Deputy Mayor of Shanghai
Chen Xilian – Vice-Premier, Commander of Beijing Military Region
Ji Dengkui – Vice-Premier
Li Desheng – Commander of Shenyang Military Region


The Rest of the Politburo:

Wu De – Mayor of Beijing
Chen Yonggui – Vice-Premier
Xu Shiyou – Commander of Guangdong Military Region
Wei Guoqing – Governor of Guangdong
Wang Dongxing – Commander of Central Garrison Corps [2]
Liu Bocheng – retired general, no official post outside the Politburo
Jiang Qing – Mao’s widow, no official post outside the Politburo




As for any upcoming reforms, the majority of the Politburo (11 out of 16 members) came to power as a result of the Cultural Revolution, so any repudiation of the CR would effectively be delegitimizing their role in the leadership. However, the majority of these CR “beneficiaries,” while decidedly leftward-leaning, nevertheless have a great deal of respect for the revolutionary veterans (who themselves are pretty conservative), and believe strongly in Party discipline and order. The exception here is the “Shanghai Gang” (OTL’s Gang of Four) which has consistently favored mass movements which often challenge the authority of the Party and have little regard for any form of legality. But without Mao alive to support them, the Gang is weak and thus in TTL hasn’t been particularly vocal, and indeed Wang Hongwen has apparently defected to the moderates.

In this TL, things are slowly moving towards a more moderate position, but there haven’t been any hints that a Deng Xiaoping-style reform is coming any time soon. Indeed, the “beneficiaries” would be very much against something like that. But since Mao’s death, there hasn’t been any of the violent rhetoric of denunciation which was aimed at Deng and his followers, and policies such as the emphasis on the “mass organizations” suggests that there will be a greater regimentation and coordination of the CR mass movements under the leadership of the Party hierarchy.


The Politburo again, this time broken down by informal political affiliations:

The Veteran Revolutionaries (conservative):

Wei Guoqing
Ye Jianying (generally considered to be the leader of this faction)
Liu Bocheng
Xu Shiyou
Li Xiannian

The Beneficiaries (moderate left):

Hua Guofeng
Ji Dengkui
Wu De
Chen Yonggui
Wang Hongwen (formerly aligned with the Shanghai Gang)
Chen Xilian*
Li Desheng *
Wang Dongxing*
( * these three occasionally side with the veterans, in light of their common military background)

The Shanghai Gang (radical left):

Jiang Qing (generally considered to be the leader of this faction)
Zhang Chunqiao (occasionally sides with the beneficiaries)
Yao Wenyuan


------------------------

[1] the General Political Dept. of the PLA is responsible for maintaining ideological orthodoxy and doing propaganda work. In reality, the GPD doesn’t have a great deal of influence over the rest of the PLA.

[2] the Central Garrison Corps is responsible for the security of the top leaders’ compound of Zhongnanhai in Beijing

 

[historybuff]

Well done.

Hmmm, you're taking suggestions, right? How about some of the older members on the Politburo don't think Wang's experienced enough to run the country? Interesting group, a governer, a mayor and deputy, several military commanders
.

 

[Rediv]

Interesting group, a governer, a mayor and deputy, several military commanders
.

Yup, they're a pretty diverse bunch. It's a legacy of the disorganization of the Cultural Revolution, when members from different backgrounds and different political leanings were added now and then to balance out the competing factions, and when in the end, loyalty to Mao was the main qualification for office.

 

[Rediv]

The publication of Volume Five of Chairman Mao’s Selected Works at this time is by no means accidental. In preparation for our Party’s eleventh congress, it is critical that the entire people – not just the members of the Party, mind you – are provided the means to build a greater understanding of the history of our Party, and to grasp more firmly the theoretical basis of our present undertaking.

-- Zhang Chunqiao, remarks to cadres from Guangdong Province attending the Central Mao Zedong Thought Study Class in Beijing, Oct. 11, 1977


It is impossible embark upon the task of socialist construction unless one has a firm grasp on the contradictions found within society. It is the masses who are most acutely aware of these contradictions, and thus it is essential that in carrying out its work, the Party must always remain in close consultation with the masses. It is for this reason which Chairman Wang Hongwen has called upon the Poor Peasants Association to take the lead in learning from Dazhai, and it is for this reason that the other mass organizations must take the lead in studying Mao Zedong Thought in preparation for the Party Congress.

-- Yao Wenyuan, address to delegates from the All-China Trade Union Federation, Oct. 13, 1977


When I went down for breakfast this morning I noticed that each of the waiters was wearing one of those red buttons with Mao’s face on it. Out in the lobby, the girls behind the desk all had them on too. Outside the hotel, it was about fifty-fifty – I guess not everybody got the memo. Must be part of the whole campaign hawking Mao’s new book.

Some guys around here are wondering if this isn’t the start of some big push by the radicals to get back into power. I mean, every day you look at the news bulletin, and it’s Zhang and Yao, Zhang and Yao, meeting with some provincial delegation or giving some speech. Still, I’m kind of skeptical that this is anything to really get excited about. Those two have always been the ones who’ve taken care of the ideology stuff – who else do they have in the Politburo who can really sling that theoretical hash like they do? Plus, we haven’t seen anything really significant coming out of the college campuses. Sure, there was that one article by the Liang Xiao guys up at Qinghua, but if you read it, it’s pretty tame stuff. There’s none of that whole “Smash the capitalist roaders” rhetoric like we used to see.

And Jiang Qing. Where is she? If this was a radical comeback, she’d be running around all over the place, but we haven’t seen hide nor hair of her for the longest time.

-- diary of Richard Asper, correspondent, Globe and Mail, Oct. 16, 1977

 

[Rediv]

The Liaoning Provincial Revolutionary Committee Welcomes Comrade Jiang Qing on Her Visit to Shenyang!

-- banner displayed at Shenyang Railway Station, Oct. 21, 1977



This is the first time in which I have spoken before such a large gathering in quite some time, so I hope you will be patient with me if I am a little nervous. The leading comrades have asked me to address a few words to you regarding the publication of the fifth volume of Chairman Mao’s works, but I must warn you that I am no great theorist like Comrade Chunqiao or Comrade Wenyuan. I am only a little Communist who has read a few books here and there.

I spent over forty years living with Chairman Mao, but Chairman Mao was very reserved, very quiet. He was so pensive, such a deep thinker, that no one could truly plumb the depths of his thoughts. I have always tried to be Chairman Mao’s good student, but I must confess that I have not always been able to grasp the complexity of his theories, and no doubt many of you comrades understand Mao Zedong Thought much better than I. I hope that I can learn from you comrades, but I hope that today I can also share a few little things that I have learned from Chairman Mao.

-- Jiang Qing, address to the students and faculty of Shenyang Normal University, Oct. 21, 1977

 

[Rediv]

In Volume Five of Chairman Mao’s Selected Works, we can see how Chairman Mao unified this vast country by building a united front to oppose imperialism and sweep away the last vestiges of feudalism and bureaucratic capitalism. In the present time, it is just as vitally important that every segment of society must be joined together in support of our Party. The young, the middle-aged, the old; the workers, peasants, and soldiers, we must all follow Chairman Mao’s call to “unite to achieve still greater victories!”

-- Jiang Qing, address to the students and faculty of Nankai University, Tianjin, Nov. 2, 1977



One year ago, the China-watching community here in Hong Kong was abuzz with stories of rampant crime and political unrest on the other side of the “bamboo curtain” in mainland China. Every day came new reports of sabotage, murder, and even rioting throughout the country, and many wondered if this would be the start of a new period of turmoil and instability similar to the chaotic years of the Cultural Revolution. But today, as China prepares for its eleventh party congress, such stories are noticeably absent from the official press, and even the steady stream of rumors has slowly dried up, leaving many observers wondering.

It is possible that order has been restored to China, perhaps through increased military control, as suggested by the high profile accorded to the People’s Liberation Army in China’s propaganda outlets. Visitors to China and diplomats resident in Beijing have suggested that the country is taking a somewhat softer approach to maintaining discipline, noting the increased presence of “mass organizations” such as the youth league and trade unions, as well as the workers’ militia – the latter being the pet project of Chairman Wang Hongwen.

More cynical China hands have raised another possibility: the turmoil continues, but is simply not being reported. At a time when China is eager to project an image of strength and domestic tranquility, the reasoning goes, in the midst of feverish campaigns to propagate Mao’s writings and prepare for an upcoming party congress, anything undesirable is simply being swept under the rug.

-- New York Times, Nov. 4, 1977



To: Various provincial, municipal and autonomous regional Party committees, leadership groups or nucleus groups at various organizations under the Central Committee and the State Council.

As the entire country prepares to greet the Eleventh National Congress of the CCP, many revolutionary workers, peasants, and soldiers have expressed their eagerness to participate in the work of Party building, and to engage in a great exchange of ideas and a great airing of opinions. The Central Committee has affirmed the need for consultation with the broad masses of people in preparation for the congress, but in a few instances a handful of counter-revolutionary elements have taken advantage of the situation to sow confusion among the masses and sabotage production. For this reason, the CCP Central Committee has resolved the following:

1. The writing and display of big-character posters is to be forbidden without express authorization from the Party Center.

2. The convocation of political meetings or study sessions is to be forbidden unless under the direct supervision of the relevant work unit or mass organization.

3. The dissemination of counter-revolutionary rumors is to be severely punished.

-- CCP Central Committee Zhongfa No. 211, Nov. 9, 1977



In preparation for the Party Congress, we must pay special attention to repudiating the poisonous right deviationist wind propagated by Deng Xiaoping. The defeat of Deng Xiaoping’s reactionary line marked a turning point in our Party’s eleventh struggle to defend the Revolutionary Line of Chairman Mao, so it is inevitable that the Eleventh Congress must mark the absolute victory in this struggle and the total repudiation of the Deng Xiaoping line!

(applause, shouts of “Down with Deng Xiaoping!”, “Learn from Comrade Jiang Qing!”, “Salute Comrade Jiang Qing!”)

No, no, it is I who must learn from you, comrades! It is I who should be saluting you, comrades! You are the soldiers on the front lines of this struggle, and it is you who have seized class struggle as the key link in smashing the right deviationist line!

(enthusiastic applause, shouts of “Smash the right deviationist line!”)

-- Jiang Qing, address to the students and faculty of Hebei University, Nov. 7, 1977



In response to your inquiry, it is the decision of the Ministry that only persons affiliated with the university are to be admitted to the reception for Comrade Jiang Qing, and that copies of Comrade Jiang Qing’s remarks are not to be distributed outside the university. The university is requested, however, to submit a transcript of Comrade Jiang Qing’s remarks and any other relevant documents to the Ministry, to the municipal revolutionary committee and Party committee, and to the Party Center in Beijing.

-- notification to the faculty of Hebei University, PRC Ministry of Education, Nov. 7, 1977



In early November, the village leaders were summoned to the county seat for what was described as an “important meeting.” Several days later, a work team arrived in the village, accompanied with the same fanfare of banging drums and crashing cymbals which had announced the arrival of Volume Five of Mao’s Selected Works. This time, however, they brought with them a color television. Having never seen a television before, the villagers were amazed, and for several days the work team slowly introduced them to the use and maintenance of the strange new machine, and lectured them on its many educational and ideological uses.
…
After about a week, the tone of the work team’s lessons dramatically changed. One evening, the team head stood up before the villagers and announced that because the village leaders had failed to successfully implement the “learn from Dazhai” campaign, and because they had committed numerous ideological errors, they were being sent away for reeducation. Until they returned, the work team would assume leadership of the village. Though they dared not express their true feelings in public, the villagers were furious at this news, and many feared what it might mean for the future. Their previous experience with work teams had taught them that these interlopers were often pitifully ignorant of even the basics of agriculture, often making absurd demands based on abstract theories rather than concrete practice. True to form, the work team soon announced that the village would begin to grow its own wheat, although it was clear to anyone who had grown up in the Guangdong countryside that wheat could not survive in the local climate. But the villagers, remembering the fate of their former leaders, had no choice but to obey.

-- Village Life in China, University of California Press, 1985



Hiding in his lair, Deng Xiaoping continued to hatch plots against the Party and against Chairman Mao. Certain individuals, double-agents hidden deep within the ranks of the Party, continued to provide him with protection and supply him with the luxuries and pampering to which he had grown accustomed, and in this manner he continued to leech off the blood and sweat of the masses even as he wrote letters to the Party Center swearing his repentance and pledging his loyalty!

(the masses express their contempt for deviationist elements. Shouts of “Down with Deng Xiaoping!”)

There were many good comrades who learned of these secret plots, and loyal to the Party and to Chairman Mao, they came to me, begging, “Comrade Jiang Qing, do something! You must warn Chairman Mao before it is too late!” I went to the Party Center with the evidence I had been given – irrefutable evidence, comrades! – but at every step I was hounded and attacked by the secret agents of Deng Xiaoping! It was at this time that Chairman Mao passed away, and yet even as they wept crocodile tears these counter-revolutionary deviationist elements plotted to seize power through an armed uprising! They believed that without Chairman Mao, our country and our Party would be weak, but their greed blinded them to the truth! Determined to carry out the behests of Chairman Mao and carry the revolution on to the end, we were stronger than ever!

(enthusiastic and prolonged applause. Shouts of “Carry on the revolution to the end!”)

-- Jiang Qing, address to the students and faculty of Nanjing University, Nov. 12, 1977

 

[historybuff]

Crap, Jiang Qing's back in the spotlight.

 

[Rediv]

Sorry this next update has been so long in coming. Also, I know I've been holding out a bit too long on revealing the exact POD, and so in my next installment I will, at long last, lay it out in detail.

Thanks again for reading, and as always, comments, critiques, and suggestions are always welcomed!

--------------------------------------------------------------------

Comments made by Chinese foreign minister Qiao Guanhua this past week have added weight to the rumors coming out of Beijing of a secret power struggle following Mao’s death, culminating in a failed coup attempt by members of the military. An official at the French embassy in Beijing quotes Qiao speaking at a diplomatic reception, describing an unnamed ally of ousted vice premier Deng Xiaoping, an “individual left in authority, a ticking time bomb like Liu Shaoqi or Lin Biao.” Qiao went on to say that this person “was exposed before he could do any real damage.”

Such language is familiar to China-watchers here in Hong Kong , who say that it is typical for such oblique references to toppled leaders to be “leaked” in this manner before any news of the purge is reported in the official Chinese press. The recent comments by foreign minister Qiao offer few clues as to the identity of the individual being denounced, nor do they make any mention of the failed coup referred to in a speech purportedly made by Jiang Qing earlier this week. The text of this speech, said to have been delivered by Madame Mao to an audience of university students, has appeared in several Hong Kong newspapers which regularly publish the latest rumors from the mainland. Its authenticity has not yet been confirmed.

-- New York Times article, Nov. 14, 1977



The wisdom of Chairman Mao’s decision to smash the Deng Xiaoping deviationist line was borne out in October 1976, when a counter-revolutionary plot was uncovered to seize power by military force. But the snake cannot survive without its head, and the agents of Deng Xiaoping, led by an certain person in authority of the Lin Biao type, were thoroughly exposed and discredited, their treachery and duplicity laid bare for all to see.

-- Renmin Ribao article, Nov. 16, 1977



Another hidden traitor? A military coup? Are these guys serious? Well, I guess that would explain what all those soldiers were doing out in the streets last October. Of course, the question everybody’s asking is “Who is it?” It couldn’t be Hua Guofeng, could it? I mean, about the time they’re saying the attempted coup happened, Hua started fading into the background, and Wang started taking his place. No, it couldn’t be – he still kept on meeting foreign visitors for months after that, and they’re still showing his picture in the papers and everything. So who could it be? The fact that they’re saying it’s a “Lin Biao-type” person suggests it’ll be a military man. And who better to lead a coup, right? But who haven’t we seen in a while who’s in the military?

-- diary of Richard Asper, correspondent, Globe and Mail, Nov. 17, 1977



Too many comrades have avoided the truth, have been afraid of saying things outright and taking direct action for fear of disturbing a few flowers or upsetting the teacups. But I say, what’s the matter if we create a little mess? I say we should knock over tables and overturn chairs, and make a gigantic mess!

(enthusiastic applause)

Don’t they understand that we are in the midst of a revolution? The poisonous weeds of right deviationism have spread throughout the entire garden, and must be pulled out by the roots! Deng Xiaoping must be exposed and thoroughly discredited!

(shouts of “Drag him out! Drag him out!”)

The entire pack of them, the whole brood of vipers, they must all be pulled from their holes and brought into the light of day! This traitorous handful of plotters and saboteurs has wormed its way into the very heart of the Party! Into the very Politburo itself! But no matter where we find it, we will smash counter-revolutionary revisionism wherever it rears its head!

(shouts of “Smash its rotten head!”)

Struggle against them until they collapse! Wipe them out completely! Never relent! Never forget class struggle!

(stormy and prolonged applause. Shouts of “Learn from Comrade Jiang Qing!”)

-- Jiang Qing, address to the students and faculty of Fudan University, Shanghai, Nov. 21, 1977



With the dismissal of Deng Xiaoping from his posts and the uncovering of the Lin Biao-type individual hidden within the Party, the evil wind of right deviationism has been conclusively smashed, and the people have won a great victory. Of course class struggle will continue, but in the present the fundamental contradiction has been resolved, and the struggle against right deviationism has been brought to a successful conclusion.
…
We must be ever-vigilant against ultra-leftist winds seeking to sow confusion and turn the masses against one another.

-- Renmin Ribao editorial, Nov. 22, 1977



The Party Center and Chairman Wang Hongwen himself have made it clear that the current struggle is over. All this talk I hear about dragging people out and smashing their heads, it’s absurd! Recently, certain individuals have been spreading rumors and causing trouble, perpetuating the ultra-leftist wind, and so it is all the more important that we exercise prudence and adhere closely to the directives sent out by the Center.

-- Zhang Chunqiao, remarks to cadres in Shanghai, Nov. 23, 1977



Dinner at the International Club with Bill and Jean-Michel Thiers from AFP. Spent the whole time trading rumors about the coup and the return of Jiang Qing. Moved to the bar afterwards, and while we’re talking, this guy comes up to us – an American from their liaison office, who’d clearly had a few too many, he just bursts in and says, “You see what they’re doing, don’t you? The Shanghai boys, Wang, Zhang, and Yao? They’re taking a page right out of the Tricky Dick Nixon playbook. They send Jiang Qing out there, you see, she’s their Spiro Agnew, they send her out to run around ranting and raving about all these capitalist roaders and deviationists and all that. And then our boys, Wang and Zhang, they step out in front of the microphones and talk about restraint and order, and now they’re looking like real level-headed folks, real moderates. But they’re still singing the same tune. Deng Xiaoping, you never heard his name mentioned for the longest time after Mao died, but now that Jiang Qing’s let the cat out of the bag, we’re back to “Criticize Deng! Criticize the right!” The Shanghai boys, they’ve got this whole thing planned out. They’ve let Jiang Qing run around for a while, but once she’s served her purpose in their little plan, they’ll kick her to the curb without blinking an eye.

-- diary of Richard Asper, correspondent, Globe and Mail, Nov. 24, 1977



As you know, Comrade Jiang Qing has many responsibilities in the Party Center, and currently is very busy preparing for our Party’s eleventh national congress. As her presence in Beijing will be indispensable in the coming weeks, Comrade Jiang Qing has instructed me to cancel her scheduled engagements outside the capital until the conclusion of the Party Congress. And so I regret to inform you that she will be unable to visit the students of Xiamen University as per your request, though I have been instructed to send you her warmest revolutionary greetings and best wishes.

-- Letter to the administration of Xiamen University, Nov. 27, 1977

 

[JamesHunter]

This looks bad for China

(My very first post- after watching for a couple of weeks )

Interesting timeline this, I'm guessing this can go really bad for China, especially if Jiang is getting screwed over sooner rather than later, somehow I don't see the Gang of Four going down quite as easily as in OTL (Not that that was easy by any stretch of the imagination).

Either way it looks like a mess, I can see either a second cultural revolution ending with something like OTL soviet Union circa 1960-1980 (IE screwed and falling apart but not prepared to admit how bad things are, until far to late (say about 1975 at the latest for the USSR and we all know how that ended). The same but the country comes apart, and civil war (especially since the ROC might take a hand- had Taiwan given up on retaking the mainland yet? Would they rethink if there was enough Chaos to offer a chance of removing the PRC?), or an even worse version of OTL's North Korea, especially since China has proven working Nukes (as opposed to the NK's piece of crap, that might-might work).

Either way a really good timeline and looking forward to further updates.

 

[Lord Roem]

(My very first post- after watching for a couple of weeks )

Interesting timeline this, I'm guessing this can go really bad for China, especially if Jiang is getting screwed over sooner rather than later, somehow I don't see the Gang of Four going down quite as easily as in OTL (Not that that was easy by any stretch of the imagination).

Either way it looks like a mess, I can see either a second cultural revolution ending with something like OTL soviet Union circa 1960-1980 (IE screwed and falling apart but not prepared to admit how bad things are, until far to late (say about 1975 at the latest for the USSR and we all know how that ended). The same but the country comes apart, and civil war (especially since the ROC might take a hand- had Taiwan given up on retaking the mainland yet? Would they rethink if there was enough Chaos to offer a chance of removing the PRC?), or an even worse version of OTL's North Korea, especially since China has proven working Nukes (as opposed to the NK's piece of crap, that might-might work).

Either way a really good timeline and looking forward to further updates.

Welcome to you sir!

Anyway, you make some good comments regarding this timeline and I agree with you that Civil War is going to be a real possibility, especially given that each faction is going to claim that they and they alone are the ideological heirs to Mao.

I wonder if we are going to see more in the way of devisions on localised lines as well than we saw in OTL. It looks like things may be going that way with references to the party in Shanghai. Are we also going to see a struggle between the military proper and the political cadres? Obviously, a military coup largely went out of the window with Biao's death and Mao's manouvering within the PLA's command structure. It looks like things have gone backwards since his death which the armed forces are acting far more autonomously. That could be an issue later on.

This is a very good timeline by the way, I look forward to reading more.

 

[Rediv]

Thanks for your input! I was afraid for a while there that I was the only person reading this timeline!

(My very first post- after watching for a couple of weeks )

Interesting timeline this, I'm guessing this can go really bad for China, especially if Jiang is getting screwed over sooner rather than later, somehow I don't see the Gang of Four going down quite as easily as in OTL (Not that that was easy by any stretch of the imagination).

Thanks, and welcome aboard! I'm honored to be the recipient of your inaugural post, and look forward to the ones to come!

And yes, with the Gang of Four still around, and no one powerful successor to Mao at the helm, we're likely to be seeing a good deal more factionalism. Especially considering that splits are apparently emerging even within the Gang itself. All in all, not too good.

I wonder if we are going to see more in the way of devisions on localised lines as well than we saw in OTL.

That does seem very likely. Not only do we have an independent power base in Shanghai, but if you take a look at my profile of the Politburo members, you'll notice quite several names connected to Guangdong, which had always been a pretty open-minded, non-ideological province -- the exact opposite of Shanghai.

And yes, as you said, even though the Lin Biao affair (among other things, as we'll soon see) has pretty much taken the option of a coup off the table, the military is going pretty strong. They've got an awfully significant number of people on the Politburo, and they're really the only institution that's got their act together and can really coordinate action across the entire country.

On another note, Lord Roem, I'd like to say that I've been really impressed by your "For the Sake of a Shower" for quite some time (though I must confess that I know zilch about British politics), and you've set the bar very, very high for those of us aspiring to write these "scrapbook" format timelines. As such, I'm quite glad to be able to count you among my readers (however few it seems they may be )