Chuck Robb knew he had to lay it out in the simplest terms possible. So, he did it about as simple as anyone could. He walked over to a chalkboard and scribbled and then circled the word WIN.
The response was an awkward quietness that, for a moment anyway, was only broken by the uncomfortable muted coughs of some of his party's heavy hitters.
Shortly after being elected to chairman of the Democratic National Committee, Robb had invited the most substantial members of the Democratic Party to a retreat in rural Virginia. The sole discussion was the demoralizing loss to Ronald Reagan in the 1984 presidential election and how to not see a repeat performance again in 1988.
That was Robb's mission. He knew his legacy, the potential legacy of his party, rested on an election that was still three and a half years away. Still, the point was obvious: Democrats needed to win. Another four years of Republican dominance - Reaganomics, secret wars and a spiraling budget deficit would not be tolerated.
So, as he stood in front of the Democrats, letting that simple message sink in, Robb began the first steps of the Democratic revival.
Really, though, you could trace the beginnings of that process to Robb's rise to the head of the DNC. He had defeated Paul Kirk, who many considered the establishment's choice, in a bitter fight and promised dramatic change - as he promoted a more moderate, centrist approach to party governing.
That didn't sit well with the northeastern liberals, especially those who were endeared to Kirk, but for Robb, that didn't ultimately matter because he knew victory was the ultimate goal.
At the retreat in Virginia, which took place in the spring after Reagan's second inauguration, Robb outlined the basic principles of his plan and went to great lengths to expose the collapse of the once backbone of the Democratic Party.
He only had to show the exit polls from the '84 race as proof of this - as Reagan won large sections of the vote that traditionally went Democratic in past elections.
His overall point was clear: Democrats couldn't win with the same ol', same ol and 1988 would be no different than '84 unless real changes were made.
Of course, he was just the party chair and his power was limited. He couldn't officially endorse a candidate and Robb knew that. He couldn't tell the party loyalists, who, at the time anyway, were favoring Teddy Kennedy, that he shouldn't be the nominee.
But Robb knew how to work the system in his favor. While he could never do anything officially, that wasn't about to stop him from doing things from the backroom. After all, this was still Democratic Party politics at its best - where backroom deals were king.
Robb had an agenda that day, even if he wasn't about to show his cards to his fellow party comrades. But he needed to lay a foundation for a New Democratic Party - one that would be viable throughout the remainder of the 80s and potentially into the 21st Century. Because at this point, the party was being overwhelmed by the Republican narrative and it was crippling them on the national scene.
When the retreat ended, after heads butted and a lot of alcohol was consumed, Robb returned to the Virginia governor's mansion to begin implementing his unofficial plan.
I guess you could say, even if unknowingly, his plan had been in the works since 1967, when he married Lynda Bird Johnson - the daughter of former president Lyndon Johnson.
Even though Robb was born in Arizona and grew up in Virginia, he became a second son of sorts to Texas through his marriage to the Johnson girl. That helped him build connections with the most influential Democratic politicians in the Lone Star State - including Senator Lloyd Bentsen.
No one really thought of Bentsen as a realistic candidate for the 1988 Democratic nomination. In fact, Bentsen never really entertained the thought, either, until receiving a call from Robb a few months after that retreat. The call was informal and specifics were hardly discussed. All Robb wanted to do was gauge Bentsen's interest and he wasn't entirely surprised when Bentsen seemed dismissive of the idea.
"I'm happy being a senator, Chuck," he said in his long Texas drawl.
Of course, Robb knew he had plenty of time to work Bentsen. All he wanted to do was get his ear and he had it. Robb politely accepted Bentsen's reasoning and coyly, and a bit jokingly, said they would talk about it in a few months.
Bentsen laughed it off.
But it was clear Robb had his man and he would use the power of his position to not only convince Bentsen to run, but to assure him of victory.