'88 Lone Star Showdown

Chuck Robb knew he had to lay it out in the simplest terms possible. So, he did it about as simple as anyone could. He walked over to a chalkboard and scribbled and then circled the word WIN.

The response was an awkward quietness that, for a moment anyway, was only broken by the uncomfortable muted coughs of some of his party's heavy hitters.

Shortly after being elected to chairman of the Democratic National Committee, Robb had invited the most substantial members of the Democratic Party to a retreat in rural Virginia. The sole discussion was the demoralizing loss to Ronald Reagan in the 1984 presidential election and how to not see a repeat performance again in 1988.

That was Robb's mission. He knew his legacy, the potential legacy of his party, rested on an election that was still three and a half years away. Still, the point was obvious: Democrats needed to win. Another four years of Republican dominance - Reaganomics, secret wars and a spiraling budget deficit would not be tolerated.

So, as he stood in front of the Democrats, letting that simple message sink in, Robb began the first steps of the Democratic revival.

Really, though, you could trace the beginnings of that process to Robb's rise to the head of the DNC. He had defeated Paul Kirk, who many considered the establishment's choice, in a bitter fight and promised dramatic change - as he promoted a more moderate, centrist approach to party governing.

That didn't sit well with the northeastern liberals, especially those who were endeared to Kirk, but for Robb, that didn't ultimately matter because he knew victory was the ultimate goal.

At the retreat in Virginia, which took place in the spring after Reagan's second inauguration, Robb outlined the basic principles of his plan and went to great lengths to expose the collapse of the once backbone of the Democratic Party.

He only had to show the exit polls from the '84 race as proof of this - as Reagan won large sections of the vote that traditionally went Democratic in past elections.

His overall point was clear: Democrats couldn't win with the same ol', same ol and 1988 would be no different than '84 unless real changes were made.

Of course, he was just the party chair and his power was limited. He couldn't officially endorse a candidate and Robb knew that. He couldn't tell the party loyalists, who, at the time anyway, were favoring Teddy Kennedy, that he shouldn't be the nominee.

But Robb knew how to work the system in his favor. While he could never do anything officially, that wasn't about to stop him from doing things from the backroom. After all, this was still Democratic Party politics at its best - where backroom deals were king.

Robb had an agenda that day, even if he wasn't about to show his cards to his fellow party comrades. But he needed to lay a foundation for a New Democratic Party - one that would be viable throughout the remainder of the 80s and potentially into the 21st Century. Because at this point, the party was being overwhelmed by the Republican narrative and it was crippling them on the national scene.

When the retreat ended, after heads butted and a lot of alcohol was consumed, Robb returned to the Virginia governor's mansion to begin implementing his unofficial plan.

I guess you could say, even if unknowingly, his plan had been in the works since 1967, when he married Lynda Bird Johnson - the daughter of former president Lyndon Johnson.

Even though Robb was born in Arizona and grew up in Virginia, he became a second son of sorts to Texas through his marriage to the Johnson girl. That helped him build connections with the most influential Democratic politicians in the Lone Star State - including Senator Lloyd Bentsen.

No one really thought of Bentsen as a realistic candidate for the 1988 Democratic nomination. In fact, Bentsen never really entertained the thought, either, until receiving a call from Robb a few months after that retreat. The call was informal and specifics were hardly discussed. All Robb wanted to do was gauge Bentsen's interest and he wasn't entirely surprised when Bentsen seemed dismissive of the idea.

"I'm happy being a senator, Chuck," he said in his long Texas drawl.

Of course, Robb knew he had plenty of time to work Bentsen. All he wanted to do was get his ear and he had it. Robb politely accepted Bentsen's reasoning and coyly, and a bit jokingly, said they would talk about it in a few months.

Bentsen laughed it off.

But it was clear Robb had his man and he would use the power of his position to not only convince Bentsen to run, but to assure him of victory.
 
Last edited:
In the governor's mansion den, Robb flipped through his Rolodex, which was filled with a Who's Who's of the most known Democratic Party officials.

It had been a few weeks since he last spoke with Bentsen about a potential run for the presidency. His initial prodding had been rebuffed by the quiet senator, but Robb wasn't easily dissuaded and knew it would take more than just a passive dismissal to quell his interests.

Eventually, he came across the card he was looking for - Jack Martin. Martin had been Bentsen's right hand man, working the Texas political scene and successfully navigated Bentsen's victories to the United States Senate.

If anyone could reignite Bentsen's flame for national politics, it would be Martin. So, after attaining the number, Robb picked up the phone and quickly dialed his Texas Buddy.

Martin, who lived in Austin, didn't quite know what to make of the call. Bentsen had unsuccessfully run for president about a decade before and received only marginal support nationally. Why would that change in '88? Robb, of course, brought up how Bentsen was an unknown, unproven freshman senator at the time of his bid. More importantly, he had grown through his time in Washington and made a great deal more of connections.

Martin couldn't disagree with that. Certainly Bentsen was more known in Democratic political circles than he was ten years ago. Still, why would Robb, who hadn't even been the Democratic Chair for a year, want Bentsen as the candidate?

Robb didn't have to think about that answer for too long. He knew exactly what Bentsen brought to the table in '88 - he wasn't a traditionally weak New Deal Democrat from the North.

"You know, Jack, the only two Democrats to successfully win nationally since 1960 were southerners," Robb said.

Jack conceded that point. Kennedy was still the last non-southern Democrat to win the White House and it was by one of the tightest margins in history.

"And even Kennedy wouldn't have won that election had it not been for a Texan," Robb followed.

The dynamics of American politics had definitely shifted from the northeast and the Democratic Party was lagging behind.

What's worse, at least from Robb's point of view, many in the party were pushing for Teddy Kennedy to run again and even Mario Cuomo.

Robb respected both, even liked both, and felt Cuomo certainly brought less baggage to the table than Kennedy. But as beautifully spoken as Cuomo was and the mystique of the Kennedy name Teddy had, they were still, in the end, typical Northeastern Liberals more associated with unpopular policies than what could inevitably be used to their strengths - image, charisma and inspiration.

He didn't want to risk the presidency on the off chance either could overcome those liabilities to win the White House. Hell, Walter Mondale was a fantastic public speaker with strong Democratic values and, not long ago, he was worked nationally.

They needed something new.

So, you couldn't blame Robb for having a bit of desperation in his voice. Yes, there were rumblings of Al Gore, another conservative southern Democrat, running, but Gore's name brought little cachet to the national scene and he felt, at least right now, Gore would be even less received than Bentsen had been a decade earlier.

Martin, who seemed at least open to the idea, couldn't guarantee Robb anything. But he told him he'd take his message to the Senator and that he would get back to him as quickly as possible.

Content, Robb hung up the phone and leaned back in his chair. It felt like the wheels were in motion.
 
Last edited:
Martin had spent the remaining months of 1985 working on Bentsen. Originally, the Senator wasn't receptive, brushing off the idea of running with either a joke or a sigh. However, as the months passed and spring turned to summer and then fall, it became clear Martin was wearing down his boss.

The breakthrough might have come at a dinner at the Bentsen house around Christmastime. Maybe Bentsen was overcome with the holiday spirit, but whatever the reason, he seemed to be open to the idea, or at least had thought about it.

While the two broke away from the party crowd and made their way into Bentsen's study, the Senator finally laid out his concerns - he was too old to go all in and lose and too proud to be embarrassed.

Martin didn't know quite what to say. He just stood there, trying to think of a reassuring word. But this was politics and he knew there was no guarantee that Bentsen would win the nomination, let alone be competitive in a general election.

So, he fumbled a bit with his words and eventually hit the right tone.

"Sir, I wouldn't be pushing if I - if I didn't think you could win."

Bentsen smiled, dropped his head and stared at his feet and then, after a moment, finally spoke, "I'll have my answer to you at the first of the year."

Deciding to run for president wasn't an easy decision to make for Bentsen. Unbeknownst to Martin, he had actually spent a great deal of time thinking about it, even going over the possibility with his wife, B.A., and his children.

B.A. was perceptive to the idea. She wanted him to run in '76 and felt he would make a fantastic president. That was important because Bentsen wasn't about to make a decision without B.A.'s blessing. The fact she was on board strengthened his resolve and eased his doubts.

She once told him, when he expressed fear of losing, that he only got where he was today because he took calculated risks - prospects of losing be damned.

That stuck with him, especially after Martin had said what he did. There were an awful lot of people invested in this idea. It wasn't like '76 where his support seemed to evaporate at the Texas border.

Then again, maybe it was. Maybe Robb and Martin chose the wrong dog in this fight. Hell, Bentsen wondered if he had the fight in him needed to win the presidency. It takes a lot, he remembers telling B.A., to run a national campaign and he'd have to do it twice - in the primary and then again in the general.

Not an easy task for a senator in his mid-60s who hadn't kowtowed the Democratic elites.

B.A. was quick to remind him that's where Robb came in. He held the power and could persuade those elites to back Bentsen. In the end, the number one goal was not ideological purity - but victory. Who offered the best chance to defeat George Bush?

The fact the Democrats had held the presidency only once since the 60s ended certainly benefited Bentsen and he was starting to realize it.

Still, he couldn't shake the idea of a nowhere campaign. Even though B.A. had eased his mind a bit, it still weighed on him that, in the end, he might turn out to be the butt of the Democratic Party. There is nothing more humiliating than going all in and seeing so little traction that you have to pull out either before a primary vote is cast or you're so thoroughly beaten that you have no other choice.

Was that fear going to be enough to derail the Bentsen campaign even before it got off the ground?
 
Keeping Texas Blue After Reagan's Difficult

I think the idea's awesome.
However, my big bitch is that Democrats lost the ground war to the GOP as the GOP did their best to fill-up everything from dogcatcher to Governor.
Also, many Dem pols switched once they felt the popular breeze was blowing a different direction, like Rick Perry.

Would Lloyd making it to Pres reverse those trends?

It depends on the Democratic Party of Texas getting much more locally-oriented and clearer about its positions instead of letting the GOP run the debate and and spending a lot of its energy in infighting.

Long story shorter, figuring out the super staff that can help Lloyd get that done's what'll make the difference IMO.
 
Even though there was still two years to go before the 1988 presidential election, Lloyd Bentsen had finally come to a decision. He called Martin up shortly after returning to Washington at the beginning of the year and invited him out to dinner at a local Italian restaurant in the shadows of the capitol building.

Martin was nervous. He entered this adventure not quite sure Bentsen would run, or even really cared, and now he found himself engrossed and invested in the potential. It was funny, he would later quip, that he went from a doubter when he spoke with Chuck Robb in early '85, to cheerleader in less than a year.

So, there he sat at the table with the Senator, who, for a short time, didn't say a word. It was as if he was playing up the theatrics, drawing it out as much as possible - like this was some movie.

Uneasy, Martin eventually broke the silence with three words: Are you running?

Bentsen could only grin - which maybe was an indication of the decision. Martin had always liked Bentsen's grin. It was very easy, calming, in fact, and, at that moment, he did feel calm, even if the answer wasn't necessarily what he wanted to hear.

But Martin wouldn't actually hear that answer. Instead, Bentsen slid a piece of paper across the table. It was turned over so that whatever was written on it couldn't be seen.

So, presumably, there was the answer...written on that paper. Bentsen gave a nod, as if indicating to Martin it was okay to flip the paper over.

He did.

The message was simple, if not a bit elegant in a weird way: Bentsen vs. Bush - Part II.

Of course, the original bout between these two Texas heavyweights took place during the 1970 senate election. Bentsen would comfortably beat Bush in that election, winning 54% of the vote statewide.

This was the sequel and for a far bigger prize than just a spot in the United States Senate.

Martin smiled. He liked the moxie of Bentsen's message. He wanted to take it to George Bush.

Bentsen hadn't particularly liked Bush. He always considered him a fake Texan, a New England elite who was about as authentic as pleather. That dislike really was rooted in that 1970 election and it had carried over through Bush's rise in Republican politics - all the way to the Vice Presidency.

"We're gonna give ol' George a Texas sized whoopin'," Bentsen said, with a hearty laugh.

It was on and Bentsen was fully invested in this fight.

Back in Virginia, Robb anxiously awaited Martin's call. The two had spoken earlier in the day when Martin informed him that Bentsen had finally reached a decision and now, with it being shortly after midnight on the East Coast, he was getting a bit nervous.

Did Bentsen politely decline? Why wasn't Martin calling?

Finally, after what felt like hours, the phone rang.

Martin told Robb the good news and he eased back into his chair, phone relaxed between his ear and shoulder.

He only had one thing to say, "You've made me a very happy man, Jack."

Now came the hard part, actually getting Bentsen elected.

1986 was spent networking. Bentsen was mostly sticking to the bigwigs in his state, the investors who could help fund his campaign. Robb, from Washington and Richmond, helped work party officials to get behind the idea of a Bentsen campaign. It initially began with whispers, unofficial rumors that Bentsen might be seeking the nomination. Robb couldn't openly act on the behalf of Bentsen, so he disguised his meaning through other candidates he felt wouldn't run - like Mo Udall from Arizona.

When Robb brought up Bentsen's name, especially to the party elite, he found a lukewarm reception. It was a factor Robb knew he had to overcome - the conservative ideology Bentsen presented. He was, after all, a pro-gun, pro-capital punishment Democrat from a traditionally red state and that wasn't going to play well to a good portion of the Democratic base.

Robb remembers having a brief conversation with Bob Shrum about Bentsen, who had been the speechwriter for Ted Kennedy and penned his famous The Dream Will Never Die speech for the 1980 Democratic Convention. Shrum, who wasn't overtly liberal and had moved on to being a political consultant for Democrats, was unsure Bentsen had the clout, either within the electorate or the Democratic Party, to win the nomination.

He felt Bentsen would do well in the south and could pick up the white, blue collar vote that abandoned the Democratic Party in the 80s. But, much to Robb's dismay, the Democratic Party was still dominated by the perceived political special interests of liberals, the poor, women and minorities.

"I can tell you, Chuck, that Bentsen is going to have a difficult time convincing blacks, liberals and women to vote for him - especially the latter with his stance on abortion," Shrum said during their meeting.

As the year progressed, Robb became increasingly weary of his plan. It wasn't gaining traction and party insiders scoffed at the idea. Worse, Al Gore was rumored to be throwing his name into the ring and so was Bill Clinton, the good-looking, young and charismatic governor of Arkansas - a state Democrats traditionally didn't win.

So, Robb turned to Hamilton Jordan, who had been Jimmy Carter's campaign manager during his rise from unknown to front-runner in 1976. Carter, like Bentsen, was a soft spoken moderate/conservative Democrat from a bigger state that Democrats traditionally didn't do well in nationally - especially since the Civil Rights Act.

How could Bentsen pull a Carter and move ahead in the primary?

Jordan was pointed in his assessment: it takes a weak field for a potentially weak, or unknown candidate, to break through. In 1976, Carter gained traction solely because the liberals split the vote in Iowa and New Hampshire. It didn't hurt that Scoop Jackson, often thought to be the front-runner heading into the primary, decided to sit those two elections out. It was a decision that later cost him and Carter had conceded later to Jordan that had Jackson contested either Iowa or New Hampshire, he probably doesn't win those two states and struggles to gain traction.

So, Jordan's advice was to take a similar approach to Carter's in '76: Contest the hell out of Iowa. He bluntly said, "Iowa picks presidents."

But with an unknown field, Robb didn't know if that was possible. In fact, he had heard rumblings that Congressman Dick Gephardt of Missouri might throw his hat into the ring and if that was the case, you could almost write off Iowa, as Gephardt would have a built-in advantage since he came from a neighboring state.

Add both Clinton and Gore and you potentially are looking at a situation where, this go around, the moderate vote is split three or four ways. In that case, if Cuomo or Kennedy both decided to run, they could seize control of the primary process with a victory.

Still, Robb wasn't about to abandon his plans, especially after Bentsen had established some solid connections in his home state. There would be money - as was the case in '76. Bentsen certainly could be one of the better funded campaigns. He just needed a selling point, something that made him different than the rest.

Of course, the real difference was staring Robb right in the face - in the way of an old photo of him and his wife visiting the LBJ ranch in Texas.

Yes, the Lone Star State was Bentsen's biggest draw. It would potentially negate Bush's home turf and could bring the state back to the Democrats for the first time since the '68 election.

If '88 was going to be close, and all indications suggested it would be, Texas could be the deciding factor.

That was going to be Robb's new hook and he took it to some of the party insiders.
 
Last edited:
I think this is very interesting. Keep in mind the following:

1) Many Democrats are going to resist a centrist, Texas nominee -- particularly in this 1988 in which the DLC can't point to the crippling defeat of Michael Dukakis.

IOTL in 1992, there was considerable resistance to the centrist Bill Clinton in the Democratic party, such that Paul Tsongas won states like Maryland and Jerry Brown stayed in the race all the way to the convention (and garnered significant support against Clinton even though he was essentially running as a protest candidate). That pushback is going to be much, much greater in 1988.

2) Lloyd Bentsen was never really viewed as a strong campaigner until 1988, and I suspect that much of that was in comparison to the wooden Michael Dukakis.

Ultimately, I guess here's where I come down: as you note in your last update, in 1988, Al Gore ran as the DLC candidate; he ran far to the right of the rest of the field and essentially occupied all of that political landscape to himself.

Gore won 13.7% of the vote and seven states (Arkansas, North Carolina, Kentucky, Oklahoma, Wyoming, Nevada, and his home state of Tennessee).

To get Bentsen above those numbers, you'll need to somehow force Gore from the race before Super Tuesday AND ensure that something happens to Jesse Jackson (who took six southern states from Gore in 1988 IOTL). But you can't get Gore out too early; otherwise, one or both of Bill Clinton or Dale Bumpers will jump in instead if there's no centrist candidate.
 
Top