theeconomist.com, Monday February 22nd
Is Santos Doomed To Only One Term?
In the early hours of November 8th 2006, it was confirmed that Texas Congressman Matthew Santos had carried Nevada and had managed to edge out California Senator Arnold Vinick, to become the 44th President of the United States.
While this newspaper had endorsed Vinick, we felt a certain degree of optimism for the future under Santos. Throughout the campaign he had talked tough about the need for serious reform in education, and in healthcare. Economically the country and the world looked strong. We fretted over how such an inexperienced figure would cope with the ongoing crisis in Gaza, and his predecessor’s decision to get between China and Russia in Kazakhstan but happily admitted that we’d give him the benefit of the doubt.
Three and half years on and Santos faces an uncertain future. The Republicans look certain to nominate their most electable candidate, a genuine heavyweight in former acting President Glen Walken, a challenge that this time last year many Democrats were gleefully dismissing as “unlikely” and “fortunately not going to happen”.
There is little doubt that what the Democrats fear in Walken hits at the core of President Santos’ problems.
In 2007 his presidency started promisingly. His election opponent Vinick looked an astute pick for Secretary of State, both a hand out to Republicans and a means of addressing his perceived inexperience on the international stage. His last minute decision to not choose Stan Rosenthal to be his Treasury secretary appeared risky, but in Christopher Parker many thought he’d selected well.
In fact, his full cabinet was well received with only a couple of odd choices. Democratic Congressman Mike Franco became Secretary of Defense – confusing many who felt Franco lacked the heft required for the post, and Secretary of Energy Felix North, a renowned anti-nuclear expert, was a risky move post San Andreo.
Santos retained a strong approval rating through the first six months, right up until his attempt to push through two major pieces of legislation. Firstly, he set the ball rolling on his flagship education policy – but prompted enormous criticism when he passed most of the leg work to Speaker Mark Sellner and his Chief of Staff Josh Lyman. The end result was a complete mess of a bill that had to be reworked three times before scraping through the House and dying an undignified death in the Senate.
The White House attempted to spin the failure as the Republican majority in the Senate playing a partisan game, but that particular line of argument fell apart, when Santos, Sellner and Lyman followed effectively the same path on healthcare, bizarrely promoting a public option that had no chance of getting the support of the entire Democratic caucus in the Senate let alone the Republican majority.
With the apparent failure of his domestic agenda Santos attempted to regroup calling for more bi-partisanship in Congress attempting to appeal directly to the American public. Polls suggested their response was lukewarm and by end of 2007 his approval rating had fallen below 50%.
Aside from his legislative failure Santos’ first year was dogged by links to disgraced Congressman Tim Fields, a close ally of Santos during his time in Congress. Fields had announced his retirement shortly after the 2006 election in order to stand for Governor in his home state of Texas in 2008. The refusal of Santos to condemn his friend over campaign bribery allegations damaged both himself and the Democrats chances in Texas, where Republican Phil Prior claimed the Governorship in a November landslide.
2008 may well still be looked on as the year it fell apart for Santos. The collapse of Kazakh government under the pressure of interference from both China and Russia cast serious doubt on American mission in the region. Prominent Republicans such as Governor Marcus Blakemore and Georgia Senator James Lancaster attacked Santos as being “totally ineffective” and of “lacking any vision beyond just sitting between two opposing forces and hoping they forget why they’re there.”
Santos seemed lost in his response and hesitated continually to take steps to ensure Kazakhstan retained an independent government, attempts by China and Russia to implement their own puppet regimes only served to further heighten tension. The eventual compromise of an interim government selected by the three powers simply filled a void with a gap and left the leader of the free world looking ineffective.
It wasn’t until 2009, when by all accounts Santos handed Kazakhstan strategy over to his Secretary of State that progress was made. The Vinick inspired Antwerp plan seems to be bearing fruit and winding down the conflict at an almost ideal time for the President, but only time will tell if the pictures of Santos looking dazed by the scale of the problems will be forgotten come election time.
In spite of early difficulties, the administration survived the mid terms relatively unscathed. The Republicans picked up three seats in the Senate extending their majority to ten, and narrowed the majority in the house to only two seats, but such was the concern in the Democratic party going in that this was seen as a good result in spite of losses of apparently safe Senate seats in Maine and West Virginia.
The Democratic plan to relaunch after the mid terms took a hammer blow with the economic collapse in late 2008. Santos had to quickly bailout two leading banks, but was powerless to stop the collapse of Atkins and Sons, the investment bank. Out of the crisis Santos won some praise for swift action in averting what many claimed would be the catastrophic failure of the banking system.
History may well say that 2009 saw Santos finally grow into the role of President. His performances on the global stage were much more assured, helped immeasurably by the improvements in the situation in Kazakhstan. He managed to find common ground with Republicans on a stimulus plan, though only by going against an initially Democratic plan that couldn’t win sufficient support in the Senate.
He took some brave decisions, not firing Treasury Secretary Parker, but instead replacing his controversial Chief of Staff Josh Lyman after a prolonged battle over his budget. The appointment of prominent Blue Dog Nate Singer and the return to front line politics of former Commerce Secretary Mitch Bryce has certainly stabilized the White House operation and improved relations on The Hill.
Santos has also had to face the personal dilemma of having to replace a second Vice-President. Having lost his first choice Leo McGarry on Election Day, the tragic retirement of Eric Baker following a brain hemorrhage must have been particularly galling; Santos carried himself extremely well throughout and made a sensible choice by appointing former majority leader Wendell Tripplehorn.
With the economy improving and a likely drop in jobless numbers before November Santos now appears to have a chance that few would have expected in the dark days of June 2008. The strongest defense for a second term of Santos has always been the belief that the Republicans would fail on the big stage again, or make yet another divisive choice in their nomination process. As Walken scales the final few feet of his climb to his own personal mountain top, suddenly Santos will face the an opponent who plays to his worst fears. The next six months will decide whether Santos will be more Newman or Bartlet in historical terms.