FOR WANT OF THE HAMMER

tuareg109

Banned
FOR WANT OF THE HAMMER

ROMA ET ITALIA PART 6, 646 AVC

It was very late in the month of November, and the lingering warmth of summer and early autumn had finally given in to the chill of winter. Babies and old people and the sick began to die in droves, their bodies surprised by this sudden change in ambient temperature. The cloth-spinners and cloak-stitchers turned an excellent profit in this first week of nightly frost, and would continue to do good business all the way through to March.

Marcus Aemilius Scaurus, Lucius Caecilius Metellus Pontifex Maximus, Marcus Livius Drusus, Quintus Servilius Caepio, Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica, and Quintus Mucius Scaevola Augur, among others, truly had nowhere to go the following year; they all resolved to put all their differences aside and join forces completely to temper whatever damage Gaius Fulcinius and his minions might try to achieve the next year.

Marcus Antonius Orator abandoned the entire political establishment, but for a legitimate reason: As Propraetor he was going to govern Sicily, and would endeavor to send as much grain to Rome as possible, to avoid giving Gaius Fulcinius any excuse to rape the Treasury through the institution of a larger grain dole. He only remained in Rome now to finish out his duties as Urban Praetor.

Gaius Flavius Fimbria returned to Rome from his own governorship of Sicily, and proceeded to void his bowels into his toga, along with Gaius Memmius. Fimbria wrote dozens of hasty letters--not trusting the information within to any slave--to landowners and warehouse-owners in Sicily, and both men wrote frantically to the greatest of the grain merchants. Such ill luck that the honest and impartial Marcus Antonius should draw Sicily as his province! They would have to cover their tracks carefully, or else Scaurus would get a thick sheaf of evidence from Marcus Antonius....

Gaius Fulcinius, the Quaestors Lucius Appuleius Saturninus and Gaius Valerius Flaccus, the Praetors Spurius Dellius and Lucius Valerius Flaccus, and the experienced ex-Praetor Tribune of the Plebs Gaius Servilius Glaucia also fused their minds; they planned day and night for the disgrace and prosecution of Catulus Caesar and--less strenuously--the prosecutions of Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus and Lucius Cornelius Sulla.

Spurius Dellius--being a man of military bent, and appreciating excellence in command--and Gaius Servilius Glaucia--one more with Fulcinius "for the ride" than for any loyalty or populist sentiment--both quickly alerted Ahenobarbus and Sulla of these developments; of course, both men detested Catulus Caesar.

In fact, letters went to Sulla and Ahenobarbus from Fulcinius himself; were he to satisfy his most fanatical backers, he would need to prosecute the most minute transgression. That he would not try very hard, and of course that he would alert his supposed victims, he wrote to the two, went without saying. Both Sulla and Ahenobarbus also suspected that most of his backers found that Ahenobarbus's invasion and Sulla's peace had caused business to boom; even Equestrians were not without gratitude.

Lucullus of course knew none of this, and bit his nails while waiting for Fulcinius's magic way of keeping Catulus Caesar in Rome for prosecution this upcoming year--which he hadn't been told of yet. Because he rarely if ever moved in the same circles as the men of the prosecution team, he didn't hear from one of them, nor did Fulcinius bother to let him know.

The Consuls Titus Bruttius and Lucius Vettius planned to stay and administer Rome's venomous climate. Lucius Vettius planned to make a name for himself, and Titus Bruttius was only too happy to dump some of the hard work onto him.

Catulus Caesar and Publius Rutilius Rufus both were preparing for their governorships: Catulus Caesar to Macedonia to cause some damage, and Publius Rutilius to Gallia Transalpina to repair his damage. While both needed hundreds of talents of gold from the Treasury as a war chest, only Publius Rutilius needed to recruit four legions to go with him to Provincial Gaul--Macedonia had no shortage of auxiliary volunteers and recruits. Had it been Catulus Caesar going to Gallia again, he wouldn't have been able to scrape up even a cohort of volunteers, so low was his popularity; because it was the reverse and Publius Rutilius--well known as a solid military man--was recruiting, men flocked to his banner, hoping to smash the Germans to oblivion.

So it was that preparations were being made--Publius Rutilius, as always, working harder than Catulus Caesar--and military tribunes went with one army or the other. Quintus Caecilius Metellus--experienced but still rather young, Marcus Livius Drusus Junior, Gnaeus Pompeius Strabo, Gaius Julius Caesar Strabo Vopiscus, and Gnaeus Octavius Ruso, among others, were going with Publius Rutilius to Gaul. Publius Rutilius Lupus--purposely snubbed by his distant cousin, Lucius Julius Caesar, Lucius Aurelius Cotta, and Quintus Servilius Caepio Junior were going with Catulus to Macedonia.

Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus was cooling his heels in the house of Marcus Livius Drusus--now intolerably cool and distant as the date of his son's departure arrived--and exchanging many great letters with Gaius Fulcinius. For the man to visit him was suspicious, and so they met each other through letters--and each liked what he saw in the other man. Ahenobarbus was virtually assured of victory in his upcoming trial, and Fulcinius even divulged the surprise that he would spring soon upon Catulus Caesar; Ahenobarbus rolled on the floor laughing for hours, and told no one why.

Sulla sent a quick, cool letter of thanks to Gaius Fulcinius, and continued preparing for the foray into Gallia. He had spent weeks gathering gear and clothes of the best quality, for they would winter there in the cold hills and mountains north of the Alps and inland of the Mediterranean Sea; it was notoriously chilly, and would provide a nasty contrast to mild and warm Numidia.

As for Numidia, the surprising--except to two men, that is--death of Prince Gauda caused all resistance against Jugurtha to collapse. He neatly and mercifully brought the coast into his fold, and pursued the army of his fat father-in-law King Bocchus past the Pillars of Hercules and into Oceanus Atlanticus. There a peace was agreed to by shining Jugurtha and shivering Bocchus: two more of Bocchus's daughters were given to Jugurtha's sons in marriage, Jugurtha came into possession of hundreds of mines of gold and silver and gemstones, and Bocchus swore an oath on the highest of his gods never to war against Numidia so long as he lived. Jugurtha drew back to Cirta and stood like an idol, proof that a King and a nation could fight the Romans, and survive, and even win; and, even though he'd technically won, King Jugurtha allowed the Romans full trading rights. Grain was flowing freely, the economy was booming, and he ruled as he'd always meant to rule: as a peaceful trading partner of Rome.

Sulla--the ultimate winner and loser of the Jugurthine War--had everything ready on that last day of November. They were set to depart in two days, as was Catulus Caesar, and Sulla had detailed which slaves and pack animals would accompany him and the army to the port at Ostia, and what exactly was to be done with and on his properties in Latium and in Italia, and what threats were to be made to his bankers and freedmen to keep them in line. To pregnant Caecilia Metella Sullana he had made love many times in anticipation of departure; but he hadn't ignored Caecilia Metella Calva either, who was his wife's aunt and the infamous wife of Lucius Licinius Lucullus.

Publius Rutilius Rufus was hosting a going-away party on that evening, at his own house; hundreds of people were slated to attend. As Publius Rutilius had Sulla--the great partier and debaucher, or so every gossip said--on his side, even Catulus Caesar did not have the arrogance and gall to host his own party; any party opposing one of Sulla's would be poorly attended.

So, as Sulla sat in his study attending to some last-minute papers, a latent last-minute guest was announced into his presence. Dismissing the steward and giving a dazzling smile, Sulla said, "Piglet, you're back!"

Quintus Caecilius Metellus, giving a sheepish grin, sat in the client's chair across from Sulla. "Well, I'm back."

"And so brown! Tramping up and down all Italy, I've heard."

"Yes. After father died--" Quintus Caecilius's face fell immediately, and his eyes glistened with unshed tears, and he gave a gasping sob. Sulla moved immediately to his side and slipped an arm around his shoulders.

Sulla, who was of course inwardly eye-rolling--he had once in a fit of rage tried to KILL his own father, after all!--took to making soothing sounds and patting Piglet on the shoulders. The young man recovered after some time, but remained in Sulla's grasp. "Oh Lucius Cornelius, how I still grieve! My father was truly the greatest man alive."

"Truly," Sulla lied easily; of course he himself was the greatest man alive. "Get on with your travels."

"Ah, yes," Quintus Caecilius said, still dabbing the corners of his eyes with a fold of his toga. "After he died and I returned to Rome reporting Quintus Lutatius's cowardice, those wretched bankers put every obstacle in my path. I must have presented proof of citizenship and identity at least a hundred times. Of course, they thought that I had 'manufactured a crisis'--as good Ahenobarbus puts it!--by exaggerating the loss of our army."

"Bastards," Sulla said sullenly, and meant it. Did he have the power, he would execute every man who ignored the health of Rome in favor of gold.

Quintus Caecilius nodded fervently. "They are truly bastards; though they have Roman names, their fathers must be Jewish freedmen." Since such casual accusations of bastardy to non-Roman fathers was common, Sulla--who believed that all people can be used and manipulated positively--simply took amused note of it.

"Indeed. Go on," Sulla prompted.

"Oh, yes. So I applied to Marcus Antonius, and he of course--being in good financial repair--got them to desist. Still, I had to visit every farm and property my father owned; which are all now mine. You never know what those bankers can do."

Sulla nodded. "True enough. So you toured your properties, and all was well? I'm surprised that you've agreed to campaign with us, seeing as you're so late. You've got two days to prepare."

"Oh," Quintus Caecilius waved a hand, "I've got all my stuff from this year's debacle at home. It just needs some polishing. Of warm clothes I have plenty."

Sulla nodded. "Good. I'm glad Publius Rutilius's letters reached you in time. It'll be just like old times!" he said brightly, not caring much himself.

"Absolutely!" said Piglet enthusiastically. You, Publius Rutilius, and I. Who can stop us?

"Not the Germans!"

"Ah, I must see my sister! Congratulations Lucius Cornelius, on your upcoming child. There is not a man I'd rather have as father to my nephews and nieces."

"Quintus Caecilius," said Sulla, extending his right arm for the soldier's handshake, "I thank you for your kind words."


The storm broke the next day.

Marcus Antonius sat at his tribunal in the Forum with two tunics under his toga; such was the chill that even his muscled frame couldn't protect him from it. He would sit there until he tired of the cold weather, and then move the tribunal into his own house to escape the ice.

He sat jealously watching those hurrying home into the warmth; he, due to pride, was prevented from seeking a cloak, or hurrying home to put on an extra tunic, or toga, or three of each for that matter. So he sat in misery, doing nothing...and saw the pale form of Gaius Fulcinius approaching. He frowned at first: What trouble was this? and then put on the mask of Praetor. As always, he would be impartial.

But, to his surprise, Gaius Fulcinius didn't head to the tribunal to present some case. Marcus Antonius had been expecting a prosecution against Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus for some time now; though Marcus Antonius himself thought that Ahenobarbus's little vengeful private war was despicable, he did know that the punishment Gaius Fulcinius meted out would be out of all proportion. Marcus Junius Silanus, for example, was now living--near penniless, for a Roman noble--in Alexandria, for Gaius Fulcinius's jury of Equestrians had denied him food, water, fire, and shelter for 1000 miles in all direction from Rome. An insane punishment; and yet, it had been given.

He watched as Gaius Fulcinius walked ever so carefully, unperturbed by the cold in the air, to the Well of the Comitia; mounting the rostra, he waited for a decent crowd to notice him. Crazy man! thought Marcus Antonius. Does he expect anybody to be out to listen to his drivel in this cold? And yet, Marcus Antonius was wrong; Gaius Fulcinius and all of his fellow would-be prosecutors had sent their clients to let the entire city know that Gaius Fulcinius was to speak of a matter of great import in the third hour of daylight.

Marcus Antonius now noticed the trickle that had followed Gaius Fulcinius into the Forum from the direction of the Palatine. The trickle became a stream, and more trickles entered the Forum from the Port of Rome and the Quirinal; after ten minutes a steady tide of people--the People--were gathering in and around the Well of the Comitia, simply to hear Gaius Fulcinius speak. Marcus Antonius felt a tightening in his stomach, and immediately sent his two clerks to run and fetch some of the Boni in the most efficient manner; being sons of Senators, they obeyed with alacrity, and Marcus Antonius waited another fifteen minutes before Quintus Mucius Scaevola Augur--the eldest of them all, and yet always ready for verbal battle--showed up.

They stood in near-silence waiting for the others. Gaius Fulcinius, judging that enough people had arrived--and indeed there were some thirty thousand people in the Well of the Comitia, and around it, and clustered all over the Forum, and even on the roofs of the neighboring temples. The usually composed Marcus Antonius's jaw dropped: Never had he seen so many men gathered in such a confined space. During his periods of military service he'd seen upward of a hundred thousand men in one place, but in orderly camp or on a broad plain and ready for battle. Never had he seen thirty thousand Romans in the Forum; and still more were arriving, and clogging up the Clivus Victoriae and the Vestal Steps and...every path leading into the Forum!

Men sat upon Marcus Antonius's tribunal desk, and he was quite powerless to stop them. He knew then that he and Quintus Mucius wouldn't see Scaurus and the others until the crowd dispersed.

Then there was a roaring, and a cheering, and it just went on and on.

Marcus Antonius gave his seat up to the aged Quintus Mucius, and resigned himself to a long wait.
 
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Just wanted to say how much I enjoy this--it's nice seeing another McCulloughesque Roman timeline on this board. That stated, I do hope you don't use her characterization of Mithridates Eupator when he shows up--her version is a travesty on the man who terrified the Republic...
 

tuareg109

Banned
Just wanted to say how much I enjoy this--it's nice seeing another McCulloughesque Roman timeline on this board. That stated, I do hope you don't use her characterization of Mithridates Eupator when he shows up--her version is a travesty on the man who terrified the Republic...

I know! Her portrayal of him was ludicrous; how could a man behaving as he did keep such good control over his domain?

Another bone I had to pick with her was the portrayal of Julius Caesar. I mean, the guy was cool and all, but she should've just named him "Gary Stu" and left it at that. I liked the portrayals of Sulla (obviously), Metellus Pius, and Cato the best.
 
I know! Her portrayal of him was ludicrous; how could a man behaving as he did keep such good control over his domain?

It was very much a product of the longtime British view of the man as a decadent Asiatic facing the good European Romans. That this view essentially requires you to declare that the group A doing horrible things are vile, while group B doing the same horrible things and a few others besides are righteous, has generally been ignored for a long, long time. (Her Herod has the same problem, but then, Herod's always had that problem.)
 

tuareg109

Banned
FOR WANT OF THE HAMMER

CONSULS AND PROCONSULS, 647 AVC

Gaius Servilius Glaucia and Lucius Appuleius Saturninus trudged side by side through the snow after the procession of Titus Bruttius, which began nearer to their own homes. By now the processions had fused into one rather large parade down the Clivus Victoriae and toward the Capitoline Mount, and the temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus. First came the Equestrians in huge numbers, and they were all extremely supportive of these two Consuls; then came the Consuls themselves, with the junior Lucius Vettius slightly behind and to the right of senior Titus Bruttius; then came those supporters and attendees who were Senators--namely this year's radical magistrates, and the few other more populist men of the Curia. Last came common Forum frequenters and sightseers, interested enough to brave the cold.

So many men stood viewing this inauguration of the Consuls because of the popularity among the Equestrians and the People of these Consuls and the other magistrates in general; had Lucius Caecilius Pontifex Maximus not been tidy enough to keep the calendar in line with the seasons, there would have been even more men there. As it was, some three thousand Knights preceded the Consuls in skirting the Well of the Comitia and then going up the Clivus Capitolinus; only some forty of the three hundred or so Senators followed.

Publius Rutilius Rufus had given up his fasces and Consular regalia on the eve of his departure to Gallia Provincia; Quintus Lutatius Catulus Caesar was brooding at home, protesting the inauguration of such Consuls with silence. Not that anybody cared. Truly, Catulus Caesar was terrified that the People had taken his province off of him, and only his sense of duty and the urging of his blood brother Lucius Julius Caesar--who had abandoned the expedition to Macedonia, now under the Propraetorian command of Lucius Cassius Longinus Ravilla--had prevented him from fleeing the city into voluntary exile. No, he must face the present crisis as a true Roman, and live with the knowledge that next year would have the electors seeing their mistake, and sending for him to return to Rome.

The Boni avoided the inauguration like the plague and spent the last days of the year of Catulus Caesar and Publius Rutilius's Consulship and the first days of Titus Bruttius and Lucius Vettius's fervently planning and organizing a defense of Catulus Caesar. Some of the leading Boni, being Pontiffs, were nonetheless forced to attend the inauguration; the Pontifex Maximus and Scaurus and Drusus, being men of honor, dissuaded the others from somehow sabotaging the auspices, or from preventing the sacrificial bulls from being drugged into easy submission. Gaius Fulcinius, who had been planning the prosecution for something more than half a year, relaxed and went smiling to the inauguration of his friends.

The procession finally found its way to the feet of the broad, wide, magnificent marble steps leading up to the temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus. There the Pontifical acolyte stood waiting with the State's public slaves, who were holding the calm bulls steady. The Consuls-to-be took their places to either side of the pair of bulls--with the acolyte standing between--and the Senators stood in the front of the crowd, nearly upon them; because there were so few Senators, the Equestrians behind them and above on the steps had a much better view than during any other inauguration. The Pontiffs, finally, arrayed themselves near the Pontifex Maximus, who began to chant the oaths and supplications to the Great God, with the Consuls replying as needed.

The entire ordeal took about ten minutes. Titus Bruttius took the great, old, scarred--but gleaming, for it was well-polished--sacrificial knife gingerly and stood by his bull, wondering what to do; for, instead of standing near the acolyte and thus being able to slaughter the great beast right-handed, he now had to use his left hand. He could move around now, sure, but that would be embarrassing; no, he'd have to make the best of it. The acolyte, sensing this, put his hand soothingly on the bull's head, and the grips of the slaves tightened. Titus Bruttius slid the knife carefully under the sacrifice's neck and--inexperienced that he was at slaughter--wrenched upward and toward himself. Immediately a splash of blood colored the front of his pure white toga, and the bull--feeling the pain but not strong enough to jerk and charge--fell into his direction.

The Senators and Equestrians, astounded, bounded back as Titus Bruttius stepped back to avoid the falling bull, and slipped. He fell clear, but landed in the wet, cold paving in front of the temple. This paving, too, was now splashed with blood; as he hastened up, his chest and bottom, and the legs of his toga, were bright red with blood. The gathered men shivered at this terrible omen.

Getting over his shock, the acolyte moved quickly and took the knife from Titus Bruttius's shocked hand and, stepping around the dying bull, gave it to Lucius Vettius. Grim-faced but sure of himself, and with a right-handed thrust available, Lucius Vettius dispatched his own sacrifice expertly; he had, after all, started his public career as an ordinary legionary, and knew plenty of things about slaughtering both animals on a farm, and men on a battlefield. He was determined that blood would not spray on anybody this time, and he succeeded; good omens for himself, and bad for his colleague.

Though the day was grim, Scaurus stood barely containing his laughter at the look on the faces of the two Tituses: Bruttius and his benefactor Pomponius. Oh, if only Lucius Cornelius Sulla could be there to witness this! How he'd love it.
 
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tuareg109

Banned
It was very much a product of the longtime British view of the man as a decadent Asiatic facing the good European Romans. That this view essentially requires you to declare that the group A doing horrible things are vile, while group B doing the same horrible things and a few others besides are righteous, has generally been ignored for a long, long time. (Her Herod has the same problem, but then, Herod's always had that problem.)

I know! Caesar can kill and maim millions of Gauls (men, women, and children), and he's fine; Mithridates kills 150,000 Romans, Latins, and Italians and their slaves, but also brings greater prosperity to the Greeks living in those lands, and he's an absolute monster. I mean both cases are terrible, but Mithridates killed about ten times less people.
 
I know! Caesar can kill and maim millions of Gauls (men, women, and children), and he's fine; Mithridates kills 150,000 Romans, Latins, and Italians and their slaves, but also brings greater prosperity to the Greeks living in those lands, and he's an absolute monster. I mean both cases are terrible, but Mithridates killed about ten times less people.

Or Herod's feuding family, and his willingness to kill them the moment he thought they were a threat is a sign of his horrible decadence, but Octavian's is just... one of those things.

So... just to make a prediction--instead of getting a Marius bringing needed--but dangerous--military reforms, we get rule by the Roman military commissars, who manage to turn the whole system into a mass of watching one's back and informing on your rivals. "We will have fewer Romans--but BETTER Romans!"
 

tuareg109

Banned
I also apologize for the rather poor and short quality of recent posts; I have much on my hands at the moment.
 

tuareg109

Banned
Gahhhh! Just noticed that I have Publius Licinius Crassus as a Pontiff in "A New Year's Tragedy", and that I forgot to change that when I put Quintus Mucius Scaevola in his place.

Not that I have anything against Crassus; it's just that there must be 3 patricians and 3 plebeian Pontiffs.

It's no problem. Both updates are excellent.

Another update incoming in about an hour!
 

tuareg109

Banned
FOR WANT OF THE HAMMER

GALLIA TRANSALPINA PART 1, 647 AVC

Sulla's experience in Provincial Gaul so far had been surprisingly pleasant. He and Publius Rutilius and every man with administrative duties in the army had expected a horrible mess of inefficiency and local corruption upon arriving in Arelate; in fact, since Catulus Caesar had forsaken any kind of civil administration in favor of military taxation and conscription, they simply found...nothing. It was the work of only two weeks to send riders out to make Publius Rutilius's authority known and to seek word of the Germans; Transalpine Gaul was in such dire straits that Publius Rutilius decided to remit the entire province from any kind of taxes.

They had camped in Arelate and made it the provincial capital in order to cremate Catulus Caesar's Roman dead and gather their weapons--nearby in Arausio, and to be on the Rhodanus River, which Publius Rutilius regarded as more important than Narbo Martius. Sure, Narbo Martius lay along the Via Domitia--the road to Hispania; however, that road was lost and the Germans likely somewhere along it. It would be much more useful to protect the Rhodanus valley, prevent against movements from Long-Haired Gaul, and be able to stand on the Via Domitia and the Via Aurelia, the only two ways into Italian Gaul from Transalpine Gaul. In addition, Arelate sported ancient Greek and new Roman amenities and facilities such as baths and theaters; Narbo Martius was a relatively undeveloped town scarcely ten years old.

TeI2egz.jpg

Gallia Transalpina in pink; Arelate is Arles

After those two weeks of quick work were over, Publius Rutilius and his four legions of Roman troops--as well as four of the five sent from Numidia (one had been honorably discharged)--set to training and recruiting two legions of provincial Auxiliary troops; the recruiters became so drowned in volunteers that this number was increased to four. With twelve legions, Publius Rutilius would have something like sixty thousand men at his command--perhaps a tenth of what the Germans had.

But the Germans were a loose confederation, if not exactly disorganized rabble, and the Romans and Auxiliaries were...Romans! Or Roman-trained! Their general was no Catulus Caesar, and this was what drove young men and mature veterans alike to Publius Rutilius's banners; they had heard of his success all over the place, and the care he took for his soldiers. Catulus Caesar had been hard-pressed to recruit even one legion of Gallic Auxiliaries, but Publius Rutilius had four without even asking.

So it was that, a month after arriving, Sulla found himself with nothing to do. He wasn't exactly bored, for the requisitioning and transportation of food grown all over the Province, as well as imported into Massilia, were under his competent hand; every day a host of minor problems found their way to his desk, and every day they were solved easily. No, Sulla wanted something dangerous. Decisive. And he got it.

Sulla was summoned to Publius Rutilius's command tent and entered to a strange sight. In the room, milling about and speaking quietly were the Legates Gaius Atilius Serranus (Praetor 644), Gnaeus Mallius (Praetor 645), and Marcus Antonius Gallus; and the Military Tribunes Gnaeus Pompeius Strabo, Gnaeus Octavius Ruso, Marcus Livius Drusus Junior, and Gaius Julius Caesar Strabo Vopiscus.

Serranus and Gnaeus Mallius were two not-particularly-talented men who were nonetheless competent; Serranus came from the ancient gens Atilia, fallen on hard times; whereas nobody had ever heard of a "Mallius". Marcus Antonius Gallus was the grandson of a freedman Gaul who had served in the legions of Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus, when he'd carved out that part of Gallia Transalpina that hosted and protected the Via Domitia; his height, his nose, and his shock of red hair proclaimed his origins, as did the provincial twang in his otherwise decent Latin. Gnaeus Octavius was of a Roman plebeian family just recently ennobled, and only notable since the Second Punic War. Gnaus Pompeius was of clearly Gallic stock from Picenum and extravagantly rich while Gaius Julius was of the most ancient Roman background--and looked it--and had been dirt-poor before his eldest brother Sextus's adoption into the Lutatii Catuli (being Catulus Caesar); both men were Strabo, or cross-eyed. Marcus Livius Drusus Junior was of a respectably old Plebeian family that was in excellent fortune and had great influence.

Lucius Cornelius Sulla himself was of the most functionally respectable gens, Cornelia, for a good third of Rome's consuls had come from that patrician family; but his branch had fallen on very hard times--commoners thought that "Sulla" had been the name of a freedman ancestor of his, after all--and he had just managed to reverse its fortunes.

What a motley, mixed-up crew we are, thought Sulla. No two alike. Then Publius Rutilius entered, and one more freak entered the fray; his was an old Latin family given the citizenship only three generations ago. The picture thus completed, Publius Rutilius strode over to his desk and sat down. The tent being spacious enough for eight standing men--and a large table and maps and secretaries besides--was fortunate; they moved to the desk and crowded around it.

"Good," said Publius Rutilius Rufus contentedly. "You're all here." The assembled men looked around at each other questioningly, and Gnaeus Pompeius nudged Gnaeus Octavius and smiled. "I can see that you're all wondering why you're gathered here; indeed, what a motley crew you make! Well, I have a few special jobs that need to be done, and I gathered the men I knew would be most suited to them."

That piqued their interest! All were for the most part men of action, and they were eager to undertake any special job. "Our sources of the Germans' doings in the western part of the Province, and indeed anywhere, aren't too concrete. People are afraid to venture near the Germans, and the destruction they sometimes leave in their wake makes sources hard to find." He paused and joined his fingertips, looking down at them.

"So..." ventured Gnaeus Mallius, "an expedition?"

"No, expeditions. I've decided to send three. While we know little about the conditions in the western Province, we know even less about the goings-on in Gallia Comata [Long-Haired Gaul/"Caesar's" Gaul]. One expedition is going along the Via Domitia to Narbo Martius. If all is peaceful there, the four legions it will take are going to venture to Tolosa. We've had no communication from that town, and I fear the worst. You won't be able to defeat the Germans, but four legions should help you deal with small forces and foraging parties, and will also aid in destroying any mutinous Gallic tribes.

"The second expedition is going up the Rhodanus and then the Saodanus [Saone] into Gallia Comata. Again there will be four legions, but this will be a purely diplomatic mission! The legions will be for defense, and we'll pay for all food and provisions. We're to contact the leaders of the Aedui, the Sequani, the Lingones, the Leuci, and any other tribes we deem important, and assure them that Rome will come to their aid in event of German attack. To defeat such a vast enemy, we must understand them; we'll ask the Gauls what they know of the Germans' origins, and their society. We might learn much.

"The third expedition will have only two legions, but it is just as important as the other two! It will go into the highlands of the Massif Central, subdue the tribes there that have been raiding us since the Germans came, and watch for any signs that the Germans are coming over those high hills and low mountains, to attack the Province from that unexpected direction."

They took this in, and it was ambitious Marcus Antonius Gallus who asked, "And who goes where?"

"Gnaeus Pompeius Strabo and Gnaeus Octavius Ruso are going into the Massif Central with the two legions," Publius Rutilius said promptly.

Pompeius, smiling, nudged Octavius again, and Sulla saw the stroke of genius there: Who better to subdue warring tribes than the savagely violent Pompeius and his willing deputy and friend?

"To Narbo Martius and Tolosa I'm sending the legions under the command of Lucius Cornelius Sulla, along with Gaius Julius and Marcus Livius; though he holds no rank in our Roman army, Marcus Antonius Gallus is a Legate of the Auxilia, and he is going with you too. Since you're a reasonable man, Lucius Cornelius, I know you'll hold him in high regard; his experience and knowledge of the Gauls is invaluable."

Sulla nodded, thinking the same thing. As long as he himself had the overall command, the competent Gallus was free to tag along.

Turning to Serranus and Mallius, the Proconsul said, "And you two are going with me into Gallia Comata. I want the Gauls to know that we're serious; a Proconsul and two ex-Praetors hold a lot of clout in this corner of the world. Additionally, I want dealings with the more powerful tribes of the interior to be perfect; thus, I'm going with you two."

Marcus Livius Drusus said, frowning, "Then Sir, who will govern here while you're away?"

"Oh, that's been all set; the young man knows already, and he'll have two legions at his command. It's Quintus Caecilius."


Two weeks later, after getting ready and traveling through the lands of the thoroughly Romanized Arecomici, Sulla rested in Narbo Martius with his four Auxiliary legions. He'd immediately shown his respect for Marcus Antonius--a man some two years older than himself--by making him Legate of the two most recently recruited legions. Even though the troops were Auxilia, few Roman noblemen would give the command to a provincial--citizen or otherwise--when there were nobles like Caesar and Drusus to consider.

Sulla succinctly explained, "He has experience;" then succinctly said to the dejected Caesar and Drusus, "Back to work!"

Marcus Antonius also knew the lay of the land, and was a trusted and native leader among the Auxilia. Sulla had considerably more trouble with his own non-Romans in the first week than Gallus had; after some tips, some drilling, and some merciless Sullan punishments, all four legions were operating at speed.

A typical January storm, however, hit them two days before they should have hit Narbo Martius; the four legions spent three days in camp with dwindling supplies, the biting cold, and minimum outdoors visibility. Several tents were wrenched up by the cruel wind, and no replacements could be secured in the gale; with the result that a few tents--organized efficiently and with no extra room--became cramped for one or two nights as refugees were forced upon their occupants.

And that was why Sulla and his four legions recovered in relatively warm Narbo Martius. Being only a few miles from the Mediterranean Sea, Narbo Martius didn't suffer the cold that was seen only ten or twenty miles inland and behind the high coastal hills, as was seen on many stretches of the Via Domitia. Though the cold could still bite, the snow melted fully during the day and only reappeared at night.

Narbo Martius, despite the Province's German troubles, had continued to grow due to its location on the crossroads between the Province--and thus Italy, and Hispania, and the Via Aquitania to Tolosa--and thus the tin- and steel-rich Volcae Tectosages and Aquitanians. The soldiers partook of the famous Narbonnese honey and women, while Sulla and his highborn subordinates partook of dinner at the house of one of Narbo's two duumvirs.

Wishing to model the world on itself, every municipality answering to Rome was ruled by two men--thus duumviri--elected each year to administer justice and see to affairs for one year. Every man who proved his quality by being elected duumvir and then being approved by the Roman governor won the citizenship for himself and his descendants in the male line in perpetuum. It was in Narbo that Sulla found, much to his amusement, that completely Roman prejudice and bickering extended into the provinces.

The duumvir at whose house he stayed was much wealthier than his colleague (this is why Sulla chose to stay there), and his ancestors had been Archons of Massilia before gaining the citizenship in Roman service; this man, Publius Cornelius, had been chosen by Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus to be one of the first two duumvirs of Narbo. This Publius Cornelius, though stiff-necked and exclusive, obeyed the rules; he'd waited ten years since his first duumvirate in 637 AVC, when Narbo had been established, and was duly reelected.

The other--junior, Sulla discovered--duumvir bore the unfortunate name of Quintus Lutatius Vergobretus, for his birth name had been Vergobretus, and he'd been elected and attained the citizenship under the tenure of Quintus Lutatius's Consulship in Gaul the previous year. Since he had so recently not been a citizen, he was both penniless compared to Publius Cornelius, and regarded as an upstart by the same; in character he was morally upright and outstanding--in fact, both men were. Which made their bickering all the funnier to Sulla, until he realized that it was the same as Scaurus or Metellus Pontifex Maximus discriminating against Publius Rutilius or Gnaeus Mallius.

After a brief pre-dinner salad and glass of wine, Publius Cornelius sent his wife away--a pretty little thing, thought Sulla, one part of his mind always on women. However, he could control himself well, and knew that debauchment of the duumvir's wife would have serious and possibly fatal repercussions. The dalliance with Caecilia Metella Calva was all right--in fact, discovery of that affair would only boost Sulla's reputation; Lucullus and Caecilia Sullana would be upset, but the other Caecilii would be grateful that it was a patrician of great standing, and not a slave, that she was caught with.

Sulla shook his mind of women as the discussion started. "So," began Publius Cornelius in great Latin--no doubt he'd had the fortune to be educated by a proper grammaticus, "the Proconsul has been very busy. Four legions recruited and somewhat trained in about a month."

"Yes, we've done quite well. When they heard it was the great Publius Rutilius coming they flocked to the recruiters." In Roman company Sulla would have included an insult to Catulus Caesar; among provincials, however, it was important to show Roman superiority, however manufactured it was.

Publius Cornelius, experienced in such matters, saw through that immediately. "As soon as they heard that it wasn't Quintus Lutatius, you mean," he smirked. Quintus Lutatius--Vergobretus, that is--frowned unhappily but said nothing.

Sulla decided to salvage the situation and shrugged, "I suppose." This made the acute Publius Cornelius feel provincial, for Sulla--a patrician Roman--clearly had no time for such trifles as what Auxilia recruits felt, or why they did what they did; or so Publius Cornelius thought.

Wounded, Publius Cornelius replied, "It is so, you need not suppose." Seeing a flicker of danger in Sulla's strange pale eyes, he added hastily, "My colleague can tell you more of the Gauls and their ways."

A hasty and thoughtless comment, it was a barb to Quintus Lutatius, who almost seemed to rear up as he said--the first time he'd spoken since introducing himself briefly--with a heavy twang, "What would I know of Gauls? I am a Roman!"

Gaius Julius and Marcus Livius watched in astonishment at this bickering, while Sulla was hard-put to conceal his mirth. Marcus Antonius Gallus--on a stratum between these two, for he was not anciently noble and Roman, but nor was he newly enfranchised--put in bluntly, with a much less noticeable twang than Quintus Lutatius, "It's time you put a stop to this bickering! We are all Romans here, and we are all fighting the Germans. Stop talking about the past and start talking about what's going on with the enemy."

Gaius Julius applauded briefly, but ceased at a look of incredulity from Marcus Livius. The young men turned their attention back to their elders.

Publius Cornelius said, after an awkward silence, "Yes, well, let's do that then." He looked at Sulla and then quickly turned to address Marcus Antonius: It was those eyes! "The Germans passed by Narbo Martius on the seventeenth of October. Two slaves that escaped them, and some of the town's more adventurous whores, let me know that they had been wandering in the Massif Central since their defeat of Qui--Catulus," he amended quickly. Sulla nodded impatient approval and the man continued, "Nobody could tell me just why they didn't turn down the Rhodanus and sack every city on the way to Massilia, which they know of, that I know for certain."

"No doubt it's the largest and richest city some of the slaves and captured Gauls had ever seen?" guessed Sulla.

"Quite right, Lucius Cornelius. But no, we can't understand why, but they turned into the freezing cold Massif--it's hard to move up there in winter, you know!--and stayed until early October. Then they turned up here." He looked at his colleague, who took up the tale:

"Yes, October fourteenth a rider came telling of their coming. We evacuated the people to Gruissan--on the coast some five miles away, that is--and stayed with the militia and a few servants. Publius Cornelius and I were determined to treat with them if we could," he said guiltily, looking at Sulla.

Sulla liked what he saw in the man, and said, "Commendable. Rome has no wish to see her work destroyed by futile resistance."

Relieved, Quintus Lutatius continued, "And on the seventeenth, they arrived. A great rolling horde over the hills...I'll never forget it."

After a pause Marcus Livius, for lack of anybody senior, put in, "How many?"

"I would put it close to a million, Marcus Livius--no lie!" he added at the skeptical look he received. "No less than five hundred thousand, that's for sure."

"And then what?" asked Sulla impatiently; Piglet had told him the numbers, and they matched with Quintus Lutatius's. Sulla believed them both.

"Well then, they marched past and scarcely took notice of us. We don't have really great walls, you know, so they might've just wanted to get somewhere without wasting any time. Certainly there were too many women and children to feed and too little food to even think of spending the winter in the Province."

"How did your whores get with them," asked Sulla, keeping that tidbit in mind, "if they just rolled past?"

"Oh," snorted Publius Cornelius, "it took them a full two days to pass by us, Lucius Cornelius! Imagine a column of people miles wide, in a train some twenty miles long! My colleague does not fiddle with his numbers."

Sulla nodded and asked his last question, "So where do you think they're headed?"

"Well..." began Quintus Lutatius after an acceding gesture from Publius Cornelius, "there's only one place for them to go. Even if they steal all the food between here and Armorica, they'll starve. They're going to Hispania. There's nowhere else."

Sulla nodded again and said grimly, "So much I thought." The Hispanias, though plagued by Celtiberian raids and low-key warfare in the south and west, were nevertheless a peaceful pair of provinces. Four legions guarded the both of them, from Olisipo to the Pyrenees. Sulla anticipated dire straits for her two governors if the Germans managed to cross that great mountain chain.

That night he offered prayers to Bellona and Mars that they wouldn't...and that he would be the one to defeat them.
 
I hope the Germans lose. Either that, or I hope they copy the Vandals and go bother Africa, and by Africa I mean bother Jugurtha.
 

tuareg109

Banned
Ugh, time to go through every page making sure my references to "Gallia Comata" are correct. This is what happens when you have the same word--Gallia--referring to six different regions!

I hope the Germans lose. Either that, or I hope they copy the Vandals and go bother Africa, and by Africa I mean bother Jugurtha.

Well, well, well, don't we have a patriot here!

Or they could copy the Visigoths and settle in Spain!

Or the Franks and settle in Gallia Comata!

Or the Mongols and head back where they came from!

Even I don't know yet, but it'll sure as hell be fun finding out.
 

tuareg109

Banned
So I realized that, though most of you reading this are clearly interested in Ancient History and thus have more than a smattering of geography, some people might be confused as to what constitutes what.

So, 9001 hours in paint later:

MUNDUS ROMANUS 647 AVC

SgTgaF2.png

Roman provinces are red, Roman Friends and Allies are in pink.

Names denote province and/or region, not necessarily state or government. Keep in mind that some Roman Friends and Allies (like Pontus or, much more notably, Numidia) can just barely be considered Allies, let alone vassals.

1. Italia
2. Sicilia
3. Africa
4. Numidia
5. Mauretania
6. Hispania Ulterior
7. Lusitania
8. Galicia
9. Celtiberia/Hispania
10. Hispania Citerior
11. Gallia Provincia/Gallia Narbonensis/Gallia Proconsularis/Gallia Transalpina (casual)
12. Aquitania
13. Gallia Comata
11 + 12 + 13. Gallia Transalpina
14. Helvetia
15. Raetia
16. Germania
17. Noricum
18. Gallia Transpadana
19. Gallia Cispadana
18 + 19. Gallia Cisalpina
20. Illyria
21. Macedonia
22. Moesia
23. Pannonia
24. Dacia
25. Thracia
26. Graecia
27. Asia Provincia
28. Bithynia
29. Phrygia
30. Lycia
31. Pamphylia
32. Cilicia
33. Galatia
34. Pontus
35. Cappadocia
36. Mesopotamia
37. Sarmatia
38. Armenia
39. Parthia
40. Syria
41. Arabia
42. Judaea
43. Aegyptus
44. Cyrenaica
45. Libya

Not listed are Corsica et Sardinia (Roman province), Crete (basically belongs to pirates), and Cyprus (belongs to Egypt).

Keep in mind that the more far-flung, and especially the Eastern--considered not as important, and also harder to get to--provinces were ruled more loosely; many cities (like Athens and Smyrna and Halicarnassus, among others) had their own citizenship, and elected their own people to be Archon or Tyrant or Prime Minister or whatever, without being ruled as a municipality of Rome. These elected men didn't become Roman citizens.

Also, remember again, the only client king who's super-loyal to Rome is the King of Bithynia. All others are more-or-less loosely tied. Just look at Numidia on that map; a province that Rome was at war with 6 months ago, now a Friend and Ally.
 
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I really hope the Cimbri win. A Teutonic Civilization from the ashes of Rome would be the most interesting thing for the 1st century BCE. Perhaps a POV from Boiorix, Lugius and Teutobad (with data from my recap)? :D

Also someone could use MNP's strategem for creating maps if you like...

As to how, Photoshop CS2 and layers for the most part. I actually did make a tutorial a few years ago featuring GIMP. The specifics of the programs are outdated but I still use the same general method. Finding or making a good basemap is key! https://www.alternatehistory.com/disc...d.php?t=158394

For completely original maps (these don't really figure into The Raptor of Spain) I use a much longer and more complex process. An example of the results for this process is here: http://img23.imageshack.us/img23/8648/laenprovinces.jpg

And here's a map of 100 BCE to use!
 

tuareg109

Banned
I really hope the Cimbri win. A Teutonic Civilization from the ashes of Rome would be the most interesting thing for the 1st century BCE. Perhaps a POV from Boiorix, Lugius and Teutobad (with data from my recap)? :D

Whoah buddy! Whoah!

Well...we'll see.

Also someone could use MNP's strategem for creating maps if you like...

Thanks! If I have the time I'll look into this, and into some other guides. Some mapmakers I'd really want to emulate are Krall, B_Munro, Ares96, Nanwe, Reagent, and Noravea.


Ah, won't work! Roman Hispania is much smaller because Gaius Marius was not Propraetor, and did not conquer extensive lands; also Numidia is much larger and Mauretania much smaller than what is shown on that map.
 

tuareg109

Banned
FOR WANT OF THE HAMMER

ROMA ET ITALIA PART 7, 647 AVC

A week after the abysmal--for both sides--inauguration of the Consuls, and some three weeks before Sulla's interrogation of Publius Cornelius and Quintus Lutatius Vergobretus, Gaius Fulcinius marched to the Forum at mid-morning followed by a small army of clients and admirers. Gaius Fulcinius was forever cognizant of the fate of the Gracchi and, though he was not anywhere near as demagogic or controversial, made sure that the "admirers" were screened carefully and checked for weapons. The novelty of 500 men following one into the Forum turned heads; as soon as most people saw that it was Gaius Fulcinius, they immediately began to follow. This would be interesting!

The Senators and the longtime Forum frequenters too were surprised by this sight, but with consternation. What would he cook up next? Gaius Fulcinius went up to the table where the well-wrapped Spurius Dellius--no Marcus Antonius, he, to ignore discomfort and good-naturedly tendered cloaks!--sat presiding over the tribunal of the Urban Praetor, followed now by a good thousand people in wedge formation.

Of course Gaius Fulcinius winked at Spurius Dellius, who returned the sentiment with a smile. "What can I do for you today, President of the College of the Tribunes of the Plebs?"

"Urban Praetor," replied Fulcinius just as formally, "I wish to indict Quintus Lutatius Catulus Julianus, Consul last year, on charges of treason, corruption, and incompetence."

Spurius Dellius appeared to think for a moment--he was no mean hand at acting--and replied, "Gaius Fulcinius, I find that your charges bear merit, and are in no way grounded in spite or vengeance. Prepare your case, and I shall inform Quintus Lutatius of the situation. A Preliminary Hearing is hereby set to take place three days hence, in the third hour of daylight. Indictment adjourned."

Of course all knew that the short exchange was a sham; there'd hardly been a pause for the Urban Praetor to think, and anyways everybody knew that those two were thick as thieves! Said Lucius Pontifex Maximus to Scaurus later in the day, in the dining room of the Domus Publica: "Oh the knave! I do hate him! The nerve, to act that way!"

Scaurus chuckled and said, "Well, he's beat us again. You've got to see the funny side of it."

"There's nothing funny about it, you ingrate!" the Pontifex Maximus roared, which made Scaurus laugh all the harder. "Making a sham of our institutions."

"Quite the contrary, Lucius Caecilius," said Scaurus after wiping away tears of mirth. "Gaius Fulcinius and Spurius Dellius are using our legal process just the way it was meant to be used; that they are both ignoble peasants is what bothers you! Why, we ourselves prosecuted Marcus Junius on the same charges not two years ago!"

Lucius Caecilius frowned, thinking. He couldn't say it out loud, but the fact was that Marcus Junius and Quintus Lutatius were two different animals. They had all known Marcus Junius and his foolishness since boyhood, and didn't much respect him. Quintus Lutatius had been virtually unknown when he'd been the penniless Sextus Julius Caesar; he'd burst upon the political scene with a talent for lawmaking and administration that turned heads, and had that stunning Caesarian handsomeness besides. And yet...why really?

Scaurus watched, amused, as his friend's drawn brows unknitted in realization; the steady transformation as Lucius Caecilius realized what Scaurus had thought a long time ago.

Lucius Caecilius was thinking of their entire faction, and the unfair treatment of his nephew Quintus Caecilius. Drusus and Scipio Nasica had had the nerve to blame him for the disaster, and for "manufactured hysteria"! Was it "manufactured" that 30,000 brave Romans and Allies had died? Well was it??? He realized then how wrong he'd been. Family was family and, in any case, Quintus Caecilius was in the right! He'd done his duty by bringing news of defeat, and incompetence, and wrongdoing! Who were Drusus and Scipio Nasica, armchair generals that they were, to criticize anything that that splendid young man did? It was all the fault of Quintus Lutatius Catulus Caesar and his pigheaded stupidity, plain and simple.

Lucius Caecilius looked up and saw Scaurus smiling broadly. "Damn you, Scaurus," he growled. "Must you always be in the right?"

"What can I say?" asked Scaurus smugly. "Rome needs a hero."

"Tacete!"


Five weeks passed quickly, and it was the beginning of February--still dreadfully chilly; oh, what a change from last year!--when the trial of Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus began. Gaius Fulcinius and Spurius Dellius ostensibly held it first because they would face the opposition, and set a precedent; in fact, they were hoping to be able to acquit him now, because the euphoria and anti-Senatorial sentiment following Catulus Caesar's sure conviction would ensure the near-lynching of the relatively innocent Ahenobarbus.

The day dawned, as so many others had before it, cold and heartless. Many Romans were joking desperately that this winter might never end; then politics and the trials, which had seen dwindling interest and attendance as the weeks passed, would cease altogether. Wouldn't that be a miracle!

Though sorely wishing to please the Boni (who were united in condemnation of Gnaeus Domitius's illegal activities, if not on the question of Catulus Caesar's guilt), Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus Pontiff was forced by close family ties and by some latent loyalty to his distant elder brother to decline to speak for the prosecution. Two of the Boni--Marcus Livius Drusus and the aged Quintus Mucius Scaevola Augur--and one man leaning in that direction--Lucius Licinius Crassus Orator, by some considered the greatest Orator in Roman history--led the prosecution. That the prosecutors were Boni and not some of Fulcinius's friends was due to the fact that the Boni had gotten to Spurius Dellius's tribunal first, and that they wished to show that they could discipline their own--just not one of their own that was too senior and too well-connected to be condemned.

The defense was led by none other than Proconsul Marcus Antonius, who had delayed his departure for Sicily in amazement at the rampant hypocrisy he saw. This was further evidence of the rift that was being caused within the camp of the Boni by Catulus Caesar and his trial. Marcus Antonius--heavily Boni-leaning in recent years--wanted to reward excellence, no matter how obtained, and to punish idiocy and bad generalship; he would have been surprised to know that he had much in common (in this matter) with Sulla and, very surprisingly, Gaius Fulcinius, Tribune of Plebs Gaius Servilius Glaucia, Quaestor Lucius Appuleius Saturninus (swayed by his good friend Glaucia), and Spurius Dellius--this group of course silent about their support for Ahenobarbus. Funnily enough, Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus Pontiff was technically in this camp though, in spirit, he was with Drusus and Scipio Nasica.

Then their were the hardliners and "Constitutionalists" who wanted to prosecute both men for illegal activities. These were friends and admirers of Scaurus and Lucius Pontifex Maximus, and others who saw their apparent good sense. Indeed, Scaurus and the entire clan of Caecilii scarcely spoke to Drusus and Scipio Nasica, though awkwardly enough Scipio Nasica's wife was Caecilia Metellus Secunda, cousin of the Pontifex Maximus. This Caecilia's brothers were the consulars Lucius Caecilius Metellus Diadematus, Marcus Caecilius Metellus, Quintus Caecilius Metellus Balearicus, and Gaius Caecilius Metellus Caprarius; her elder sister Caecilia Metella Prima was married to Publius Servilius Vatia (a plebeian Servilius), who also supported Scaurus and the Pontifex Maximus. This huge, immensely rich, and immensely powerful--just look at those agnomina!--family web, along with the unique Scaurus and the less-powerful Quintus Mucius Scaevola Pontiff, held enormous clout within the Senate, and even among the now-rebellious Equestrians. It would prove difficult for Gaius Fulcinius to sway them his way covertly--as he had to--with these august antagonists. Lucius Licinius Lucullus, ironically, was able to show his true colors early; being allied by marriage to the Caecilii Metelli, there was nothing easier than to change one's thinking along with the Pontifex Maximus, and to thus support what he'd wanted all along: universal prosecution.

EeOu6l4.png

The Caecilii Metelli, to clear up confusion. Ignore Metellus Pius (Piglet's) marriage, Sulla's marriage to Dalmatica (in TTL he marries the made-up Caecilia that is Piglet's sister), and Scaurus's marriage to Dalmatica and the children of that union

The third camp was of course those who called themselves the Boni, much to Scaurus's chagrin--he had coined the term, and he had been their leader a scarce month ago. They desired the opposite of what Marcus Antonius, Sulla, and Gaius Fulcinius wanted; they wanted Catulus Caesar let off--manner too august, lineage too ancient, political career too impeccable; basically, he was one of the "good old boys"--and Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus condemned--"how dare he", etc. These were Drusus, Scipio Nasica, the Licinii Crassi, and Quintus Mucius Scaevola Augur.

A fourth faction that was regarded mostly as a joke had been created by Quintus Servilius Caepio, who wished to prosecute neither man. Ahenobarbus was a good general and a great man--and Caepio's nephew besides, and Catulus Caesar was too august and connected to Rome. Scaurus laughed himself silly, and Caepio was supported in earnest by only his son Quintus Servilius Caepio and his brother Gnaeus (the man who'd unsuccessfully run for Quaestor this year). Jokingly the entire College of Lictors, half-drunk half the time, and a bit irked at the myriad of peculiar and--to them--demeaning duties that they carried out for their magistrates, decided to support Caepio.

One thing, on the day of the trial, did occur to Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus. Quite pale--for his family was naturally very fair, and red-haired, and this was his first day outside of Marcus Livius's house since his return to Rome from Numidia some seven months ago--as he stood on the rostra, he raised his abrasive voice and the crowd marveled at how flushed--in anger, all knew--his skin had turned.

"I will answer these accusations, men of Rome, but not before I have my say! We are about to embark on a long trial on the subjects of loyalty and duty. Well, I ask you, how loyal and dutiful are my prosecutors, hmmm? What do you all think?"

His plain style appealed to the Equestrian jurors and the crowd at large, and it went well with his attitude and reputation. A few cheers and cries of "Disloyal, there'll all a disgrace!" and "Noble swine!" and even a large group of Fourth- and Fifth-Classers, and the Head Count chanting: "Three years of grain, and for us no pain; were it not for Gnaeus Red, we'd all be dead!" For the most part though, Ahenobarbus was left to it.

He continued, to the continued background of the "Gnaeus Red" chant: "Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica Serapio and Marcus Livius Drusus were my father's best friends! How can they even think to prosecute his beloved elder son for increasing the wealth and the greatness of Roma? Shame!

"And the Caecilii I see there looking so smug! Such a healthy, wealthy--" the crowd buzzed angrily "--family, all in a row, and all forgetting that my aunt Domitia was wife to the late and great Quintus Caecilius Metellus Numidicus! He was an honest and truly great man, was Quintus Caecilius, and it shames me--not even one of that family, and yet I feel the shame!--that another shares his name. As for his son Quintus Caecilius, now serving his country bravely in Gallia under Publius Rutilius as he served bravely and loyally--to Rome!--under Quintus Lutatius in Gallia; I am sure that he would be defending me today! That young man is my good friend, veteran of Numidia with me, and deserving of more respect than his entire family! Shame!"

Though the last statement was a bit of a stretch, nobody knew it; in any case, the last word quite carried the day for Gnaeus the Red. The flat, sensible speech of Marcus Livius Drusus and the oratorical masterpieces of Crassus Orator and Scaevola Augur--considered the very best of their careers so far--failed to sway the solid Equestrians, who followed those who knew Gaius Fulcinius the best. Those who knew him the best saw something within him...and decided that he wanted the acquit the young man. Too right they were, and what did they care that Gnaeus Domitius was off the hook? He was instrumental in the bringing of much plunder and grain to Italia, and the end of the war; they had all gotten richer from that, and so felt obligated toward him. The speakers for the defense (Marcus Antonius Orator and Quintus Servilius Caepio) got applause and chants at the end of every sentence. Senior Consul Titus Bruttius, who had been slated to speak after them, declined graciously; the trial was thoroughly decided by then.

Gnaeus Domitius left the trial wearing all the laurels, and promptly went to his house to eject his disloyal brother. Off went Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus Pontiff to the house of the fuming Marcus Livius Drusus. In effect, the two brothers had switched living arrangements exactly. Now it was Lucius Domitius who looked down on the house that he considered to be his own.

"Gah, the ingrate! How I've always hated him. He always bullied me as a child, you know."

Marcus Livius Drusus, who was getting very tired of hosting short-tempered Domitii Ahenobarbi of any name, replied tersely, "Quite." Though Lucius Domitius couldn't tell because of the olive-dark skin, Marcus Livius Drusus was flushing deeply. How he'd lost with such an anti-Senatorial jury, he didn't know. And the nerve of the man--ingrate, yes!--in calling himself "beloved son"! Tchah, who could believe that? Even the shepherds on the Janiculum across the Tiber heard their shouting matches when the old man was alive; three abrasive and angry men in one house with no women to temper things caused a lot of trouble

"The nerve. Ah!"

"Well," said Marcus Livius, "at least Fulcinius's prosecution of Catulus will be harder. He's set a precedent for absolving men in these cases."

Lucius Domitius flushed so that the skin of his face went the same color as his hair and ventured to say, "Well, my brother only lost two or three thousand men, and Catulus Caesar--"

He was cut short by a wild shout from Marcus Livius Drusus, who took him by the nape of the neck and steered him through the enormous house and to the front door, screeching imprecations all the way. "Out! Out! I've had enough of you rufous fiends; get the FUCK out of my house!"

"But where will I--"

"I DON'T CARE!"

And the door slammed shut in Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus's face.
 
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tuareg109

Banned
Also, quick question:

I've searched all over for the third-person genitive past-tense conjugation of proper nouns ending in "-o"; specifically for the city of Narbo.

I've used the term "Narbonnese" here; but please, if any know of a more acceptable and more "Roman" term, and would contact me, I would enter the Plane of Nirvana for a few moments; I'd be happy as a Bandar-Log in a tree, or a Thark invading Zodanga. Thank you.
 
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