The Land of Sad Songs – Stories From Protect and Survive Finland

I'd presume that with APC's you mean these :D:

I was thinking of something like this:


4300304541_813614a234.jpg




But I have to agree those would be far more common.


I'm interested to read how Finland gets whacked, as implied by original P&S -series and the prologue of your TL. Condition of Finnish Cold War military creates rather good precondition on Finland getting militarily curbstomped, but on the other hand Finnish civil defense preparations, combined with the fact that nuclear exchange is happening during middle of winter, are both bonus for the Finns.

On the other hand, sturdier defense than expected might just result in more tactical and operational level nuclear strikes.

I'd say the way I'll address the actual war will be more driven by the requirements of the scenario I am building than hard realism, though it is something of a balancing act. In some things I am still pretty undecided. I am playing by ear, mostly.:D

(BTW, if you have any suggestions for the TL, please PM me - I think you might know a lot more about some things to do with our military than I do.)
 
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Stay there, it is now easier to be

Stay there, as the flames lick me

Stay there and to the heavens

Shout your pain when the sun dies

There by my side you can wave

As the world limps to its grave


Juice Leskinen, Myrkytyksen oireet (1981)



IV. As the World Limps to Its Grave


Interview nr. 212, 03.03.2010. TBF.


Subject: Man, 48 (M177)
Occupation in 1984: Politician
Location: [REDACTED], Central FNA.


[The subject is a surprisingly healthy-looking, if pale man wearing what passes for a formal attire in the FNA.]


[Thank you for agreeing to this interview, Mr. [REDACTED], for me and the project in general.]

Sure, if you think I might be able to help. You're the first historian I've met in a while.


[I think we could talk today about the last weeks before the war, if it is all right to you. Any recollections from that time?]

I was a young politician, as you might know, and that fall I was working as a sort of a roving aide to the party bigwigs. Now, I think they saw pretty much promise in me to give such work to a 20-year old.


[It was a small party, though?]

Yes it was. In the position I was in, though, I had the possibility to see what was happening. The politicians, I mean the real ones, were terrified. Absolutely terrified. But they were pretty good in concealing it. Think about Koivisto, for example. He never let it on, even in those radio speeches. Always the fatherly, unhurried voice and that quiet sense of humour showing through it. And they had game. I was there when Sorsa met Vladimirov, in December I think. Would have hated to play poker against either of them. It was like a showdown in those old Westerns – they don't make those anymore, do they – and that time Sorsa walked away the winner. But I guess that was the problem.


[What do you mean?]

That they saw it as a game. All of them, and I don't mean just the Finns or the Soviets. A fucking game, and see where we ended up.


[Did they understand what it was all about, then?]

Some did, certainly. We had all grown up with the Bomb. But many people didn't believe it would go so far. Never so far. The important people in Finland, they always saw it in terms of neutrality, becoming part of the Eastern bloc, of being occupied, God forbid. That was what they fought against, that is what they thought in their waking hours. I can't claim to know what they saw when the lights were out. But is was all so formal, so petty. Small victories here and there, small defeats. The Commission... Even it was a game. Until, of course, when it was not.


[And yet you're here to talk about it.]

You know, it was that close I wouldn't be. I have just one man to thank for my life.


[I think I know who you mean. I've heard many people here say that.]

I'm sure you have. But they usually mean that in a general sense, by proxy. I can say he took me under his wing, personally, and got me out in time.


[And you followed him.]

Yes I did, all the way.

(filler)
 
...

(chorus)

For now we're really fucked


The whole damned crew

We're really fucked

Nothing we can do

...

Irwin Goodman: Kusessa ollaan (1985)


atomisuoja.jpg


The interior of a Helsinki public shelter near the National Theatre. FNA archives.


...


A country that has no nuclear weapons has the right to expect that they are not used against it.

General Lauri Sutela, the Commander of the Finnish Defence Forces, speaking at the opening of the National Defence Course in 1981.



V. It Rains Acid and Missiles


In comparison to many other countries, there was a marked absence of clear plans and guidelines for the possibility of a nuclear war in Finland. The default scenario for Finnish post-war civil defense planners seemed to be either a conventional war (usually against the Soviets, thought there were exceptions) and/or a serious disruption in international trade, leading to shortages of food, supplies and crucial materials.

This mentality doesn't seem to be due to lack of information or denial of facts, rather to the contrary. The Finnish defence planners did know of potential nuclear targets in the country, from leaked American documents and through intelligence contacts. But little effort was dedicated to consider the implications of a large-scale attack against those towns and economic and military installations that were included in the lists. It has been suggested that this was due to typical Finnish fatalism and morbid realism. Finnish defence planners had privately admitted that nuclear war was unwinnable as such and an attack would leave very little of a Finland to defend: they rather focused on planning scenarios that would allow actual national survival. As a result, where the possibility of nuclear war was addressed, passive measures to defend both the military and the civilian population were emphasized.

The Defence Forces had since the late 30s been constantly building underground tunnels and shelters. Partly the reasons were economic: it was far easier and cheaper to blast facilities out of the highly stable Finnish bedrock than build even nearly as strong reinforced structures above ground. Even ordinarily, for example, the Air Force's communication and radar centres were operating in underground complexes joined with hardened landlines and most military garrisons included a tunnel network (usually consisting of a depot and maybe a vehicle pool) carved inside a nearby hill. Some of the military's tunnels were also used for various other government agencies such as as the Post and Telecommunications Authority.

As a result of this, by the early 80s even a majority of the military's warehouses and support infrastructure, let apart command-and-control assets, could be moved into safe underground shelters if need be. From December 1983 the military engineers, assisted by several civilian companies had been doing just this. New caves were being built while old underused caves and tunnels, dating as far back as WWI were being brough back to use.

For civilian defence, the law required bomb shelters to be included in residential buildings and public properties. The nation was divided into ”high risk areas” and ”security areas”; the first part included, for example, the biggest towns, military areas and other places considered strategically important. While ”high risk areas” were allocated bigger, better outfitted shelters, in ”security areas” the requirements were also demanding. In bigger towns, a number of large ”cave shelters” had been built for general use, and most public buildings such as sports halls and libraries were outfitted with multi-purpose underground facilities.

The new Readiness Law gave the government the authority to mobilize a big part of the civilian population into civil defence tasks. Rather than creating a new wartime organisation, in practice this meant beefing up ordinary fire and rescue services with new units and formations. These units would work under the direction of the local civilian leadership or the military where this was deemed expedient.

By late 1983 city and municipal authorities nationwide were stepping up building inspections to ensure that as many shelters as possible could be filled to capacity if need be. Quick conversions were taking place. In January 1984 it was decided to temporarily transform the stations of the new Helsinki subway, parts of which opened the previous summer, into a string of large-scale shelters for the residents of the metropolitan area. Public emergency drills were held (unfortunately adding to the general war scare) and the local councils were stocking up on medical supplies and protective gear, directed by the Radiation Safety Authority, which had quickly printed and distributed a new, revised safety guide for municipal authorities and the general public.

Plans for the evacuation of the greater Helsinki area had been made since the 1960s. In the event, the evacuation of capital was begun in mid-January and even then it was based in volunteerism. It has been estimated that by the nuclear exchange, about 40 000 people had been evacuated to the countryside, mainly by rail. In the Eastern part of the country, these evacuations were in fact counterproductive to the general survival of the population.

It was unfortunate that in many places these efforts, laudable as they were, would prove to be both too little and too late. After longish periods of being idle, many shelters were not ready for use when it was needed. There were also problems with the warning systems (as was found out during drills), and in the event many people just did not get the warning in time. One major problem was sheltering people in the countryside: as this had been systematically overlooked, the citizens in the rural areas had to resort to very improvised forms of shelter.

Given the seemingly high level of preparation for war the Finnish state was engaged in, in many ways the nation was still unprepared for the events of late February 1984. While the Defense Forces prepared for war apparently in earnest, the civilian authorities were slower in their own measures to protect and to maintain the well-being of the population. This wasn't due to a lack of trying or the resources committed to civil defence. The system was working as well as one could expect, under the circumstances. However, as the plans and the measures undertaken accordingly were based on what proved to be unrealistic expectations, the preparations fell short of optimal for the circumstances that ultimately were realized.

There is no denying that up to the highest levels of the Finnish government, many people seemed to believe that the world leaders were not so mad as to allow the Third World War to be realized. That there was a global crisis of massive proportions unfolding was accepted, but the Finns seem to have seen it as a sort of a bad dream that would be likely to just evaporate any moment, an overinflated bubble of a war scare. The Finnish political elite had navigated its way through WWII and the Cold War relying on its wits, razor-sharp diplomacy and cold realism. It had survived and so had the nation. Surely even this crisis was a creation of politicians, to be solved with negotiations, investigations, checks and balances, concessions and consensus?

The actions of President Koivisto and the ministers in Sorsa's cabinet speak of this deep-seated inability in accepting what in hindsight is obvious: that the world was slowly but surely slipping into a nuclear abyss and that was not to be stopped by the government of a small neutral, or even two such nations as Sorsa an Palme seemed to believe. What we know of the first government meeting after Warsaw Pact tanks rolled through the Fulda Gap to smash the NATO lines in Western Germany confirms this inability: even then, on the very brink of the abyss Koivisto spoke of sending his Foreign Minister, Paavo Väyrynen, to Moscow to try and reason with the Soviet leadership. It seems that only the actual Soviet attack on Finland woke the political elite from its self-inflicted stupor...

(filler)
 
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"Murheellisten laulujen maa"! Oh hell yes! :D

This is SO subscribed. :p

On another note:

Made out with Anne, that cute blonde from accounting. But lost her somewhere in the bar. Sang some karaoke. Drank schnapps with Mäki and his hockey buddies. Took a taxi home. I think.

Karaoke in Finland in 1983/1984? Are you sure about this? I had the impression that karaoke became popular in Finland only sometime in the late 1980's/early 1990's :confused:
 
"Murheellisten laulujen maa"! Oh hell yes! :D

This is SO subscribed. :p

Welcome aboard!


Karaoke in Finland in 1983/1984? Are you sure about this? I had the impression that karaoke became popular in Finland only sometime in the late 1980's/early 1990's :confused:

Good catch. While not impossible, I think it might indeed be some years too early. Being too young to remember the early 80s, I just added it as something a young drunken engineer might do.

Maybe he goes to a sauna with Mäki and the guys instead.:D
 
Grim stuff. Do read Kuoleman Kellarit, written by Jaakko Laitinen, if you want more info about Finnish public protection programs of this era.
 
Grim stuff. Do read Kuoleman Kellarit, written by Jaakko Laitinen, if you want more info about Finnish public protection programs of this era.

If I recall the book correctly, the problem with death via fallout scenario for Finland is that target requiring ground bursts were really too far away from major Finnish population centers.
 
I'd say the way I'll address the actual war will be more driven by the requirements of the scenario I am building than hard realism, though it is something of a balancing act. In some things I am still pretty undecided. I am playing by ear, mostly.:D

(BTW, if you have any suggestions for the TL, please PM me - I think you might know a lot more about some things to do with our military than I do.)

Well, since end scenario is known already I'm guessing the direction what you're heading for. I'd guess the Politician is certain TS. As my time is consumed by infants now, I don't have time to write any good suggestions. Storytelling format you're using is, besides, far better to read than history book style which is the most popular in this forum.

Just as a general note, IMHO, Finnish forces of 1983 were in no shape to resist Soviet major invasion. While they could have held their own against any attempt of coup de main while deterring a minor ground offensive, against a major attempt the Finnish forces would not have had any chance due to deficiencies in training and equipment. This was somewhat reflected in cultural level, for example the Independence Days of 1980's weren't a fete of militarism seen after 1989. The soldiers of 1983 were generation trained to fight and lose. After all, just everyone knew how Finland had started and lost the wars. :rolleyes:

On the other hand, Finnish civil society of 1983 wasn't similar in many ways to one we have today. Economic preparation for long time crisis was taken dead seriously with absolutely huge stockpiles required by laws on every level, not just on some specific locations. Agricultural capacity was in huge excess of actual need, not only due to influence of Centrist party but also due to institutional memory of wartime. Society was also much more agrarian with more people having personal connection to rural lifestyle. Military and civilian provinces were more integrated than today with well running training and co-operation program. With large size and low level of technology using civilian assets Finnish military would have been well suited for post-nuclear realities.

To truly achieve a P&S style scenario in which Britain seems to be well off compared to Finland you need several rolls of dice going very badly for Finland, perhaps with decapitation, occupation of large swathes of territory, nuclear strikes not only by Soviets but also by the US (considering Finland lost cause), insurrections etc. Just keep the thing rolling, it's been a great read thus far!
 
Well, since end scenario is known already I'm guessing the direction what you're heading for. I'd guess the Politician is certain TS. As my time is consumed by infants now, I don't have time to write any good suggestions. Storytelling format you're using is, besides, far better to read than history book style which is the most popular in this forum.

I think you might be onto something here.


Just as a general note, IMHO, Finnish forces of 1983 were in no shape to resist Soviet major invasion. While they could have held their own against any attempt of coup de main while deterring a minor ground offensive, against a major attempt the Finnish forces would not have had any chance due to deficiencies in training and equipment. This was somewhat reflected in cultural level, for example the Independence Days of 1980's weren't a fete of militarism seen after 1989. The soldiers of 1983 were generation trained to fight and lose. After all, just everyone knew how Finland had started and lost the wars. :rolleyes:

On the other hand, Finnish civil society of 1983 wasn't similar in many ways to one we have today. Economic preparation for long time crisis was taken dead seriously with absolutely huge stockpiles required by laws on every level, not just on some specific locations. Agricultural capacity was in huge excess of actual need, not only due to influence of Centrist party but also due to institutional memory of wartime. Society was also much more agrarian with more people having personal connection to rural lifestyle. Military and civilian provinces were more integrated than today with well running training and co-operation program. With large size and low level of technology using civilian assets Finnish military would have been well suited for post-nuclear realities.

To truly achieve a P&S style scenario in which Britain seems to be well off compared to Finland you need several rolls of dice going very badly for Finland, perhaps with decapitation, occupation of large swathes of territory, nuclear strikes not only by Soviets but also by the US (considering Finland lost cause), insurrections etc. Just keep the thing rolling, it's been a great read thus far!

Thank you for these notes, I think we might be in agreement about the Finnish reality of 1983/84. I am indeed writing this story in line with the original spirit of P&S, or as I see it. Let's just say it will definitely get worse before it gets better.

Karelian,

thank you for the suggestion, I'll see if I can find the book.
 


VI. Provisions



Interview nr. 19, 18.06.2007. NRK.


Subject: Man, 53 (M122)
Occupation in 1984: Cook
Location: [REDACTED], Southern FNA.


[The man is bearded, normal weight, with a scar running down his left cheek. He wears a blue overall and a military overcoat. The sleeve tabs say he is a first lieutenant[1] in the infantry.]


[You wear a military coat. I see that a lot here. Are you really a first lieutenant?]

Yes I am. [Seems affronted]. I don't know how it is in Sweden, sergeant[2], but over here one might get into serious trouble with the Dogs for impersonating an officer.


[I am sorry, sir. The Dogs?]

War Dogs, the Strong Arm of the Law. The military police. You might have seen them around. They are not nice.


[Right. I apologize. But you were not a soldier before the war?]

No. I mean I was a reservist, but a career soldier, no.


[How did you realize that the threat of war was... real?]

I guess what clinched it for me was when they announced that the Olympics would be cancelled. Sarajevo 1984. We had high hopes for many athletes. Nykänen, Puikkonen, Matikainen, Kirvesniemi... And Hämäläinen, of course. Marja-Liisa. Nykänen survived the war, you know? Saw him in '88, or was it '89. Looked awful, like they do...


[They?]

Those with the Poisoning. I guess we all have it here, to some degree, but for some it is worse. Let's just say Nykänen wasn't as lucky as I was, what with this and that...


[What did you do during the war?]

I worked in the catering business, at first. We were sort of... taken over by the military in January, and I worked for a while as a civilian contractor. Eventually, of course, I was drafted. That was... after, when they drafted anyone able to work. I was able to get into the military, which is why I am still alive, I guess. Become part of a provisions section, the second in command. And then we just tried to keep as many people alive as we could. It was... tough. Never worked so hard in my life.


[Where were you stationed?]

In Savonlinna, for some time. Worked with the camp there, for TeeVees.


[TeeVees?]

It stands for ”työvelvollinen”, those in work duty. It was anyone not in the military, strong enough to hold a spade or a hammer. Often they were really neither. And the food we were feeding them...[Shakes his head].

We had units set up to find food for the Rationing Boards; locate, appropriate, confiscate, whatever. At that time it was one of the the main jobs the soldiers were doing, and I mean the men with guns. Boys and women, too. I had to go along to these patrols, wasn't pretty.



[Could you tell me about those patrols?]

I'd rather not, right now. Perhaps we can return to that later?



Notes

[1] In Finnish, this rank is Yliluutnantti.
[2] All researchers with Minne 1984 were issued uniforms and allocated Swedish military ranks, whether real or made-up. It was believed they would be taken more seriously this way. Post-study conclusions indicate this might have been an unsuccessful approach.
 
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"Those with the Poisoning. I guess we all have it here, to some degree, but for some it is worse. Let's just say Nykänen wasn't as lucky as I was, what with this and that...


Poor Matti :(

Please tell me Tiina Lillak survived the war...pretty please? :)
 
Please tell me Tiina Lillak survived the war...pretty please? :)

Of course she did.

She was a national treasure at that point: I'm sure the government got her well out of harm's way in time, to some quiet country place with a warm sports hall to train in.:D

Thank you for wishing me welcome in Land of Flatwater, by the way.
 

John Farson

Banned
It's true that Finland was not equipped to handle a full-blown invasion by the Red Army in the early 80s. However, we must remember that just like in the last war, this time too it will be but a fraction of the Red Army that will face the Finnish Defence Forces, with the bulk concentrated in Eastern and Central Europe (as well as the Chinese border). We have had a tendency to obsess about what the Soviets think about us, that we must not upset them, yet we have always been but a tiny factor to Moscow. If the Soviets at all cared about us, it's because that we were one of their (numerous) neighbours and that we were quite close to Leningrad (even after having to give up our territories).

Since the nukes fly already a few days after the outbreak of war, I can't see the Soviets taking more than some frontier areas. Our landmine fields for one would slow them down. After the nukes had flown, I would imagine that any surviving Red Army troops that tried to flee to Finland and surrender would be mercilessly executed by the remnants of the Defence Forces. Not just because of anti-Russian hatred (for having murdered at least hundreds of thousands of Finns through nukes) but also because supplies will be limited, and no Finn would certainly think about feeding "vitun ryssiä" ("fucking Russkies") if it meant that a Finnish person will go hungry. Any hapless Soviet POWs could easily get the "Gaddafi treatment" if an angry mob got their hands on them.

And I can't see Finland really being worse off than Britain in this scenario. The UK threat to the USSR was of a completely different magnitude than that posed by Finland. Oh, shit would get nuked, no doubt (Helsinki, the oil refineries in Porvoo and Naantali...), but I don't think the Soviets would expend 1 Mt nukes on some Finnish runways.
 
Well, there's still plenty of pre-war designated USAF strike targets in Finland to make life here miserable even without the massive fallout from Kola Peninsula and the glass-desert-that-used-to-be-Leningrad. :(
 
It's true that Finland was not equipped to handle a full-blown invasion by the Red Army in the early 80s. However, we must remember that just like in the last war, this time too it will be but a fraction of the Red Army that will face the Finnish Defence Forces, with the bulk concentrated in Eastern and Central Europe (as well as the Chinese border). We have had a tendency to obsess about what the Soviets think about us, that we must not upset them, yet we have always been but a tiny factor to Moscow. If the Soviets at all cared about us, it's because that we were one of their (numerous) neighbours and that we were quite close to Leningrad (even after having to give up our territories).

I'd be inclined to believe that Finnish forces would not have been able to stop even a small scale determined invasion. Finnish forces, compared to any other European country except Austria, were woefully underequipped with equipment of even of so called A brigades being very poor. In short, the air defence of even the best brigades consisted of 23mm towed AA guns, artillery of 12 122mm and 12 105mm howitzers, anti-tank equipment of recoilless rifles and tactical mobility of agricultural tractors. The single exception was the Armored Brigade with T-55's and BTR-60's. Troops themselves had had 8 months of training with one refresher training of one week some 5 years afterwards. Officers had not lead larger troops than one battalion except in tabletop wargames...

Since the nukes fly already a few days after the outbreak of war, I can't see the Soviets taking more than some frontier areas. Our landmine fields for one would slow them down.

What landmine fields? In winter? Winter would make Finnish problems even worse as Soviet forces had far better tactical manouverability with their tracked vehicles and relatively good trucks. Lakes would be roads instead of hindrances as in summertime.

Finnish doctrine of territorial defence of 1980's would let the Soviet forces deep inside Finnish territory (as there would be no chance stopping them directly) in hope to destroying them by piecemeal after destroying the supply network. The doctrine worked well in theory, but there is a number of question marks whether or not it would have worked in reality.

Thus, in few days of war the end game might well be that remnants of Soviet forces might be in control of some of the surviving population centers, looting them with Finnish forces in no condition of rooting them out until for a long time. If, for some reason, Finnish adminstration had ruptured this might develop into a very serious problem. And, since we're operating in P&S universe things simply have to end up badly for Finland.
 
That wave of bombers

Over this quiet land

Drove our silent, grey convoy

To wade in the snow

But first everyone saw

Their own world burn

As each man had to torch

His very own home


When there's a pause in the fire

We'll still trudge on

This poor group that has no time

To see where it came from

When in the endless snow

I lost my little brother

In the blood red sky

We saw that laughing butcher


(chorus)

Followed by death battalions

The land ahead is white as a sheet

This our camp

Must move again

Across the border

Or to Heaven
...


Timo Rautiainen & Trio Niskalaukaus: Lumessakahlaajat (2002)




25466454EXe.jpg


Finnish reservists training with a T-54 tank, early January 1984. FNA archives.





The traditional discipline of the Finnish soldier, as well as well-executed safety measures guarantee that it is possible to survive a nuclear attack.

A Defence Forces educational film for conscripts, 1970s.


VII. The Land Ahead

The morning of the 17th February saw the ultimate meeting of the Finno-Soviet Military Commission. Yet again the Soviet delegation reiterated its demands, yet again they were carefully rebuffed. This time, however, the Soviets didn't drop the issue, but presented it again as an ultimatum before storming out of the room. Finno-Soviet relations fell suddenly quiet. For the harried Finnish government it was a relief of sorts after the constant diplomatic barrage of the recent months. This relief, however, was undermined by a sinking feeling that left most in the know sleepless that night. Ominously, the Security Police reported several motorcades leaving the Soviet Embassy at Tehtaankatu during the night, to catch two special planes waiting at the Helsinki airport.


"...news from the STT, good morning. We have received reports of heavy fighting between NATO and Warsaw Pact troops in Berlin and along the West German - GDR border. Also West German towns in the border areas have reported aerial attacks by Warsaw Pact aircraft..."


As Europe plunged to war, everything stayed perversely quiet up north. For a few of hours. Just after eight in the morning the Finnish radar network registered numerous unknown aircraft breaching the national airspace along the Eastern border. Drakens and MIG-21s from Rovaniemi and two auxiliary bases in the north-eastern part of the country were scrambled to meet the intruders. Even as the pilots seeked out their targets and engaged the enemy, the Finnish army units along the border in Central Lapland reported Soviet forces crossing the border. In Salla, a border post reported by radio seeing attacking Soviets before falling silent at about 9.30.


"...emergency session, the parliament recognized that Finland is now at war against the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. The President will address the people by a live broadcast at eleven. Everyone is urged to remain calm. More news to follow after a public safety announcement..."


Due to the high Soviet interest in Lapland all along the recent negotiations, the Finnish military had in already January silently decided to abandon the defence of the northern part of the country. The civilians in the area had been mostly evacuated already in December. If the Red Army was really bent on attacking Northern Norway, the Finnish forces in Lapland would be outnumbered in any scenario: there was no strategic sense in throwing away units that could be used to advantage in the south. Most Army units had been withdrawn from the area, to be deployed along the Kemi-Kuusamo axis to allow the defence of North-Central Finland and the possibility of linking with Swedish forces, for the while massing west of the Kemi river. Also most of the fighters based in Rovaniemi had been flown to southern bases by mid-February, while the rest continued understrength patrols.


In the north, the beginning of the war played out as predicted: after superior Soviet fighter formations swept the remaining few Finnish fighters out of the sky, attack aircraft followed with heavy conventional bombing of the Finnish positions – mostly emptied as they were. Very few Finnish AA guns were still in action to greet the transport planes ungorging Soviet paratroopers who took control of the Rovaniemi airport, after quickly overcoming the military police and Jaeger units still defending the area. Soviet Motor Rifle Divisions, supported by Hinds based in Alakurtti, followed in a two-pronged attack towards Rovaniemi, in Central Lapland, and Sodankylä and the southern tip of Lake Inari in the north. They were only slowed down in their advance by the rarity of roads, the cold winter conditions and the sabotage done to the major routes as the Finnish troops left the area.


"...and wartime legislation is now in effect. For now, the authorities ask everyone to stay inside and follow YLE television and radio channels for official broadcasts and the most up to date information..."


In the south, it took several hours before anyhing of note happened, allowing the defender some valuable moments to prepare itself. Just after noon, radar operators reported enemy air formations moving (as it appeared) against Kuopio and Jyväskylä. All available fighters, mostly MIG-21s and some Hawks, were sent to greet the unwelcome visitors. In the south-west, columns of T-72 tanks and various APCs were seen in the light of the beautiful winter day, heading along Highway 7 towards Virolahti. Waiting them were elements of the Armored Brigade. The Army Headquarters was notified of the Soviet incursion and the local Finnish commander called a tactical withdrawal. It was pre-planned. Further back, the bulk of the Brigade and two infantry brigades were waiting in prepared positions behind minefields, because of the frozen ground much more modest than the brass would have liked. Some of these positions had been part of the WWII-era Salpa Line and just recently an army museum. Another Soviet force was reported as crossing the border north of the border post at Nuijamaa.

The Soviet decision to make war in Southern Finland, and its execution, is – and undoubtedly will remain to be – shrouded in mystery. In comparison with the well-prepared assault into Lapland, this attack seemed desultory and poorly coordinated. Indeed, the Finnish military leaders were initially baffled as to why the Red Army attacked in the south with such weak forces, in just a few locations and with light to nonexistent air cover. Despite the fact that Soviet aircraft were active in Central and Southern Finland, and that attack aircraft (identified as MIG-27s) got through the Finnish air defence to hit the airfields of Rissala, Tikkakoski and Halli, in the south the expected devastating aerial attacks against Finnish ground forces or the feared, massive landings of airborne troops just didn't materialise during the first days of this Second Winter War.

It is possible that the Soviets didn't even aim to take Southern Finland, but wanted just to tie down as many Finnish units there as possible to help the strategically more important offensive through Lapland towards Sweden and Norway. Proponents of this theory point out that as the northern part of the Baltic Sea was still icebound, there would be little chances of NATO (or even the Swedish) getting anything more than paratroopers into Finland in short order. The war wouldn't be decided in Southern Finland. For the time being, it was of secondary importance – and the Red Army needed to put its resources to where they mattered most.

It is also likely that the Soviet planners thought that seeing the ferocity of the attack in Lapland would prompt the bulk of the Finnish Defence Forces to just lay down its weapons and play dead. There is ample evidence that the Soviet generals' estimates about Finnish defensive abilities and the troops' morale were very low in the early 80s. If this would mean Southern Finland could be occupied with very modest forces, it would be a boon for the overall Soviet plans in the Baltic area.

On the other hand, it has also been suggested that the attack on Southern Finland was not ordered by Moscow at all but decided by a local commander in the Leningrad Military District and executed with unprepared third line troops; if such is the case, it would mean the Soviet chain of command had already started to unravel during these last confused days before the world was plunged into global nuclear war.

What ever the Soviet motivations were, the opponent was ready also in the Nordic theatre. It didn't take until the morning of the 19th that NATO troops crossed the Finno-Norwegian border. As the first recon vehicle rolled across the border at Karigasniemi, smashing a makeshift barricade blocking the road, the advance unit didn't even bother to disarm the sullen Finnish border guards standing idly by their post. The diplomatic protest delivered to the Norwegian government was strictly pro forma.

As enemy mechanized columns pushed deep into essentially undefended Lapland, Finnish and Soviet troops were locked in battle in Southern Karelia and Warsaw Pact and NATO aircraft clashed in nominally Finnish airspace, the Finnish government was trying feverishly to contact Moscow to end the hostilities. No answer was forthcoming.

(filler)
 
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