Lands of Red and Gold

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It could be done - pigs were transported further distances in parts of Polynesia, I believe - but I doubt it would be easy.

Actually, while not easy, it's easier than you're thinking. Polynesian pigs were smaller than the sort of domesticated pigs folks have in the west today. The phenotype is extinct, however, due to the fact that as soon as the Europeans came, the Islanders bred them with the larger European varieties. Most of the wild population here in Hawaii is a mix of the Polynesian and European breeds. The pre-contact pigs were smaller (about knee-high to mid-thigh high when full grown, furry blackish-brownish trim and lean creatures that more resembled tiny wild boars than domesticated pigs. Thousands of years of selective breeding for pigs that wouldn't be too troublesome on canoes, y'know.

Same with the Polynesian dog. Phenotype extinct, though there's been efforts to selectively breed back the type. They were really goofy looking, sort of like a cross between a Chihuahua and a Corgi, and were basically used as a food source (pretty much the most prized meat).

Note that the junglefowl (Polynesian chicken) is also phenotypically and behaviorally different from western chickens and under threat from genetic swamping as well.

So why didn't pigs make it to New Zealand OTL? Well, my theory is that during the initial period of settlement, when back and forth contact is high, Atearoa had ample sources of easy protein. Enough so that the people coming over felt no need to dedicate valuable canoe space to hauling over protein sources. By the time they were all hunted out, contact with abroad was much scarcer, and those that did make it all the way out had neither the forcible strength nor trade items worthwhile to exchange or forcibly take pigs, dogs and chickens. In this case, neither is true. I suspect that the Maori would quickly get the meat package once they figured out it was worth their effort and that they could get them for the price of a few metal tools and trinkets.
 

mojojojo

Gone Fishin'
So why didn't pigs make it to New Zealand OTL? Well, my theory is that during the initial period of settlement, when back and forth contact is high, Atearoa had ample sources of easy protein. Enough so that the people coming over felt no need to dedicate valuable canoe space to hauling over protein sources. By the time they were all hunted out, contact with abroad was much scarcer, and those that did make it all the way out had neither the forcible strength nor trade items worthwhile to exchange or forcibly take pigs, dogs and chickens.
A very interesting theory:)
 
Australia is even further from the Cook Islands than NZ, so it wouldn't really help that much as an intermediate stop.

Oh, I misinterpreted what you said. I thought you said that Aururia was 2000 km from Tahiti or the Cook Isles, while NZ was 3300 km. That's why I suggested what I did.
 
Sorry, is there a page where I could read this great TL as it is now, without reading the comments? I had started reading it log ago, then I stopped, and I don't know were I left.
 

The Sandman

Banned
A few thoughts.

First, any chance of cacao becoming another major cash crop in *Queensland? It seems like one of those things that had a market pretty much everywhere, and IIRC there isn't an area in OTL SE Asia that grows it to anywhere near the extent as in West Africa or South/Central America. Which would also be another reason to have sugar plantations in *Queensland; ship the sugar and cacao together rather than having to buy them in separate locations.

Second, would the Maori be doing any major degree of fishing? Or whaling, for that matter? Since they still have seafarers ITTL, that would seem like another solution to the post-moa, pre-emu protein shortage.

Third, I think that at least some proportion of any slaves being used in Aururia are likely to be African, since there's a pre-existing slaving infrastructure in modern-day Mozambique that could start shipping slaves via the clipper route. In particular, given geography, you might see the Atjuntja start using them in the gold mines as they start to have labor shortages due to the European plagues.
 
Sorry, is there a page where I could read this great TL as it is now, without reading the comments? I had started reading it log ago, then I stopped, and I don't know were I left.

Oh, come on, what's the fun of reading a timeline without the commentary track?:p

Of course with comments you get the occasional silliness and the pages of "please please update!" and "Yay it's back!" Those always throw me when I'm reading through some hundred-page timeline and I'm back on page 40; I have to look at the dates to realize that a month or several went past with nothing happening. It sort of intellectually prepares me for the pace to expect once I catch up but the main visceral effect is to start dreading catching up!

But with a good timeline like this one, the chorus of commentators is typically pretty relevant to following the action of the main timeline itself, as authors like Jared or Thande listen to their audience and sometimes poll them directly. Not to mention that in addition to the actual thread the author tells you a lot of stuff in the discourse with the readers. You'd only be getting a fraction of the whole if you skipped all that.

It took me some weeks to read this thread from the beginning to being caught up about a month ago. They were good weeks. Treasure them!
 
With that many domesticated fowl and birds being so prominent in NZ I would think eggs and feathers might taken on a very important symbolic role in the culture and religion of the Maori

Why, yes, they certainly could. The Maori made various use of feathers in OTL; things will probably be much more notable ATL.

Which, were that the case, would place the surviving moa in a rather significant position, culturally....

It may well, although the Maori are only peripherally aware of them. Still, when they find out more, then things could get interesting.

Actually, while not easy, it's easier than you're thinking. Polynesian pigs were smaller than the sort of domesticated pigs folks have in the west today. The phenotype is extinct, however, due to the fact that as soon as the Europeans came, the Islanders bred them with the larger European varieties. Most of the wild population here in Hawaii is a mix of the Polynesian and European breeds. The pre-contact pigs were smaller (about knee-high to mid-thigh high when full grown, furry blackish-brownish trim and lean creatures that more resembled tiny wild boars than domesticated pigs. Thousands of years of selective breeding for pigs that wouldn't be too troublesome on canoes, y'know.

Ah, thanks for the information; I wasn't aware of that. Certainly explains how the Polynesians got pigs as far as they did.

So why didn't pigs make it to New Zealand OTL? Well, my theory is that during the initial period of settlement, when back and forth contact is high, Atearoa had ample sources of easy protein. Enough so that the people coming over felt no need to dedicate valuable canoe space to hauling over protein sources. By the time they were all hunted out, contact with abroad was much scarcer, and those that did make it all the way out had neither the forcible strength nor trade items worthwhile to exchange or forcibly take pigs, dogs and chickens.

That's certainly a possibility, but I think that the isolation and long voyage required came into play as well. The more isolated and peripheral Polynesian settlements often lacked one or more of their domesticates, not just New Zealand.

So while NZ only had the dog, Easter Island (closer to the likelier source of its colonisation than NZ was to the Cook Islands) only had chickens. Easter Island, of course, didn't have any equivalent sources of protein to NZ, but it still didn't get all three domesticates.

So while the excellent initial local protein sources in NZ would have meant that there was less incentive to bring along pigs and chickens, it may not have been all that easy to do so even if the colonists had been inclined to do so.

In this case, neither is true. I suspect that the Maori would quickly get the meat package once they figured out it was worth their effort and that they could get them for the price of a few metal tools and trinkets.

Hmm. The Maori would, in all likelihood, try a couple of times to bring over pigs and chickens. (Although note that contact is quite sporadic; there's not really that much in the Cook Islands to interest the Maori.)

I guess the question really boils down to: would pigs be likely to survive the trip? Or, to put it another way, what's the longest known voyage where pigs did survive? I may have to do some research into the sailing distances.

But what could have been the source of proteins? Vegetals are not as much proteinic, I think.

Them two story towers of dumb meat, brah. You gonna let uncle and aunty give up their space on the canoe so you can pack some pigs, dogs and chickens in case all the dumb giant flightless birds die in a hundred years?

So true. Although dogs did make the trip, one way or another. Whether that's because their meat was more highly prized, because they were thought more useful, or just plain dumb luck, I'm not sure.

Oh, I misinterpreted what you said. I thought you said that Aururia was 2000 km from Tahiti or the Cook Isles, while NZ was 3300 km. That's why I suggested what I did.

Ah, gotcha.

Sorry, is there a page where I could read this great TL as it is now, without reading the comments? I had started reading it log ago, then I stopped, and I don't know were I left.

As PhillipeO has already mentioned, there are pdf and rtf versions available on the DoD website. That isn't quite the latest version of the TL - the website isn't updated all that often - but it should let you catch up with most of it.

First, any chance of cacao becoming another major cash crop in *Queensland?

Maybe. It hasn't been commercially cultivated to date, but there is a company which is trying to set up cultivation in Queensland.

From what I can find here, the suitable range for cultivation would be very small; basically the coastal regions of far north Queensland from Innisfail northward.

Even there, it would require irrigation; it's a water-intensive crop.

It seems like one of those things that had a market pretty much everywhere, and IIRC there isn't an area in OTL SE Asia that grows it to anywhere near the extent as in West Africa or South/Central America.

If the Genocide can be trusted (hardly a given), Indonesia was the third largest producer in the world, and it's also grown in Malaysia, Papua New Guinea and the Solomons.

Which would also be another reason to have sugar plantations in *Queensland; ship the sugar and cacao together rather than having to buy them in separate locations.

This may get set up in the long run, but the market for sugar was a lot bigger initially, and cultivation easier, than it would be for cacao.

Second, would the Maori be doing any major degree of fishing? Or whaling, for that matter?

Definite yes for fishing; not sure about whaling. Perhaps, depending on how adventurous they were feeling. Hunting southern right whales might be possible.

Since they still have seafarers ITTL, that would seem like another solution to the post-moa, pre-emu protein shortage.

That would help in coastal areas, but by then the Maori are pushing inland, thanks to the red yams and murnong. Inland areas would be more prone to protein starvation. Indeed, it may well be the case that cannibalism got started by protein-poor inland areas raiding protein-rich coastal areas.

Third, I think that at least some proportion of any slaves being used in Aururia are likely to be African, since there's a pre-existing slaving infrastructure in modern-day Mozambique that could start shipping slaves via the clipper route. In particular, given geography, you might see the Atjuntja start using them in the gold mines as they start to have labor shortages due to the European plagues.

Assuming that the Dutch and Portuguese are cooperating enough to let the Dutch pick up slaves from Portuguese Mozambique, that may well be a possibility.
 
Ah, thanks for the information; I wasn't aware of that. Certainly explains how the Polynesians got pigs as far as they did.



That's certainly a possibility, but I think that the isolation and long voyage required came into play as well. The more isolated and peripheral Polynesian settlements often lacked one or more of their domesticates, not just New Zealand.

So while NZ only had the dog, Easter Island (closer to the likelier source of its colonisation than NZ was to the Cook Islands) only had chickens. Easter Island, of course, didn't have any equivalent sources of protein to NZ, but it still didn't get all three domesticates.

So while the excellent initial local protein sources in NZ would have meant that there was less incentive to bring along pigs and chickens, it may not have been all that easy to do so even if the colonists had been inclined to do so.



Hmm. The Maori would, in all likelihood, try a couple of times to bring over pigs and chickens. (Although note that contact is quite sporadic; there's not really that much in the Cook Islands to interest the Maori.)

I guess the question really boils down to: would pigs be likely to survive the trip? Or, to put it another way, what's the longest known voyage where pigs did survive? I may have to do some research into the sailing distances.





So true. Although dogs did make the trip, one way or another. Whether that's because their meat was more highly prized, because they were thought more useful, or just plain dumb luck, I'm not sure.

Hawaii was probably the most remote place they got pigs to. I think part of the problem with keeping pigs and chickens is that they were semi-feral. There wasn't really an impetus to keep a huge domesticate population around when population densities weren't high or there wasn't enough food waste to feed them (like in the drier areas of Hawaii). If the environment wasn't really suitable for them to forage, then it would be hard to go find enough to round up after a famine to re-domesticate. Moreover pigs and chickens are more than just seed populations. They're trip rations as well. Not catching much fish during your voyage?
Well... What would eat first? The smelly foul tempered pigs? The smelly foul tempered chickens? Or the sweet little dog who you don't have to watch 24/7 to make sure it doesn't kill itself by getting out of its cage and jumping into the water?

Also, it's not so much distances as sail time. 800 miles tacking into the wind and against a current is going to take longer than 2000 miles in ideal conditions.
 
Lands of Red and Gold #49: What Becomes of Boldness
Lands of Red and Gold #49: What Becomes of Boldness

“Japanese ships are strictly forbidden to leave for foreign countries.
No Japanese is permitted to go abroad. If there is anyone who attempts to do so secretly, he must be executed. The ship so involved must be impounded and its owner arrested, and the matter must be reported to the higher authority.
If any Japanese returns from overseas after residing there, he must be put to death.”

- Tokugawa Iemitsu (r. 1623-1650), Edicts 1, 2 and 3, 1645 [1].

* * *

From: “The Century: History’s 100 Most Important People”
By Appian Harris

82. Kumgatu (Nangu explorer and founding father of the Nuttana)

The reputation of Kumgatu is, if anything, greater than that of the man’s achievements. Known and celebrated as a cultural hero on three continents, his deeds have inevitably become mythologised to a degree which the man himself likely would not recognise. Yet even stripping out the fiction, what remains is impressive enough.

He was born Werringi Wolalta on the Island, one of many adventuresome Nangu youths who took up life as a sailor and trader. He died known as Kumgatu, first citizen of Wujal [Cooktown, Queensland], leading man of the Nuttana, a man with wealth and glory unparalleled amongst his people...

Kumgatu’s significance in global history stems from his three great voyages of exploration and trade, and from his role in setting up the pact of cooperation between the first four Nangu bloodlines (later expanded to six) in the association which would become known as the Nuttana.

To his contemporaries, Kumgatu’s main achievement was his first great voyage, his circumnavigation of Aururia in 1630-1631. This voyage was the one which earned him the sobriquet which means ‘the Bold’, which in time he adopted as his proper name. His first voyage was revered as a true voyage into the unknown, for he lacked any proper knowledge of what he would find. Kumgatu’s two later voyages, while celebrated, were conducted with at least some guidance from Dutch and English sources, and so were not viewed as requiring the same courage.

History, though, judges Kumgatu’s achievements differently. His circumnavigation of Aururia was a significant feat, but it was his later voyages into Asia which would have more lasting significance...

* * *

In the year which Europeans call the Year of Our Lord 1644, or the year which in the most widespread native calendar is called the 405th Year of Harmony, a new town is emerging. A thriving town, near the mouth of a river where ten years before the only buildings were the animal-hide shelters of the hunters who had wandered this land since time immemorial.

Here, near the northernmost extremity of a land which a visiting English explorer has recently christened Aururia, is an outpost which the Islanders have named Wujal. The town was founded as a ship repair port and victualling station, intended as a mere outpost worked by a handful of Islanders and a larger number of contracted Kiyungu farmers. In a mere decade, Wujal has grown into something much larger.

Wujal nestles on the southern bank of the River Bidgee [Endeavour River], near the mouth of the river. Here is a safe harbour for those who have learned to navigate the sandbar at the river’s mouth, and here it is that the Islanders have come. A few of them, at first, to create a place where ships can resupply or seek shelter at need. Many more have come, though, fleeing the Island and all its problems.

The buildings here have the impermanence of anything which has been constructed on the coast of a cyclone-prone region, balanced against a sense of purpose which shows that those who live here now intend far more than simply to grow kumara [sweet potato] and repair sails on passing ships.

Houses here are built solidly and decorated ostentatiously, marking an attitude which is common to both the Nangu and Kiyungu who make up the large majority of Wujal’s inhabitants. The two most ostentatious houses of all are those of the elders of the Tjula and Wolalta bloodlines, who have made Wujal their permanent home.

Here, too, are buildings which show why Wujal is growing. The dockyard is not just used to repair visiting ships, but for shipbuilding. Warehouses nearby hold goods brought from both further south in Aururia, and from the Old World. The buildings of other craftsmen cluster near the dockyard: scribes, weavers, potters, and, most prized of all, blacksmiths.

Wujal hosts four blacksmiths, plus a growing number of apprentices. These are the first iron-workers to dwell among the Kiyungu; none of the master smiths are born on the east coast of the continent. Three of them are master ironsmiths from the Atjuntja, discreetly recruited by the Tjula bloodline, and the fourth is a famously foul-mouthed Gunnagal.

Since the Nangu dwell here, the town of course holds a Plirite temple, built atop a grassy hill overlooking the city. The temple is still small, by Nangu standards, but built of stone, by masons recruited from the Kiyungu. It hosts two priests only, but both of them are kept extremely busy performing the daily ceremonies attended by many of the Nangu and a growing number of Kiyungu converts.

Despite the thriving town, counting the population is not an easy feat. Neither the Nangu nor Kiyungu have any strong tradition of conducting a census. Still, something well over a thousand people live in Wujal or in the farmlands and timber camps further up the river.

Whether the exact numbers are known or not, even the most casual visitor to Wujal would see that the population is growing. The sound of construction seems to be everywhere; new buildings are raised through every dry season.

More than that, children seem to run everywhere. Their laughs and cries are spoken in Kiyungu or Nangu in almost equal measure, or sometimes a curious mixture of both languages. The children’s heritage is similarly mixed; many of them have one Nangu and one Kiyungu parent. The pairing is much more often a Nangu man and a Kiyungu woman than the reverse. Many of the Nangu who have fled the Island are, not surprisingly, sailors, and they have sought brides among the Kiyungu.

Still, Wujal has many Kiyungu who dwell there for other reasons. The initial pact between the Nuttana [trading association] and the Kiyungu cities called for labourers who would farm on five-year terms. Many of those farmers have chosen to stay for longer, though, and other Kiyungu have started to migrate north, too.

The Kiyungu who dwell around Wujal are not the majority in the town itself, but they are the most numerous people in the surrounding lands. The town could not survive without the food and timber they supply. In the fields above Wujal are kumara, lesser yams, taro, wealth-trees [wattles], jeeree [lemon tea], and several lesser crops, including mung beans which Nangu ships have brought from Batavia.

Further up the river, the Kiyungu have a few timber camps where they log tropical trees and float down the river for construction of ships or buildings. With so much construction, the loggers are ever busier, and more of them are needed every year. Word is spreading further south among the Kiyungu: come north, where opportunity awaits!

* * *

From: “The Century: History’s 100 Most Important People”
By Appian Harris

Kumgatu’s second great voyage in 1635-1636 took his ships from the Island to Java and back again; the first Aururian ships to visit the Old World. During the voyage, he established a trade agreement with the Dutch East India Company, and consolidated his trading association’s pact with the Kiyungu.

On the return leg of his voyage, he met the first English ships to explore Aururia under the command of William Baffin. While neither party made any firm agreements, contact with the English offered Kumgatu and his fellow Nangu the opportunity to bypass the Dutch monopoly on European trade with Aururia. He would put this opportunity to good use...

* * *

“Our world is out of balance. The Raw Men can sail to our homeland as they wish, but we cannot sail to theirs. Only when we can voyage as far as them will the balance be restored.”
- Attributed to Kumgatu

* * *

Nangu shipbuilding techniques had been evolving for centuries. Isolated on their Island, sailing for fish and other produce of the seas such as dyes, they became the best native seafarers in Aururia. Their techniques were only improved after contact with the Maori gave them access to Polynesian navigation techniques and knowledge of lateen sails.

The standard Nangu ship design from the late fourteenth century onward was a twin-hulled, lateen-rigged, shallow-drafted vessel whose Nangu name is best translated simply as “ship” [2]. These agile vessels were capable of navigating reliably even into the wind, and became the mainstay of Nangu commerce for nearly two centuries.

Although manoeuvrable, such shallow-drafted ships had severe limits in terms of cargo space. By the late sixteenth century, more ambitious Nangu shipbuilders had begun to create larger vessels, preserving the triangular lateen sails, but with larger hulls and more decks. These vessels, called great-ships, became the premier Nangu trading vessels on the westward run to the Atjuntja lands, and for other long-range sailing.

Nangu ship design did not end with the construction of great-ships. Members of several bloodlines had considered making even larger ships. These plans were given more urgency when word came of the Raw Men from out of the west, and of the massive single-hulled ships which they used.

The Nangu shipwrights gave little regard to single-hulled ships, viewing them as too limited in sailing against the wind. Yet the volumes of cargo which the Raw Men’s ship could deliver were something to be admired, as were the reports that their large square sails and twin masts could sail faster with the wind behind them.

Frantic experimentation began among the Nangu, both with ship design and with the the compass which the Raw Men used. The first twin-masted, enlargened great-ships were built by the Manyilti bloodline in 1631, and others quickly followed.

The Nyugal and Wolalta bloodlines supported the push for larger ships, but gave more consideration to how to gain more speed when sailing with the wind. More masts were an obvious part of the answer, but with lateen sails, even twin masts did not give as much sail area as comparable Raw Men vessels.

The two bloodlines were loathe to forgo the manoeuvrability of lateen sails, and in any case switching to square-rigged sails would have required learning entirely new sailing techniques. Reports of some of the Raw Men ships gave them another solution: add a second sail (headsail) in front of the foremast, attached to a bowsprit, to be used when sailing with the wind.

The Nyugal had experimented with headsails on smaller vessels even before the Manyilti built the first twin-masted ship, and found them satisfactory. In partnership with the Wolalta, they began to include them on twin-masted ships.

The first ship to incorporate both of these innovations was built in Wujal, away from prying eyes of other Nangu bloodlines. Completed in 1640, its makers called it the Barrbay (swiftness). The new swift-ship displaced nearly 50 tonnes, with twin lateen sails that manoeuvred well into the wind, while a headsail could be run up to add to speed when sailing with the wind.

This new design was, in fact, seaworthy enough to be capable of sailing around the world. Whether it would be permitted to undertake such a voyage, in competition with the seagoing powers of Europe was, of course, a much more difficult question to answer...

* * *

From: “The Century: History’s 100 Most Important People”
By Appian Harris

Due to the accomplishments of Kumgatu’s second great voyage, the Nuttana had permission to trade with the Dutch East India Company at Batavia. This trading concession, while valuable, became ever more difficult to exercise given the ongoing state of war between the Netherlands and Spain-Portugal, and the undeclared war between the Dutch East India Company and their English counterparts.

Due to the problems of war, and resentment of Dutch attempts to monopolise trade with Aururia, Kumgatu organised his third great voyage. His aim was to venture further into Asia, to reach the source of at least some of the goods which Europeans were bringing to Aururian ports.

Previous Nangu ships had used Dutch charts to venture through parts of the East Indies, and glimpsed the southernmost islands of the Philippines, but Kumgatu decided to venture much further into the northern hemisphere. Despite having spent several years in profitable comfort overseeing efforts from Wujal rather than sailing himself, his third voyage demonstrated that he still maintained the courage that was his name.

In 1643, Kumgatu took personal command of the Garoo, one of the newest class of Nangu ships, and together with two other vessels, set out for Asia...

Surviving records do not reveal whether Kumgatu was just extremely fortunate in his timing and choice of stops, or whether he had obtained insight from Europeans who had visited Japan. In any case, in his third voyage he bypassed war-torn Taiwan and avoided Cathay proper, and after leaving the Philippines, he explored the Ryukyu islands, eventually docking at Naha, the capital of Okinawa.

The Ryukyu kingdom was then a vassal of Japan, although it still preserved relations with Cathay. Previously a nexus for trade between Japan, Cathay, Southeast Asia and the East Indies, its commerce had declined in the last few decades. Nevertheless, Kumgatu viewed it as a good place to establish trade connexions independent of European authority, and here he offered the goods which he had brought...

Having learned from the preferences of Old Worlders in Batavia, Kumgatu had brought with him supplies of kunduri, lemon verbena, sweet peppers and other spices, and gold and silver. All of these were positively received, but the trade good which made the greatest impression was jeeree. Some visiting Japanese samurai who sampled the new beverage were extremely enthusiastic in its praises.

In exchange, Kumgatu secured samples of trade goods brought from elsewhere in Asia or India: Japanese lacquerware and fans; Chinese porcelain and textiles; Indian ivory; and Southeast Asian sugar and ambergris. Of all the new goods, he rated Japanese muskets and gunpowder as the most important...

* * *

Taken from Intellipedia.

Kaikin (“maritime restrictions”) was the Japanese foreign relations policy whereby no outlander could enter nor could any Japanese leave the country, backed by the death penalty. The policy was enacted by the Tokugawa shogunate under Tokugawa Iemitsu and Tokugawa Ietsuna [3] through several edits and policies from 1645-52, and remained in effect for nearly 200 years.

The term Kaikin (meaning restrictions on sea activity) was a contemporaneous term derived from the similar Cathayan concept of hai jin [citation needed].

Japan did not isolate itself completely during the Kaikin era. The system saw the shogunate apply strict regulations to foreign relations and commerce, but never completely severed outside contact. Under Kaikin, direct European contact was permitted only via the Dutch trading outpost in Nagasaki. Trade with Cathay was also conducted at Nagasaki. Commerce with Corea was restricted to the Tsushima domain, while trade with the Ezo [Ainu] was limited to the Matsumae domain. Trade with the Ryukyu kingdom, and thus indirect trade with the Coral states, took place in Satsuma domain...

* * *

[1] Historically, Tokugawa Iemitsu ruled a year longer (until 1651), and the equivalent edicts were issued ten years earlier (ie 1635). The disruptions of the Aururian plagues within Japan, and flow-on effects of reduced European contact, has delayed the advent of the restrictions on foreign contact.

[2] The smaller Nangu vessels names would usually be translated as “boat”.

[3] Tokugawa Ietsuna (b.1642) is an allohistorical ‘brother’ of the historical Tokugawa Ietsuna; being born so far after the divergence means that he is not the same person.

* * *

Thoughts?
 

Admiral Matt

Gone Fishin'
That would help in coastal areas, but by then the Maori are pushing inland, thanks to the red yams and murnong. Inland areas would be more prone to protein starvation. Indeed, it may well be the case that cannibalism got started by protein-poor inland areas raiding protein-rich coastal areas.

That'd be critical, culturally speaking. In OTL much of the reason for the initial and automatic distrust of Europeans by the Maori was that they habitually raided each other by sea. Cannibalism was no small part of the resulting disaffection for strangers arriving by boat. If in this TL the "worst" of the endemic warfare is culturally associated with land-bound raids.... that rather changes things. Even discounting the fact that this New Zealand will have much larger inland populations, it's likely to alter even the earliest reactions to First Contact.
 

Admiral Matt

Gone Fishin'
So what's the third continent Kumgatu visited? My guess would be the east coast of Africa.

It doesn't say he visited three continents. It says he's a cultural hero on three continents. Big difference.

And since it also said he made three great journeys, and then listed three, I think his epic has largely come to a close. Though perhaps he will yet have a role to play on the continent itself.
 
Interesting update.

With the Nuttana having a toehold in Indonesia now, I wonder if the Plirite religion will gain a significant number of adherents? On one hand, by the 17th century, Java and the other core Indonesian islands had finally went over to Islam, and I assume Muslims will be fairly resistant to conversion. So presumably at most you'd see Pliri populations at best in the Southern Moluccas, the Lesser Sundas, and of course Papua.

The reason I think they could be successful here is I don't see the Nuttana sticking to the European trade system - of centralized monopoly ports - unless they absolutely have to. IOTL, Muslim traders ended up the middlemen who sailed to the smaller islands and ferried goods to the treaty port, which facilitated conversion of islands further afield. Although there aren't many Nuttana, my guess is given the closer supply lines, they'll wish to be involved in more inter-island trade as well.

As to further afield, it will be interesting to see. There are of course certain parallels between Pliri thought and East Asian religion and philosophy. But I think the syncretism of China and Japan will win out in the end.
 
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