Lands of Red and Gold

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The Sandman

Banned
I foresee an interest amongst some enterprising Nangu in establishing an agricultural colony in Aururia's tropical regions, assuming that certain crops (coffee, nutmeg, vanilla, chocolate, etc.) can be grown there. It would let them avoid having to work through the Dutch to at least some degree, as the Dutch will be unamused at the idea of natives trading with them instead of the other way around. Of course, Dutch options to stop it are somewhat more limited, given that the wind and current patterns would make it difficult in the extreme to intercept Nangu traders at any point on the northern leg of their trip.
 
I'm trying to find precedents for non-European nation responding to European explorations with explorations of its own.

As far as I know, only Japan (in the late 16th-early 17th century) did something similar to what the Nangu are trying to do in the LoRaG, but even then, the Japanese seafarers when they went to Malaya and Mindanao were following steps of Chinese traders (well-known to the Japanese), while the Nangu sailing to Java are obviously breaking completely new ground for themselves and all their civilization.

Closest analogue would be Japanese expedition to Mexico in 1614, but again, Date Masamune, Lord of Sendai had support of at least two educated Spaniards when building his galleon, while Werringi of the Wolalta will be trying to reach the Dutch colonies without any king of European technical advice.

All in all, I would say that he is taking very risky step which can well end with failure, but if he succeeds, it would be very good omen for the Nangu's future. Any nation which can trade with Europeans at their own bases (or even play interlopers' role between Europeans and their non-European subjects/clients) would be in much better bargaining position than 'normal' non-Western state contacting with the Western powers only when the latter appear near the former's shores.
 
the Dutch will be unamused at the idea of natives trading with them instead of the other way around.
Yes, of course, they would be boiling with anger, but how much can they do?

The Dutch are not alone in the South-East Asia. The Iberians as well as the English are there too, and the Nangu can play different European powers against each other.

The Nangu are two orders of magnitude weaker than the Dutch (population-wise, which together with lower level of development implies even larger gaps in military and economical might), but almost all Dutch resources are in Europe while the Nangu could deploy almost all of their ships and sailors into trade/fight with the Raw Men (they'll certainly lose outright fight, but they could try piracy against the VOC with the Spanish/Portuguese backing, or against the Iberians with the VOC's backing, etc., trading in the process with the side they are allied at the moment and acquiring skills necessary to build ocean-going ships, guns, and so on).

By no means the Nangu's success is guaranteed, but it is at least possible, because some of them are actively seeking ways to compete with the Europeans, while OTL non-Western states mostly traded with the West on its own terms.
 
If nothing else, I suspect that the Dutch might be impressed enough by Nangu maritime proficiency and daring to begin cooperating with them. In fact, I can see the Nangu ultimately emerging as powerful local allies and most favored partners of whichever European nation winds up dominant in the area.

Or the Dutch could decide that they pose a threat to their maritime dominance and resolve to destroy them. Could go either way, really.
 

The Sandman

Banned
If nothing else, I suspect that the Dutch might be impressed enough by Nangu maritime proficiency and daring to begin cooperating with them. In fact, I can see the Nangu ultimately emerging as powerful local allies and most favored partners of whichever European nation winds up dominant in the area.

Or the Dutch could decide that they pose a threat to their maritime dominance and resolve to destroy them. Could go either way, really.

Considering the amount of time and effort the Dutch will have just spent eradicating any Indian Ocean trade not carried in their ships, I'm betting on option B as the most likely response to a potential threat to their monopoly.
 

Thande

Donor
Considering the amount of time and effort the Dutch will have just spent eradicating any Indian Ocean trade not carried in their ships, I'm betting on option B as the most likely response to a potential threat to their monopoly.

But the Dutch are not alone. The "Pannidj" are there for a start, and at this point in OTL they were fine with the idea of teaching the Japanese how to build galleons and sail to Europe (providing they converted to Catholicism of course).
 
I managed to miss this first post for a few days, so here's a belated reply.

As for proposed greening of the Mesopotamian drylands, there was a great impediment to agriculture even in the relatively humid districts of the Ottoman MidEast, that impediment being nomadic confederations. At least one of them, al-Muntafiq, was strong enough to influence appointment of Basra governor by Sultan. The nomads needed namely these less dry portions of Mesopotamian semideserts for their summer pastures. These tribes, not being content with their livestock wealth (honestly speaking, it was too vulnerable to drought and cold), earned additional resources guarding caravans, protecting countryside (against themselves, mostly) and doing outright extortion. The OTL Ottomans subjugated the Muntafiq only in 1860-ies (using telegraph lines and steamboat squadron on the Mesopotamian rivers), and lesser tribes somewhat earlier.
Could they have it done earlier in the LoRaG TL without 19th-century technology but with more profitable crops (and more dense sedentary population)?
A tricky question...

It's a damn good question. The new crops would certainly allow a higher sedentary population, and not just in Mesopotamia. Much of Palestine and Syria could be similarly greened (well, reddened and goldened, too) by Aururian crops, so if the Ottomans manage to make it work there, they would have a stronger temptation to try in Mesopotamia.

The thought also occurs that maybe the lesser tribes could be weakened one by one, and only al-Muntafiq might hold out after a while. Maybe the Ottomans could try something along those lines.

There's also the possibility that the new crops could be made to work in areas of Mesopotamia which are just so damn dry that even the nomads didn't have much use for them - using irrigation from the Euphrates and the Tigris. I don't know enough about the geography and peoples of Mesopotamia to know whether that's possible, but if it is, that might make for interesting demographics in *Mesopotamia.

This TL is now rapidly approaching Epic scope.

If this TL is "approaching" epic, it's only because it's already lapped it at least once! :D

Epic, or at least very long-winded - sometimes it's hard to tell the difference. :confused:

Great update, Jared! I like the Nangu update and it's good to get the crops listed in one place. Which reminds me, here in the States they're selling colorful varietals of New Zealand Flax as a decorative landscaping plant! How's that for an odd domestication?

New Zealand flax is good for that. So are a lot of Australian and NZ plants. Not just for landscaping, by the way. New Zealand flax was grown overseas as a plantation crop in OTL (albeit only one country that I know of) so it's intriguing where else it might grow.

Between that and the ultra-invasive Crape Myrtles landscapers plant everywhere Aussies and Kiwis might just get your own back for rabbits and horses. :D

Australia's revenge will be gum trees (eucalypts). Those damn things are being grown all over the world, it seems like. They grow quickly and produce very useful timber. Unfortunately, as some countries have also discovered, nothing produces a bushfire like gum trees, either.

Good update. I guess the Nangu will be trying to sail to Java. I'm somewhat surprised there hasn't been contact between the Aururians and the East Indies before, given that there's some evidence for limited contact in OTL, but I suppose the East Indies peoples would only have seen the barren north of Aururia whose peoples I assume are hunter-gatherers much like the Aborigines of OTL.

That's exactly the reason. The northern half of Aururia has only marginally changed from OTL. The odd metal artifact gets traded across that distance, but that's about all. There's nothing there to really interest visitors from the East Indies, and so they stay away for the same reasons which they did in OTL.

From the Aururian side, the only people capable of sailing those distances have emerged relatively recently (since Maori contact in the early fourteenth century) and haven't yet got to the point of exploring that far.

Even if the Dutch had ignored Aururia, some native Aururians would probably have sailed to the East Indies eventually - most likely the Kiyungu of the Queensland coast, or a descendant people. But it would have taken a while.

I do think this is what really makes the difference with native peoples, Meiji-pulling aside - it doesn't matter how well you can repel a European conqueror on your own turf, if you can never sail to his, in the long run you will lose. You have to win every time, the European only has to win once. Of course this isn't quite like that because the Nangu obviously aren't going to be able to sail all the way to Europe but you see what I mean.

I do, but then there is the alternative problem that if you are good enough to sail to Europe (or to other European colonies, for these purposes), then you have just made yourself out to be a bigger threat, or at least commercial rival. European powers had ways of dealing with those sorts of problems, too - and the Nangu don't have the manpower to get involved in a major war.

I foresee an interest amongst some enterprising Nangu in establishing an agricultural colony in Aururia's tropical regions, assuming that certain crops (coffee, nutmeg, vanilla, chocolate, etc.) can be grown there.

Hmm. That would require a rather fortunate combination of circumstances:
- the Nangu getting their hands on some of those foreign crops and people who know how to grow them
- the Nangu getting the idea of establishing cash crop plantations to become wealthy planters
- the Nangu finding enough forced or indentured labour to work those plantations

This isn't impossible, but it would require a considerable change in the Nangu mindset. The Nangu do grow some local goods (dyes and the like, mostly), but they mostly like other people to produce the goods and for them to act as middlemen in shipping them around.

So I suspect that it would only happen after the Nangu have had enough contact with Europeans to hear about things like sugar plantations and slave labour and the like. Even then, it would take a while to set things up.

It would let them avoid having to work through the Dutch to at least some degree, as the Dutch will be unamused at the idea of natives trading with them instead of the other way around. Of course, Dutch options to stop it are somewhat more limited, given that the wind and current patterns would make it difficult in the extreme to intercept Nangu traders at any point on the northern leg of their trip.

If the Nangu were doing that sort of trade, it would be hard for the Dutch to reach. North-eastern Queensland (the most likely place) isn't the easiest place for Dutch sailors to go, and the sailing routes (around north of New Guinea, probably) hard to intercept.

Of course, if the Dutch really wanted to cut in on the Nangu trade, I'm sure they could figure out a way to do it.

Liking this! :)

Merci.

I'm trying to find precedents for non-European nation responding to European explorations with explorations of its own.

Well, there were a limited number of peoples with the technological capacity to make a go of it. Most of those peoples who had that capacity were in Asia - India, SE Asia, China, Japan, and so forth - and mostly they already sailed (or were otherwise connected by trade) to the places that held trade goods they considered worth having (ie elsewhere in Asia). So there wasn't always that much motivation to go further afield.

As far as I know, only Japan (in the late 16th-early 17th century) did something similar to what the Nangu are trying to do in the LoRaG, but even then, the Japanese seafarers when they went to Malaya and Mindanao were following steps of Chinese traders (well-known to the Japanese), while the Nangu sailing to Java are obviously breaking completely new ground for themselves and all their civilization.

True, although nothing says that the Nangu are going to find Java on their first try, or even second or third try. And the Nangu also think that they have some assistance, in that they are planning on following the coast. That at least gives them a rough idea of where to head. :D

Closest analogue would be Japanese expedition to Mexico in 1614, but again, Date Masamune, Lord of Sendai had support of at least two educated Spaniards when building his galleon, while Werringi of the Wolalta will be trying to reach the Dutch colonies without any king of European technical advice.

True, but remember the Nangu have had their own technical advice which their ancestors put to good use. The Nangu learned much of their arts of seafaring from the Maori, who were drawing on a navigation tradition which took the Polynesians a third of the way around the globe. And one thing which the Polynesians were very good at was exploring to find (and settle) unknown lands. The Nangu are heirs to that tradition of exploration techniques.

All in all, I would say that he is taking very risky step which can well end with failure, but if he succeeds, it would be very good omen for the Nangu's future. Any nation which can trade with Europeans at their own bases (or even play interlopers' role between Europeans and their non-European subjects/clients) would be in much better bargaining position than 'normal' non-Western state contacting with the Western powers only when the latter appear near the former's shores.

Assuming that the Nangu aren't powerful enough to be seen as trading rivals, that is. This was a period when the Dutch tried to drive out all trading rivals in the Far East - other Europeans and Asian traders. The Nangu might be seen as rivals, too.

Yes, of course, they would be boiling with anger, but how much can they do?

The Dutch are not alone in the South-East Asia. The Iberians as well as the English are there too, and the Nangu can play different European powers against each other.

Well, as long as the European powers remain effective rivals, yes. The Nangu won't be in a position to contribute much to one side or the other. In OTL, the Dutch did a pretty good job of kicking the English out of the East Indies and confining the Portuguese to a few small portions. If the Dutch can do the same here, then the Nangu may lose their protectors.

The Nangu are two orders of magnitude weaker than the Dutch (population-wise, which together with lower level of development implies even larger gaps in military and economical might),

It's even worse than that in relative power, I think. The Nangu are about 50,000 people on one heavily-populated island, relying on food imports, and with perhaps 300,000 people in a loose economic hegemony (mostly on the *Eyre Peninsula). The technological gap is substantial, and there's the problem that Eurasian diseases will likely devastate the Nangu much more than Aururian diseases will affect the Dutch.

but almost all Dutch resources are in Europe while the Nangu could deploy almost all of their ships and sailors into trade/fight with the Raw Men (they'll certainly lose outright fight, but they could try piracy against the VOC with the Spanish/Portuguese backing, or against the Iberians with the VOC's backing, etc., trading in the process with the side they are allied at the moment and acquiring skills necessary to build ocean-going ships, guns, and so on).

The Nangu would need to acquire quite a lot of skills from the Spanish-Portuguese (or possibly the English) before they could even mount successful priacy, I think. It's not impossible, of course, but it's going to need quite a leap.

By no means the Nangu's success is guaranteed, but it is at least possible, because some of them are actively seeking ways to compete with the Europeans, while OTL non-Western states mostly traded with the West on its own terms.

Well, it'd be more accurate to say that non-Western states fought back where they could, but in the long run most of them were unsuccessful. It took a while, though - the Chinese did a very good job of keeping European ships out of their waters for a while, for instance.

If nothing else, I suspect that the Dutch might be impressed enough by Nangu maritime proficiency and daring to begin cooperating with them. In fact, I can see the Nangu ultimately emerging as powerful local allies and most favored partners of whichever European nation winds up dominant in the area.

Or the Dutch could decide that they pose a threat to their maritime dominance and resolve to destroy them. Could go either way, really.

Considering the amount of time and effort the Dutch will have just spent eradicating any Indian Ocean trade not carried in their ships, I'm betting on option B as the most likely response to a potential threat to their monopoly.

In the long run, I'd think option B is the most likely, too. In the short-term, though, the Dutch might find it advantageous to cooperate with the Nangu since there's the Atjuntja in the way. Direct trade between the two peoples would give the Dutch access to some potentially valuable goods - especially kunduri, sweet peppers and indigo - which might make it worth their while to work with the Nangu.

Of course, if the Atjuntja fall to the Dutch (whether directly or as a protectorate), then the VOC may rethink its relations.

But the Dutch are not alone. The "Pannidj" are there for a start, and at this point in OTL they were fine with the idea of teaching the Japanese how to build galleons and sail to Europe (providing they converted to Catholicism of course).

Quite true, and not just the Pannidj. There's also the Anglidj, and in the long run the Brentj and maybe even the Babarianj.

Maybe that will help, although as noted above, there aren't that many Nangu and there's a large technological gap to overcome if the Nangu want to fight the Dutch on nearly even terms.
 
Much of Palestine and Syria could be similarly greened (well, reddened and goldened, too) by Aururian crops, so if the Ottomans manage to make it work there, they would have a stronger temptation to try in Mesopotamia.
The thought also occurs that maybe the lesser tribes could be weakened one by one, and only al-Muntafiq might hold out after a while. Maybe the Ottomans could try something along those lines.
Palestine and Syria had, more or less, the same problem with the nomads. Another names (e.g., ash-Shammar instead of al-Muntafiq), but similar way of life, making sedenatary colonization next to impossible without armed force able to defeat mounted raiders. If the Ottomans made it in Syria, they would be able to make it in Iraq as well.

As for divide et impera policy - well, it works, but only if empire in question is able to beat at least some of the confederations hard enough to instill fear/respect into souls of yet-unconquered nomads.
There's also the possibility that the new crops could be made to work in areas of Mesopotamia which are just so damn dry that even the nomads didn't have much use for them - using irrigation from the Euphrates and the Tigris. I don't know enough about the geography and peoples of Mesopotamia to know whether that's possible, but if it is, that might make for interesting demographics in *Mesopotamia.
The nomads needed dry portions of semidesert/steppe for their winter pastures (winter is wet season in the MidEast, so even drylands are green enough at that season) and comparatively wet areas for their summer pastures (in summer, only those areas support enough vegetation to provide livestock with rough feed).

In driest districts (or during drought years in entire region) grass is so burned off in summer that only river valleys maintain enough moisture to feed the momads' herds (and even so, there was a great die-off in such years - not only of livestock, but of weaker humans too, because of hunger).

In drought, the nomads descended on valleys and competed for land with the sedentary agriculturalists (the latter were pressed enough by their own failing harvests, so a drought often meant war in the past).

In short, it means that almost all of Iraq, Syria and at least half of Palestine were needed to provide nomads with 'normal' pastures for good years and 'reserve' pastures near water bodies for bad years. There are very dry portions of these countries that, being unsuitable even for wet season pastures, could be suitable for Aururian crops with irrigation systems installed, but to install such huge systems one would need to throw into semideserts (which are situated between river valleys and lands proposed for irrigation agriculture) thousands, if not tens of thousands of workers, with necessary armed guard against the nomads, and feed them all for the duration of their work.

It'd be expensive; however, it could be less expensive than trying to defeat the nomads before coming of the 19th-century communication technology. And after all, those nomads were important part of the Ottoman cavalry. To defeat them could be counterproductive for ongoing contest with the Safawi Iranians.
Assuming that the Nangu aren't powerful enough to be seen as trading rivals, that is. This was a period when the Dutch tried to drive out all trading rivals in the Far East - other Europeans and Asian traders. The Nangu might be seen as rivals, too.

Well, as long as the European powers remain effective rivals, yes. The Nangu won't be in a position to contribute much to one side or the other. In OTL, the Dutch did a pretty good job of kicking the English out of the East Indies and confining the Portuguese to a few small portions. If the Dutch can do the same here, then the Nangu may lose their protectors.

The Nangu would need to acquire quite a lot of skills from the Spanish-Portuguese (or possibly the English) before they could even mount successful priacy, I think. It's not impossible, of course, but it's going to need quite a leap.
I see. The Nangu's chances to play different Western powers off against each other are slim, but these chances exist, nonetheless, at least for some time. At least they can try it, and even if they would lose at last, the great tradition of the merchant republic, cunning and fiercely independent, would live on, and future generations of colonized Aururians would remember that some of their ancestors were courageouos enough to compete with the VOC itself.
It's even worse than that in relative power, I think. The Nangu are about 50,000 people on one heavily-populated island, relying on food imports, and with perhaps 300,000 people in a loose economic hegemony (mostly on the *Eyre Peninsula). The technological gap is substantial, and there's the problem that Eurasian diseases will likely devastate the Nangu much more than Aururian diseases will affect the Dutch.
And their continental hegemony is their weakness. The Europeans may ally with Yadji or Tjibarr, promising their Aururian federates the *Eyre Peninsula in exchange for soldiers to help to conquer the Island itself. I guess that landing of several thousand of the Yadji/Tjibarr warriors onto the Island would be completely possible for the VOC or its rivals, and completely devastating for the Nangu, and their clients on the Peninsula would acknowledge new overlordship as soon as the Island falls.
Or it could be done with more technical problems, but less political obligations, as you propose:
Of course, if the Atjuntja fall to the Dutch (whether directly or as a protectorate), then the VOC may rethink its relations.
In any case, the Nangu would be destroyed (and any Aururian power taking part in that destruction would be robbed of its new possessions as soon as their European 'allies' become thick on the ground).

Well, it'd be more accurate to say that non-Western states fought back where they could, but in the long run most of them were unsuccessful. It took a while, though - the Chinese did a very good job of keeping European ships out of their waters for a while, for instance.
Of course, but even the Chinese didn't try to trade with the Europeans in India, or, better still, in Europe itself.
 
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The other possibility is that the Dutch may want to contribute to Herr Vasa's expeditionary fund. They do have a rather larger pile of funds available than they had in OTL, and while I doubt that they would get directly involved in the *30 Years War, they are still at war with the Spanish...
The Dutch could support Sweden financially, but not too much. Historically they supported the weaker side in the Danish-Swedish conflicts during this era to ensure low tolls in the Sond. The Dutch thus, want to prevent the Swedish from becoming too strong.

This also has an effect on Swedish settlements in the New World. The Netherlands in the 17th century can always afford a much stronger fleet in the Americas than Sweden, so in case of war, the Swedish colonies are gone. (as per OTL)
 
Palestine and Syria had, more or less, the same problem with the nomads. Another names (e.g., ash-Shammar instead of al-Muntafiq), but similar way of life, making sedenatary colonization next to impossible without armed force able to defeat mounted raiders. If the Ottomans made it in Syria, they would be able to make it in Iraq as well.

Hmm. So even Syria & Palestine would be difficult, but perhaps could be done on a smaller scale than would be needed for Iraq? In other words, are the nomads distinct enough that the Ottomans could put enough armed force on the ground to defeat the ash-Shammar (or other groups) in Syria without al-Muntafiq joining in from Iraq?

In short, it means that almost all of Iraq, Syria and at least half of Palestine were needed to provide nomads with 'normal' pastures for good years and 'reserve' pastures near water bodies for bad years. There are very dry portions of these countries that, being unsuitable even for wet season pastures, could be suitable for Aururian crops with irrigation systems installed, but to install such huge systems one would need to throw into semideserts (which are situated between river valleys and lands proposed for irrigation agriculture) thousands, if not tens of thousands of workers, with necessary armed guard against the nomads, and feed them all for the duration of their work.

Thanks for the summary; I didn't know that much about the details of that period.

Thinking about all of it, hmm... it sounds like an undertaking which would technically be possible, if the Ottomans had someone with the vision and the political will to make it happen. Whether they would view it as a priority, or even worth contemplating, well, I still don't know enough about them.

I do think that in the long run, though, a greened Mesopotamia would be worth it for the Ottomans. Even if they lose the horse nomads, Mesopotamia has the potential to turn back into what it once was - an extremely wealthy, agriculturally productive province. That will rather help the Ottomans, I think.

Re: the Nangu

And their continental hegemony is their weakness. The Europeans may ally with Yadji or Tjibarr, promising their Aururian federates the *Eyre Peninsula in exchange for soldiers to help to conquer the Island itself. I guess that landing of several thousand of the Yadji/Tjibarr warriors onto the Island would be completely possible for the VOC or its rivals, and completely devastating for the Nangu, and their clients on the Peninsula would acknowledge new overlordship as soon as the Island falls.

Yes, the Nangu are under considerable threat from Europeans. Their wealth is legendary, and while their maritime near-monopoly has kept them safe so far, that is something which will be broken by the simple arrival of European ships. A few thousand Yadji or Tjibarr warriors would defeat the Nangu, if they were shipped there, or the Europeans could do it themselves, with more difficulty.

Of course, but even the Chinese didn't try to trade with the Europeans in India, or, better still, in Europe itself.

Quite, but then in many ways, there wasn't that much in Europe which the Chinese were interested in anyway, apart from gold and silver. Why sail that far when other people are willing to bring it to you? (And, IIRC, mercantilism wasn't highly regarded in China anyway).

Other peoples did trade widely, particularly across the Indian Ocean, but those peoples were not able to put up the same fight against European maritime technology, so they lost.

Overall, it's almost as if the peoples who had the capacity to trade with Europeans in Europe lacked the will, and those who had the will lacked the means. (Okay, I exaggerate slightly, but still...) The Nangu would fall under having the will to trade with Europeans almost anywhere. Whether they have the means, well, watch this space...

The Dutch could support Sweden financially, but not too much. Historically they supported the weaker side in the Danish-Swedish conflicts during this era to ensure low tolls in the Sond. The Dutch thus, want to prevent the Swedish from becoming too strong.

True, and things get even more interesting since there are other powers who have a firm interest in easy Baltic trade. England (later Britain), for instance, and even France to some degree.

So even if the Dutch did decide, for whatever reason, to support Sweden, then that might lead England and/or France to want to support Denmark - and if they did that, then Sweden wouldn't have a free hand in Germany since they'd be worried about the Danes. Curiouser and curiouser...

This also has an effect on Swedish settlements in the New World. The Netherlands in the 17th century can always afford a much stronger fleet in the Americas than Sweden, so in case of war, the Swedish colonies are gone. (as per OTL)

Unless Sweden has allies, and/or a very, very good defensive position.
 
In other words, are the nomads distinct enough that the Ottomans could put enough armed force on the ground to defeat the ash-Shammar (or other groups) in Syria without al-Muntafiq joining in from Iraq?
The answer is, as far as I know, "yes". The nomads were mostly Arabs, but shared language did not prevent them from hating each other. After all, they competed over better pastures during every drought.
Other peoples did trade widely, particularly across the Indian Ocean, but those peoples were not able to put up the same fight against European maritime technology, so they lost.
I read somewhere (maybe in Braudel's Material Civilization, Capitalism etc.) about Indian ships docking in British ports during the Napoleonic Wars. The British EIC was short of British ships and sailors because of French corsairs' activities, so they tried to use their Indian employees in the Atlantic. This practice was abandoned after strong protests among British shipowners, sailors and so on - their lobby in Parliament was strong enough to fight even the EIC's own lobby.
But obviously, it was a European company using Indians as paid labour. Before colonization, nobody in India tried to do something along these lines despite the fact that imaginary "Indian Imperial Company for Trade with Europe" would fetch far higher prices for its tea and cotton on European markets than was paid to Indians by various EICs, costs of voyages notwithstanding.
But of course, to do intercontinental commerce in the 17th or 18th century one needed to have armed ships or, better still, navy able to do the job of guarding convoys. Presumably, Indian merchants of early modern age had none of those preconditions (even the Portuguese were able to terrorize Indian and Arabian ships with relative impunity).
 
But obviously, it was a European company using Indians as paid labour. Before colonization, nobody in India tried to do something along these lines despite the fact that imaginary "Indian Imperial Company for Trade with Europe" would fetch far higher prices for its tea and cotton on European markets than was paid to Indians by various EICs, costs of voyages notwithstanding.
But of course, to do intercontinental commerce in the 17th or 18th century one needed to have armed ships or, better still, navy able to do the job of guarding convoys. Presumably, Indian merchants of early modern age had none of those preconditions (even the Portuguese were able to terrorize Indian and Arabian ships with relative impunity).

That's an interesting point, and there were definitely Indian merchants, so...hmm. Maybe it was linked to the ongoing Imperial formation/collapse at the time? I mean, the Mughals were formed in 1526 and were basically ongoing until the mid-1700s, at least. Maybe Indians found it more...pressing to engage in local power games rather than sail around? That plus not, apparently, being able to form an effective navy as you pointed out.
 
The answer is, as far as I know, "yes". The nomads were mostly Arabs, but shared language did not prevent them from hating each other. After all, they competed over better pastures during every drought.

Okay. This could make for some interesting Ottoman politics in Syria-Palestine, then. I'll need to look into this some more.

But obviously, it was a European company using Indians as paid labour. Before colonization, nobody in India tried to do something along these lines despite the fact that imaginary "Indian Imperial Company for Trade with Europe" would fetch far higher prices for its tea and cotton on European markets than was paid to Indians by various EICs, costs of voyages notwithstanding.
But of course, to do intercontinental commerce in the 17th or 18th century one needed to have armed ships or, better still, navy able to do the job of guarding convoys. Presumably, Indian merchants of early modern age had none of those preconditions (even the Portuguese were able to terrorize Indian and Arabian ships with relative impunity).

Looking at broader world history during this period, it looks as if there were three key ingredients needed for long-term success in intercontinental maritime commerce:

1) A driving motivation to make it worth going that far on risky voyages, especially during the early stages
2) A tradition of long-range exploration and blue-water navigation (or time to develop the same)
3) Sufficient naval military power to conduct intercontinental commerce despite opposition.

Europe had all three of those, in spades. The motivation came from the known profits in the Indies (once trade over the existing routes was restricted), which led to the development of blue-water navigation techniques, and in time to sufficient military naval power.

Of the other potential competitors, well, China had both 2) and 3) at various points (Zheng He, for instance), but lacked the motivation, since there weren't the same relative profits to interest them.

India didn't really have the motivation either during the key periods (fifteenth-seventeeth century), since they were only vaguely aware of Europe and didn't know about whether there were decent profits. The positions were asymmetrical, since Europe knew of the profits which could be made, and so had the motivation to explore; India didn't, at least until later. And by then, thanks to (3), couldn't really do much about it.

The Polynesians had 2) in spades, but lacked the population or economic base for meaningful intercontinental commerce. ATL, the Nangu have inherited the Polynesian tradition of long-range exploration and blue-water navigation, and have also developed 1) in their profit motive, too. Whether they will manage to develop 3) is another story entirely.

That's an interesting point, and there were definitely Indian merchants, so...hmm. Maybe it was linked to the ongoing Imperial formation/collapse at the time? I mean, the Mughals were formed in 1526 and were basically ongoing until the mid-1700s, at least. Maybe Indians found it more...pressing to engage in local power games rather than sail around? That plus not, apparently, being able to form an effective navy as you pointed out.

Local rivalries in India may have made some difference, but they weren't enough to stop Indian merchants being engaged in commerce across the Indian Ocean. I suspect that the lack of known profits meant that they didn't have the same motivation to explore further afield and learn the navigation routes to Europe - at least before European technology had advanced to the point where Indians were locked out of those markets anyway.
 
Lands of Red and Gold #31: The Lord’s Will
Lands of Red and Gold #31: The Lord’s Will

“You are to proceed to the southward in order to make discovery of the continent abovementioned [Aururia] until you arrive in the latitude of 40 degrees, unless you sooner fall in with it. But not having discovered it or any evident signs of it in that run, you are to proceed in search of it to the eastward between the latitude before mentioned and the latitude of 35 degrees until you discover it.”

- Instructions issued to William Baffin by the Directors of the East India Trading Company in July 1635, prior to his first expedition to Aururia

* * *

Summer, 29th Year of King of Kings Kepiuc Tjaanuc [December 1631-February 1632]
Milgawee (White City) [Albany, Western Australia]
Tiayal (the Middle Country) [western coast of Australia]

Water, water everywhere. Not plunging uncontrollably from the sky, or bubbling from the secret places beneath the earth, but flowing according to the desires and for the pleasures of men.

Or were these bearded Atjuntja truly men? Might they not be spirit beings who lived in the Dreamtime as much as in the present time?

Attapatta, chief of the Wurrukurr, could not decide the answer to those questions, much as he wondered. Before he had come to Milgawee, he had been confident that these Atjuntja were men like any others, even if possessed of different Dreamings [1].

The Atjuntja knew different skills than the desert-dwelling Wurrukurr [2], but they still had their limits. Or so it had seemed. He had been invited to some of their smaller cities, earlier in his life, and seen that the Atjuntja had different knowledge. The Atjuntja could work metals and make food grow from within the earth, but they did not know how to listen to the world around them and were almost incapable of hunting properly.

Now, though, he had seen Milgawee, the place of stone and water and boundless vegetation, and he could not decide whether these Atjuntja were truly men. The first time he had seen an Atjuntja city, he had called it a big place, but the local Atjuntja had just laughed. Now that he had seen the place they called the Centre of Time, he understood their reactions.

Here at Milgawee, it was as if the Dreamtime still endured, where the ancient spirit beings had never stopped their work of shaping the earth. Here walked men – or perhaps more-than-men – who had the powers to call forth stone and water according to their desires.

And they had welcomed him! The Wurrukurr came from a hotter and harsher land, where the sun burned brighter and water was life. Attapatta had guided his people through the challenges of that life, but he had never expected to be welcomed by spirit beings.

Attapatta had been given rooms in their palace to live, and gifts of iron and clothes made of linen. Those were marvellous enough. The Atjuntja had even called him one of the blessed, who was permitted to hear the voice of their great ruler, the Many-King [3] who commanded all of the spirits of this place.

Still, for all of these wonders, nothing matched the Garden. Here, the sounds of water were everywhere. Here was a truly sacred place created by the most powerful of Dreaming. Back in the hot lands of his home, the growth of plants was a rare, infrequent thing, in a land which had been baked red. In the Garden, though, water flowed everywhere, and the growth of plants was commanded entirely at the wishes of the Atjuntja.

Here, too, was where Attapatta had been invited to meet with Lerunna Mundi, the voice of the Many-King, to discuss whatever reason they had for inviting him to travel so far.

Lerunna said, “Your Wurrukurr people follow your lead, I know. How much do your neighbours heed your words?”

Attapatta frowned, trying to follow the import of the question. He said, “I am chief, not a... king. All of the Wurrukurr elders have a voice, and our people will listen to them. As for our neighbours, we talk with them, but no-one can command another people. They do as they wish in their country, as we do in ours.”

Lerunna said, “So long as you talk with them, that is enough for his exalted majesty’s wishes.”

“Of course we talk with them. A people should always heed their neighbours.”

Lerunna smiled. A normal expression if he was a man; perhaps the same held true for spirit beings. “His exalted majesty offers you gifts – iron knives and tools, linen and kunduri.”

“What does the Many-King want from us, that he offers such gifts?” Attapatta said. He knew that desire stirred in his voice; the gifts which he had already received were incredible.

“Your scouting, and your warning. His exalted majesty knows that the Wurrukurr know how to move through the red lands [desert] without being seen, when you need. He asks that you send word to our soldiers if you or your neighbours learn of ships coming from the sea.”

“Ships?” Attapatta said.

“The ships of the Raw Men, who come out of the sunset.”

“Ah,” Attapatta said. He had heard word of this from the Atjuntja near his homeland, although he had never seen a ship himself.

“There are two kinds of Raw Men. The Nedlandj [Dutch] are our sometimes friends. Tell us if they come. The other kind are called the Pannidj, and they are our enemies. Do not threaten them, for their weapons are powerful. But his exalted majesty wants to know if their ships come. If they try to build outposts in your country, send word to us, and his exalted majesty’s soldiers will capture the Pannidj for you.”

“If they are so powerful, we should be wary of their anger,” Attapatta said.

Lerunna said, “The Pannidj can be killed. His exalted majesty’s soldiers killed them when they attacked our friends the Nedlandj. But we will need your people to guide us. You know the red lands better than anyone, and you can bring our soldiers close to the Pannidj without being seen. If they come, we will defeat them.”

An easy proposition, as far as Attapatta was concerned. The risks lay with the Atjuntja, not with his own people. “It is agreed,” he said.

* * *

From: The United East India Company: Reflections on the Golden Age”
By Alexander Boniface

The first decade of the Company’s deeds in Aururia was shaped by priorities set elsewhere in the world. Company merchants acquired Atjuntja gold and sandalwood as an excellent source of wealth, but they spent the profits of that trade elsewhere.

During the tenure of Governor-General Coen, the Company’s efforts in the Far East were focused on building up an inter-Asian trading network whose profits would supply the spice trade to Europe. Aururian gold provided the capital to finance this trading expansion, but for the first ten years, Aururia itself formed only an isolated outpost on that trading network.

In particular, under Coen’s leadership the Company did not seek to become deeply involved with the Atjuntja. Despite the consternation caused in Europe by accounts of Atjuntja religious practices – often exaggerated, but the reality was bad enough – or the frustration of Atjuntja trading restrictions, Coen did not wish any disruption to such a valuable source of gold.

So for the first few years, the Company simply traded with the Atjuntja and complied with most of their restrictions. Where convenience allowed and the risk was low, the Company did ignore their treaty obligations, such as by sending ships to explore further east in Aururia. Blatant interference, however, remained forbidden...

A variety of factors combined to change the course of the Company’s involvement in Aururia. With the passing of Jan Coen in July 1631, the prime focus was no longer building up inter-Asian shipping; a task which had in any case been largely completed by that time. His successor Hendrik Brouwer, had a much greater interest in exploration of new markets and trade goods.

Aururia offered an inviting temptation for renewed exploration. François Thijssen’s voyage [in 1626-27] had offered tantalising hints of the potential new markets which could be found there. Action on these hints had been delayed by Coen’s Asian focus, and the chaos caused in Europe by the first sweating sleep [Marnitja] epidemic meant that no-one in the Netherlands had overruled him. With Coen gone and the situation in Europe stabilising, further exploration of Aururia became a much higher priority.

Concerns about the security of their Aururian outposts also became an increasing source of friction between the Company and the Atjuntja. The Spanish raid on Fort Nassau in 1631 exacerbated these underlying tensions, since the Company now wished to fortify and garrison their outposts properly, but the Atjuntja administrators refused to allow fortifications.

The infamous demand of the Atjuntja governor Namaidera [Namai Urdera] for Dutch sacrificial victims has been much-cited as bringing about the collision between Company and Atjuntja interests, but in truth this was but one symptom of an underlying conflict. Eurasian diseases and rats were causing increasing problems in Tiayal, and the flood of Old World trade goods caused economic disruption amongst the local aristocracy.

With such growing sources of friction, it was inevitable that the Company would need to take more active involvement in Aururia. The critical moment came in 1632, in the aftermath of a new wave of disease, when the first epidemic of chickenpox swept across Tiayal...

* * *

The man called Nyumbin would become one of the most disputed figures in accounts of Aururian history, and indeed across the world. Over the centuries, a plethora of writers, historians, social activists, nationalists, revolutionaries and other figures would depict their own views of Nyumbin. Many would cite him as inspiration for their own deeds, many would condemn his actions, while a few offered a more nuanced view of his life and deeds.

To some, Nyumbin would be seen as the first great Aururian patriot, a cultural hero who offered the first resistance to foreign influence. Others would see him merely as a nationalistic rebel, fighting for the Inayaki people against the Atjuntja, while being totally ignorant of the wider clash between Europeans and Aururians. Still others would view him as simply an aristocratic opportunist, who sought to take advantage of the arrival of the Dutch to obtain greater personal wealth and power by replacing Atjuntja rule with his own.

In time, Nyumbin would be viewed by some as a bloodthirsty would-be tyrant who sought to oppress everyone. Some would see him as a traitor whose rebellion allowed the Dutch to impose control over the Atjuntja. Others would see him as an avatar of the Lord, sent to bring bloodshed and chaos into the mortal realms. A few more controversial historians would see him as demonstrating the first stirring of class-consciousness in Aururia.

In the welter of accounts, the truth about Nyumbin is almost impossible to discern. Still, some facts are relatively undisputed. Nyumbin was born into one of the old Inayaki noble families. As was so often the case, his family had been partially assimilated into the Atjuntja hierarchy, and were recognised as noble, but they preserved their own language and something of a separate sense of culture.

Of the man’s appearance and characters, the tales naturally vary, but through all accounts, some features are often highlighted. Nyumbin was a man of dark skin even by the standards of Tiayal, with the black hair that was so expected of Atjuntja nobility, but rarer amongst their subject peoples such as the Inayaki. He is reliably reported as a man who kept himself in prime physical condition: tall, well-muscled, flexible, and an expert with sword or spear.

One seemingly minor point about his appearance will cause endless acrimony amongst scholars and in popular culture. Some descriptions of Nyumbin assert that he never wore the full beard so heavily associated with Atjuntja nobility, that he had always kept himself clean-shaven to distinguish himself from the Atjuntja overlords. Other descriptions claim that he had worn a full beard to fit with Atjuntja expectations – as did most of the other semi-assimilated nobility in the subject peoples – and that he only shaved his beard when he began his great rebellion. The point matters greatly to those who view him as a lifelong patriot and nationalist, or to those who see him as a mere opportunist, but it will never be truly settled.

Whatever else Nyumbin may have been, he was certainly a gifted military tactician and a charismatic leader. Even hostile accounts of his life usually agree that he was a man of immense personal presence and charm, with an extremely persuasive way of speaking. His military talents were demonstrated first when he acted for the Atjuntja to lead raids against eastern desert peoples who had started to impinge into farming lands during times of drought [4]. In time, they would be demonstrated when he acted against the Atjuntja.

Nyumbin’s deeds were ostensibly triggered by the passage of the chickenpox epidemic which swept through Tiayal in 1632 and claimed the life of the King of Kings, Kepiuc Tjaanuc. Certainly, he must have had some motivations which had been building for longer than that, but which of these reasons is seen as his true motivation depends on which later figure is offering an account of his life.

It is known that Nyumbin had some resentment of the main Atjuntja noble merchants who came from the White City to trade with the Dutch at Fort Nassau. The Atjuntja aristocracy controlled the supply of gold which was the most valuable good to trade with the Dutch. Nyumbin and the other non-Atjuntja nobles had to trade using lesser goods such as sandalwood and sweet peppers, and it was a source of offence that he was not treated as being as good as an Atjuntja noble.

Nyumbin may also have had a personal hatred of the local Atjuntja governor, Namai Urdera. Many stories will describe quarrels between the two. Some of those are undoubted later embellishments, but it is known that Nyumbin did not have a good opinion of the Atjuntja governor.

Whatever his reasons, Nyumbin would lead the greatest rebellion which had been seen in Tiayal since the earliest days of the Atjuntja empire.

Nyumbin launched his rebellion in May 1632. He acted two weeks after word came of the death of the King of Kings, when the Atjuntja governors had gone to the capital to attend his funeral, and before the kings [5] in the White City could decide which of the many sons of Kepiuc Tjaanuc most deserved the imperial dignity. Whether by intelligence or good fortune, his timing was impeccable. Late May marked the start of the campaigning season, when workers had finished the harvests and would normally be called to serve on labour drafts for the next three months [6].

Nyumbin called on these workers to fight instead, in the name of the Inayaki and the Djarwari peoples. He found plenty of volunteer militia to supplement his own personal troops. He put his rebel troops to immediate use, gathering them around the garrison-city of Archers Nest and storming it using a combination of surprise and well-crafted ladders. The captured Atjuntja, both soldiers and non-combatants, were massacred, except for a few of noble blood who were kept as hostages. The Dutch at Fort Nassau maintained a wary neutrality, and he ignored them as posing no threat.

Following this success, Nyumbin marched east to capture the major garrison-city of Verdant Valley [7]. In the absence of the governor, who perhaps would have been more judicious, the local military commander decided to engage Nyumbin’s numerically superior forces outside the city’s walls, rather than settling into a defensive siege.

The Atjuntja commander trusted his troops’ discipline and superior armour to carry the day, but Nyumbin relied on a tactic he had learned when desert hunter-gatherers used against him: feigned retreat. He used his best-trained personal troops to stage an apparent retreat, and then others hit the pursuing Atjuntja in the flank. The Atjuntja army broke and fled the field, leaving Nyumbin’s forces to occupy Verdant Valley, where he conducted a similar massacre of all Atjuntja within its walls.

In the space of two weeks, Nyumbin had captured two Atjuntja garrison-cities, when even capturing one had been a rare feat in previous rebellions. These triumphs attracted a flood of support for Nyumbin’s cause both from peasants and other non-Atjuntja nobles.

Nyumbin sent some of his newly-raised troops east to capture the next major garrison-city of Spear Mountain, although that venture simply resulted in a long siege which would eventually be abandoned when word reached the besiegers of events elsewhere. However, the presence of those troops meant that the Atjuntja dominions were now cut in half, since the rebels controlled all of the major roads north.

Leaving his eastern forces to continue the siege of Spear Mountain, Nyumbin marched northwest to the next major northern garrison-city, Lobster Waters. The commander here had the good sense to avoid battle too, with his troops defending the walls instead. However, they were betrayed from within, thanks to some local Inayaki servants who opened one of the smaller gates during the night, allowing the rebels into the city. This time, Nyumbin ordered only the soldiers killed, and spared the non-combatant Atjuntja to act as hostages, too.

Nyumbin’s triple success at capturing garrison-cities and victories in the open field naturally provoked terror in the White City. No rebel leader before had been so successful. However, the capture of Lobster Waters did not give the same boost to Nyumbin’s cause as his previous victories. He had already attracted most of the available support from the Inayaki and Djarawari subject peoples. The Binyin people who lived further north were much less inclined to support him, thanks to a legacy of old hatreds and fear that they would simply be replacing Atjuntja dominion with Inayaki overlordship.

Without additional support, Nyumbin was forced to return south to prepare for any Atjuntja counter-attacks. While he had gained control of considerable territory, the bulk of the Atjuntja armies were further south and east, in their old heartland. They did not march quickly to oppose him, but their threat remained significant.

With his return to Archers Nest, Nyumbin had three choices. He could march south to try to capture the next coastal garrison-city of Corram Yibbal, although a siege risked becoming bogged down. He could go east to Verdant Valley and then take the major road to the White City, which was sure to bring about battle with the main Atjuntja armies. Or he could remain where he was, consolidate his control over his territory, and stage some meaningless negotiations with the Atjuntja while he tried to train and equip his soldiers up to Atjuntja standards.

In the end, Nyumbin chose a middle course, opening negotiations with the Atjuntja over the possibility of recognition of his conquests, while he sent a portion of his forces south to besiege Corram Yibbal. The Atjuntja nobility sent representatives to conduct a pretence of discussing terms, but neither side treated these negotiations as anything other than a delaying tactic. The Atjuntja rarely bargained with rebels – and then only when they could find religious justification – but they welcomed the chance for a truce while they settled their own arguments about who should become the next King of Kings.

The rebels and imperial forces clashed several times while these negotiations were taking place, but Nyumbin himself did not take the field until early in 1633, when he apparently felt confident enough to march on the White City. There were Atjuntja forts along the way, each of which would take some time to capture.

Nyumbin never reached the White City. While he was besieging the third Atjuntja fort on the road there, he received word of disaster in his rear. Atjuntja troops had landed by sea, supported by men armed with strange thunder-weapons [ie cannon] that broke men and stone with equal ease. Archers Nest and Verdant Valley were quickly recaptured by imperial troops, destroying his supply lines.

Nyumbin was forced to withdraw back toward Verdant Valley, only to be caught between imperial forces advancing from both directions. He accepted battle against the odds, and his rebels were systematically cut to pieces by Atjuntja soldiers. Nyumbin himself died in battle, preferring that fate to capture. His last words, according to most accounts, were to curse the Raw Men whose ships and thunder had brought about his failure.

* * *

From: The United East India Company: Reflections on the Golden Age”
By Alexander Boniface

In the aftermath of Nyumbin’s rebellion, the Company was quick to collect on the debt owed by the Atjuntja government. They were granted permission to establish a third trading outpost, which would later become Coenstad [Esperance, Western Australia]. All restrictions on fortifying and garrisoning their outposts were lifted. The Company obtained the right to sail east of Tiayal, although this was merely acknowledgement of a practice which had already begun.

Further concessions followed, inevitably. Ostensibly little had changed after Nyumbin’s rebellion, since there was again an undisputed King of Kings ruling over Tiayal. In truth, the Company had been handed a wedge which it was quick to apply. The efficiency of Dutch shipping had been demonstrated, and the Atjuntja nobles continued to clamour for unrestricted trade.

With those advantages, it took only a handful of years for the Company to demand unrestricted trade access, with the right to visit any Atjuntja port and trade in any goods they desired. For the Atjuntja monarchy, this had short-term benefits, since it placated an increasingly unruly aristocracy. In the long-term, though, it would benefit only the Company, since it disrupted the previous land-based Atjuntja internal trade networks, and destroyed the careful control of resource production which had been maintained by the King of Kings...

* * *

Third Harvest Season, 1st Year of King of Kings Manyal Tjaanuc [April 1633]
Milgawee (White City) [Albany, Western Australia]
Tiayal (the Middle Country) [western coast of Australia]

Silence around him, at least as far as sounds carry to his ears. Namai Urdera lies in the centre of the public arena of the House of Pain, with twenty thousand people watching him, but he hears no noise save for a faint whispering on the breeze.

He has been placed on a raised wooden platform, his wrists and ankles chained to four stakes. There is not much spare movement in the chains; his arms and legs are both spread wide. He has been left only a loincloth to wear, although he does his best to bear himself with dignity. His beard and head have been shaved, silent testament to the fact that this is no ordinary sacrifice.

It is an execution.

Namai has been condemned for failing to secure sacrifices from the Nedlandj, and for failing to prevent the rebellion of that infuriating man Nyumbin. He did volunteer to be sacrificed to the death, but that does not erase the condemnation. The King of Kings’ blessing has been withdrawn; Namai is no longer permitted to hear his voice or speak directly to him.

Namai would not argue with the new King of Kings’ decision, even if he could. The Lord has been greatly angered, with what He has inflicted on the Atjuntja; only blood can answer the call. Namai does think, though, that his sacrifice will not be enough. Given the magnitude of the disasters, only royal blood can appease the Lord. The new King of Kings has about fifty surviving brothers. One or more of them must be sacrificed to the death.

A shadow passes above him. The Appeaser is ready. No words are spoken, for none are needed.

Namai does not know exactly what is coming, since every Appeaser has his own methods. He knows enough, though, after watching countless sacrifices, and now he will become one.

The first cut is faint, oh so faint. Barely a touch of the knife. The second is slightly deeper, on the other side. The third cut is shallow, too, as far as he can tell.

Something burns against him, the feel of hot metal. Air escapes his lips, but he does not scream. He will hold out against that for as long as possible. The more resilience he can show, the more that the Lord will be appeased.

The Appeaser continues his work, slowly increasing the intensity of his efforts. Most of the cuts are shallow, and quickly burned afterward, to prevent too much blood loss. Namai knows this technique, too; he has witnessed it often enough.

He blocks out the suffering as best he can, even when he feels the first of his fingers severed. Worse follows, but he tries to find a place inside himself. The pain becomes background to him, changing in form, slowly growing.

It seems to Namai that the sky is slowly turning from blue to white. Intense white light, shining down on him. He knows what the Appeaser is doing, but it is as if the knife is being thrust into someone else. The white light grows, surrounding everything, replacing everything.

Namai’s last thought, as the whiteness embraces him, is that no matter that the King of Kings has withdrawn his blessing, he has still been blessed, for he has been shown the colour of eternity.

* * *

[1] The beliefs which the Wurrukurr people possess are similar in many respects to those held by historical Aboriginal peoples, but differ in many of their details and interpretation. This is to represent the many changes which have arisen in *Australia.

[2] The Wurrukurr are a people who live north of the Atjuntja domains, along the coast near historical Carnarvon, Western Australia.

[3] This misinterpretation comes from the language of the Wurrukurr, who double many words to indicate plurals. When Attapatta hears a reference to the King of Kings, he interprets this to mean Many-King.

[4] The desert peoples Nyumbin fought against were inland dwellers of the eastern desert, and only distantly related to the northern coastal dwellers such as the Wuurukurr depicted in the first section.

[5] The “kings” amongst the Atjuntja are the heads of the thirteen greatest noble families, and who are formally responsible for naming the new King of Kings. Usually this is a formality, since the last monarch will have designated a successor, but Kepiuc Tjaanuc was better at encouraging competition amongst his sons than choosing one to be his heir.

[6] The military campaigning season in Aururia is usually in late autumn and winter (by southern hemisphere standards). The weather then is usually cooler, and the harvests have just been collected. This allows both the conscription of farmers as additional soldiers or labourers, and ensures the largest possible food supply to support the armies.

[7] Verdant Valley is the historical town of Northam, Western Australia. The general progress of Nyumbin’s campaign may also be easier to follow using the map of Tiayal shown here.

* * *

Thoughts?
 
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That last part was harrowing. Well done!

VOC just means Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie -> United East India Company.

In the years before 1602, about a dozen Dutch East India companies existed, but these mostly competed against eachother. After the English founded the EIC, Johan van Oldenbarnevelt, Land's Advocate of Holland, pursuaded the various companies to merge, resulting in the 'United' East India Company.
 
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That last part was harrowing. Well done!

VOC just means Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie -> United East India Company.

In the years before 1602, about a dozen Dutch East India companies existed, but these mostly competed against eachother. After the English founded the EIC, Johan van Oldenbarnevelt, Land's Advocate of Holland, pursuaded the various companies to merge, resulting in the 'United' East India Company.

Ah, thanks, Archdevil. I admit my limited knowledge on the VOC, so thanks for the info.
 
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