Canada Wank (YACW)

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No, not cheap. ~$10k / mile (for the Cumberland/National road) [the original estimate, and MAYBE the first few miles were $6k/mile], and only some 10 miles were done in each of the first couple of years of building that road. My intent was that one or two miles, partly to improve transport, partly as a foretaste of things to come happens on the worst bottleneck of the Albany/Oswego route. Most of that route is along the Hudson river, then Lake Oneida, then the Oswego river, IIRC, but there are a few rapids and falls and you have to get from one watershed to the other, so a little road improvement could go a long way in those particular places.

Base was like 7" stone, surface 2" stone, IIRC. Not exactly gravel. I believe they crushed rock, probably on site.
For comparision a rough dirt, winter road built with bulldozers today costs about $5k per km and a single lane gravel road starts at around $50k/km. Not sure how today's costs compare to two hundred years ago though.

All the reading I've done suggests that the Indians of the time, when liquored up - and even just in battle rage, were pretty uncontrollable and did many things that were considered atrocities by the French, the Brits, and the Americans. Butchering prisoners seems to have been common, as was taking scalps.
Part of the "uncontrollable" part of the equation was europeans thinking of native troops as european troops...not recognizing some of the cultural differences. If you can't take them prisoners then you kill them so that they don't come back to raid you next season. Also many native wars were much more personal than european conflicts where revenge played a large role and given the small size of first nations at this point, revenge for family. Also raids/wars were done for a purpose and if the purpose was to chase out the invaders....well why let them walk out.

Scalping happened alot on both sides. It's been romanticized as part of the native myth and was an important part for warriors to show proof of bravery but not all groups scalped. Either way it's not much different from European troops stealing rings (with fingers) or earings (with ears) from dead soldiers after a battle.

Also you have a force that tended to use either a club, an axe, or a knife in battle. On the plains they had lances and bows that were adapted but when you're fighting up close and personal like that it's a) bloody and b) much more chaotic than standing in rows firing guns. I can only imagine seeing a gunpower stained officer dealing with a bloodsoaked native war leader and how savage the descriptions are.

I don't know about rape, but my text was deliberately vague about who was doing that. The only thing that the Indians are specifically said to have started is the scalping, which I think is reasonable. This particular group of militia is mad, hates 'damned regicide republicans', is drunk to the gills, and wasn't terribly well disciplined to start out with. If you want to consider the worst (almost all?) of the rape and burning to be done by that group, that's entirely consistent with the original post.

However, even if that's true, the Americans aren't likely making fine distinctions, here. THey're probably going to blame 'those damn Injuns' as well as 'those damned English' or 'those damned Frogs' no matter who were guiltly of what.

Your point about the Indians being the first to drop unconscious with drink is a good one, and might mean that the group that arrives at the ambush is almost all militia. I did specifically say that the militia had taken to taking scalps.

Note that the only reference to torture was (I believe) the AMERICAN civilians, taking it out on their captives. Since some of the torturers were women who had just been raped, and others their husbands, fathers and brothers, well, I'm prepared to allow as how they might have felt they had a real excuse. Not to say some of THEM didn't wake up the next morning feeling remorse.
Okay...that makes more sense. When I first read it I got the impression of raping followed by killings en masse. The second part after the groups started to get spread out leading up to the ambush makes much more sense.


Can't imagine why there would be? While we are starting to get some 'British' soldiers freed up for service in Canada, they have mostly come from the Caribbean and Ireland, and not from the Peninsular wars, yet. Also, there are not many foreigners in the US at this point, the great wave of immigration starts (OTL) in the 1830's and REALLY starts flowing with the potato famine.
My mistake...was thinking that there would be more nuetrals in the conflict but then the brain fart passed and I remembered how large the Napolonic Wars were.


Actually, the Cherokee at this point are mostly trying to either keep their heads down, or actually assist the white americans. I think they've seen the writing on the wall, and know that they can't win a military conflict. At the moment, it's the Red Stick faction of the Creeks that are doing the fighting here. I suppose there are a few other nations involved, but mostly the Cherokee are, if anything, on the US side.
Ack...so much to learn about the US tribes and so little information to date found. Ah well..I'll keep asking stupid questions and get it all sorted out eventually.

Keep it up, lots of great work here.
foresterab
 
Indiana, summer/fall/winter of 1813

By the way, consider the early references to Joseph Brant in the earlier posts retconned to John Brant, his son.


[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]Indiana, (late) summer/fall/winter of 1813[/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]In August 1813, 1000 British soldiers (mostly regulars) with a scouting band of Indians have headed west from Fort Wayne across the portage to the Wabash. They descend the Wabash until they get to Fort Harrison to test its defences. The British weren't sure quite how well it would be defended or whether they could take it, as they had expected to find several hundred defenders there (which they could deal with), even up to a thousand (which they couldn't), as it was the US forward defence in Indiana, and it had received a 1200 man relief force during the Indian attacks the previous fall. As it happens, that force was Rangers (a mobile force), and it had left soon thereafter. While the fort's defenders were considerably increased from the 50 that had been there that fall, there are still only 200 men. When they see that they're outnumbered 5-1 they surrender with barely a shot fired. [/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]The British force then continues downstream to Vincennes and Fort Knox, where they attack the fort (undermanned, and under the command of Major Zachary Taylor). Taylor fights, but unlike the previous year, this is a) a much bigger force, b) is composed of disciplined regulars, and c) has some cannon. The fort is taken, and the surviving regulars taken prisoner. The British then give the townsfolk a day to leave, and then attack and burn the town. The civilian men try to fight, but they're facing regulars, and soon break and run. The Brits don't follow, but retreat back north, falling back on Fort Harrison, which is renamed Fort Liverpool. The entire 1000 man force stays in the area, as they know perfectly well that the US can send over 1000 men that far north, and cutting the garrison down too much would invite that attack. They do not try to keep Vincennes at this point because it's too far south, too long a supply line for them, too close to American population centres like Louisville KY, and there are too many American settlers in the area who would/could engage in the kind of guerilla tactics the British (or rather their Indian allies) are used to handing out, not receiving. While many people come back and resettle, some head south to 'civilization'. [/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]Speaking of guerilla tactics, once Fort Harrison/Fort Liverpool becomes a British base rather than an American one, Tecumseh and his people can use Harrison (as was) and Ft Wayne as bases to raid south. Most of southern Indiana is scoured clean of farms and small settlements, leaving only a few in the very south east (near Cincinnati), in the very south (near the Ohio river and Kentucky) and a knot in the Vincennes area. [/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]US rangers still sweep through southern Indiana and Illinois, but now that they've lost Fort Harrison, they have to stay rather further south than they used to roam. Thus Indian towns north of the Wabash are now much safer, and some Indians return to villages they had abandoned. Still, further south, the alternating raids of Rangers and Indians means that most of southern Indiana (and Illinois) are cleared of all inhabitants, both white and Indian.[/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]Once the battle on the Maumee in September happens, and the army retreats south to its line of blockhouses (soon to be forts) along the western border of Ohio, the forces out of Ohio pull back to a purely defensive posture for several months, and Tecumseh and company can roam at will right up to the Ohio state line until near the Ohio river. That line of forts does extend into Indiana at the very south end, to give some added protection to Cincinnati and the very nearest settlements in Dearborn county. [/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]Also, the Kentucky state government, seeing the essential collapse of US military power in Indiana, moves across the river, and builds several forts on the north side of the Ohio river in Indiana, partly to protect settlement there, and partly to be a forward defence of Kentucky. In particular, they send a force as far north as Vincennes, since the US regular army and local militia weren't able to hold it. They rebuild poor Fort Knox (the fourth fort of that name in the area) and set up a sizeable garrison. [/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]This is presents Kentucky with a bit of a problem, as most Kentucky militia sign up only for 3 months at a time, so for every 1000 men in garrisons, they need up to 5000 men over the course of a year. This partly is alleviated by Kentucky starting to institute Monroe's 'National Guard' (militia in for a year at once), but takes a while to make the transition. (And, in any case, there are fewer men who can make a one year commitment than can make a 3 month one.) They have a couple thousand men now committed in southern Indiana (forts and patrolling), and a couple of thousand more in Ohio. Note that while they were a bit stingy with men for the Maumee operation (only 500 men) – partly due to personalities/politics, partly due to the lousy plan - after the disaster, they raised another 1500 or so to help the Ohioans protect their border. So, with several thousand men now allocated on a permanent basis, this is a really heavy strain on the population of Kentucky, which isn't anywhere nearly as large as, say New York or Pennsylvania. So when the governors of Illinois and Missouri scream for extra troops, Kentucky can't do much to help. (Actually, they've been screaming for a while, and Kentucky did send some troops out during the summer, but when their 3 month term was up they came home, and no more were available.)[/FONT]​
 
Naval matters on Lake Champlain October/November 1813

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]Naval matters on Lake Champlain October/November 1813[/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]
[/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]With the coming of the fall (1813), Jonas Galusha is replaced as governor of Vermont by Martin Chittendon. However, Chittendon is a Federalist (where Galusha was a Republican), and thus is happy (OK, not exactly happy, but less unhappy) to continue the truce with the British. An informal arrangement is made whereby Vermont boats flying the old New England Pinetree flag will be considered neutral, while any boat flying only the US flag are liable to seizure. Similarly, the Vermonters won't harass any boat flying a British jack (Union jack or one of the ensigns). The British even return one small sloop so the Vermonters can patrol the lake for their own purposes (customs, or whatever). The British regularly inspect all boats on the lake, (partly to ensure that the flags flown are 'accurate'), and the Vermonters inspect any boat carrying the Pine Tree or US flags, and occasionally, and very politely, but firmly to establish a point, inspect a few boats flying a British flag. (This is not 'harassment', just 'inspection', and the Vermonters are VERY careful that it isn't harrasment!) The US would inspect all boats, too, but every naval vessel they send out (even a rowboat), the British capture (eventually), so they fairly quickly cease being serious about it.[/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]In October, the US starts to build a naval base at Whitehall, NY, at the very south end of Lake Champlain (south, actually, of Ticonderoga, which is where Lake Champlain meets Lake George). Since the river that Whitehall is on is the border between NY and VT, the British view this as an essential violation of their agreement with Vermont. Vermont points out that it's technically across the river in NY. The Brits say 'ya, right, and they never cross the river?' and just stare at the Vermont envoy. The envoy swallows really hard and returns to Montpelier. Vermont, then sends a very, VERY carefully worded note to Monroe, asking that the base be built elsewhere. Monroe, and the rest of the government are, to say the least, not happy, and refuse. The British ask Vermont what they're going to do about it? Vermont replies that the base is not on their land, that they have militia in place to prevent the US forces from using the Vermont side, and that they really have no control over what the US does in NY. Moreover, Vermont has agreed to a tacit non-aggression deal with the Brits, not any sort of alliance, nor have they seceded nor do they intend to secede from the US. The British are the ones not happy now, but they can see that if they push the matter Vermont will pull out of their agreement. [/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]By mid-November, the British realize that the US is going to build that base, and they have the option of doing nothing, or stopping it themselves. General Louis de Watteville gathers about 4500 men (about 2000 of whom short term militia, and about 500 his former regiment, newly arrived from Spain, with about 2000 regulars and long term militia), and set out with the entire British flotilla from Plattsburgh (now a British base), and sail down the lake. The US has about 2000 troops in town, and is starting to build up the base, but their fortifications aren't fully built yet. The British take the fort and the town, burning everything on the New York side. It is a rather unsatisfactory result for the Brits, as the defeated American troops just cross to the Vermont side, and escape without surrendering. On the other hand, the Americans find it a very unsatisfactory result, as the Vermonters insist (loudly) that they head back into NY, either here (which the US forces won't do at this point, with the Brits there), or further south (which the US forces agree too, grudgingly). Moreover, the Vermont militia keep the US forces away from the river, and won't let the US forces do anything about the British forces who are also proceeding upstream in boats, ravaging the NY side of the river. [/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]Once the British forces pull out, they head up to Fort Ticonderoga, take it, take the cannon mounted there, and burn the fort. Then they retreat back to Plattsburgh and prepare for winter. [Edit: while Ticonderoga was a long-established and solid fort, the British attackers outnumbered the defenders 4-1, so after some heavy fighting were able to take the fort.][/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]The Americans spend the winter rebuilding the base at Whitehall and Fort Ticonderoga, but it's slow work as the water routes are starting to freeze occasionally, but the snow and frost doesn't provide a reliable winter road for a month or more.[/FONT]​
 
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For comparision a rough dirt, winter road built with bulldozers today costs about $5k per km and a single lane gravel road starts at around $50k/km. Not sure how today's costs compare to two hundred years ago though.
Umm... The US federal budget was mostly military and interest on debt. Once you remove those items you have for e.g. 1812 and 1813 was $2 million. That includes civil servants, building, building roads, probably embassies, etc. So, ya, $10k is a LOT of money.

Part of the "uncontrollable" part of the equation was europeans thinking of native troops as european troops...not recognizing some of the cultural differences. If you can't take them prisoners then you kill them so that they don't come back to raid you next season. Also many native wars were much more personal than european conflicts where revenge played a large role and given the small size of first nations at this point, revenge for family. Also raids/wars were done for a purpose and if the purpose was to chase out the invaders....well why let them walk out.

Scalping happened alot on both sides. It's been romanticized as part of the native myth and was an important part for warriors to show proof of bravery but not all groups scalped. Either way it's not much different from European troops stealing rings (with fingers) or earings (with ears) from dead soldiers after a battle.
True, very true.

Keep it up, lots of great work here.
foresterab
thanks
 
Dathi

A bit surprised that the British were able to take the Whitehall base that easily as they don't that that much of a numerical edge and are performing what amounts to an amphibious assault. Especially given that the Americans should be expecting some attack. Although could be that the US forces are somewhat demoralised by this point?

Vermont is finding itself between the proverbial rock and hard place and

I won't be replying for a while as I'm on holiday for a fortnight:D, and web-free for that period.:( However looking forward to catching up when I get back.

Stevep
 
Dathi

A bit surprised that the British were able to take the Whitehall base that easily as they don't that that much of a numerical edge and are performing what amounts to an amphibious assault. Especially given that the Americans should be expecting some attack. Although could be that the US forces are somewhat demoralised by this point?

Vermont is finding itself between the proverbial rock and hard place and

I won't be replying for a while as I'm on holiday for a fortnight:D, and web-free for that period.:( However looking forward to catching up when I get back.

Stevep
I have the British forces ~3500, the US ones ~2000. I'm envisaging them landing off to the side, and mostly assaulting from land (with water based fire support). If that seems unlikely, let me know...

Again, I suspect Ticonderoga probably had 1000 or 1500 troops, against 3000+ British...

I am NOT a military geek/game player/whatever. I'm trying to apply stuff I've read (on this board, among others), and make it as plausible as possible. There's a GOOD reason my battles aren't detailed - I don't know enough to make them so.



Have fun on holidays!
 
Naval building race Lake Ontario - winter 1813/4

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]Naval building race Lake Ontario[/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]When Prevost hears of the major US ship building campaigns, he has a couple of reactions. Firstly, he discusses with Brock the possibility of attacking Oswego and the bases on Lakes Erie and Champlain and wiping out the US base there, like they had done with Sackett's Harbour. Brock is willing to try, and rather thinks they can pull the teeth of the new shipyards on Lakes Erie and Champlain, as they are brand new construction, not finished, and could be nipped in the bud. As for Oswego, the defences there have been massively upgraded, and thousands of soldiers poured in. He can't guarantee success. Moreover, due to the reasonable water connexion, even if they totally wiped out the whole town and burnt every building and naval supply, the US could simply rebuild, although, admittedly it could take some time, and by then the war in Europe, God willing, will be over and the British should be able to field as many troops in Canada as they want. So, yes, it might be worth it, but it won't be easy – or a no-brainer. OTOH, allowing the US to build a super warship, that could be a problem, all right. [Note that the US 74's were feared by the British. They thought that if a US 44 superfrigate like the Constitution was so very tough and could beat any frigate in the RN, what would a 74 be like!? As it happens, the 74's were top heavy and needed some years work before they became effective warships. Note, too, that because the US is laying a Ship of the Line down in Oswego before the faults of the 74's have been discovered, they go with the established design. OTL, later, when the faults of the 74's are clear, they tried building a brand new design, the 110 gun 'New Orleans' that was never finished because the war ended first.] [/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]The discuss the matter with Yeo (on the naval side) and decide to try to pull the Americans teeth at Whitehal on Lake Champlain [described above], and at Presqu'ile/Erie on Lake Erie. They also decide to probe the defences at Oswego, but they seem to be as tough as feared.[/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]The British already have plans for a full size Ship of the Line (the St Lawrence, 120 guns) to be built at Kingston, and the US building plans cause that keel laying of that ship to be moved up. [OTL, she was started in April and launched in September, fully fitted out in October.] So her keel is now laid in January of 1814. Similarly, he orders the Princess Charlotte (a 42 gun frigate) built in the fall at Kingston, the Prince Regent (56 gun frigate) started in York, and the Duke of York (a 42 gun frigate) built at Amherstburg (note that the decision is made early enough that getting guns and supplies across the lake for the winter construction is not a problem this year). [/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]Still, at break-up, the US has the Superior and the Mohawk, both larger than anything the Brits have, but only two ships, so they are massively outgunned, so the Americans wait. By May 1, the USS Seneca, the HMS Prince Regent and HMS Princess Charlotte are launched, leaving the US even more outgunned. Again, they don't dare leave harbour, especially since the British keep several of their larger ships blockading Oswego, so that the US is always outgunned (even if it takes 4-5 ships to out gun the US 3). Finally, on 10 June the USS Victory is launched, upending the balance of forces. By 25 June, the US has the Victory finished and armed, and the US fleet heads out into the lake to reap the expected victory for which the ship was named. Both sides believe that the US has a decisive advantage now, if only temporarily, and the Americans seize the initiative boldly. Prevost wants the British fleet to retreat to Kingston, ceding control over the lake to the US, as this would be safest, and they could regain control when the St. Lawrence was launched and armed. The Yeo and his captains disagree, and supported by Brock, get Prevost to back down. They argue that, while the British are outgunned, they have had the freedom of the lake and have practised manoeuvres and gunnery, which the US couldn't do in the confines of Oswego harbour. The British hope that superior RN seamanship and élan can at least do serious damage to the US fleet. They do, however, agree to be prepared to flee if the US force turns out to be stronger than expected, or when heavier damage is being done to the British ships. Thus, the British assemble all their forces and bring them to battle. [/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]As it happens, when the American fleet does come out and engages, the Brits, to their pleasure discover that the new American frigates aren't as heavy as feared, and no match for the new British frigates, while the USS Victory is so top-heavy and unwieldy that she can hardly manoeuvre, let alone fight. The lack of experience of the American sailors on their new ships also tells, and thus it is, indeed, the Brits who carry the day. [/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]The Victory, while manoeuvring, tilts and several canons lose their mooring slide down slope increasing the tilt, so the lower gunports start shipping water. Quick action on the part of the American captain rights her, but in the meantime the British got a couple of broadsides into her exposed bottom, so when she rights, it just adds to the problem. Had he had time, the captain could have fothered the holes with a sail dragged around the bottom, but they are in the midst of a battle. The Victory goes down, the Seneca is taken prize, and the Superior and Mohawk flee back to Oswego with heavy damage. [/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]The Earl of Moira is sunk, and several of the surviving British ships are also heavily wounded, and have to limp back to Kingston or York for repairs. However, Lake Ontario is now definitely under British control, and will obviously stay that way, as the British have demonstrated that they can outbuild the US on the lake. The US isn't totally convinced until the HMS St. Lawrence sails by Oswego and they realize just what size of vessel the British have built. (They had expected something about the size of the Victory (a third rate, say), not a full sized first rate. [note that the St. Lawrence was bigger than Nelson's Victory.][/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]As for Erie (as the Presqu'ile base is now called), the Brits burn much of the base that's at the water's edge in the late fall, but the US had built some inland fortifications, precisely in case of an amphibious descent. So, more soldiers pour out of the inland forts before the British are finished, and drive them off. There is a lot of damage, but when the US rebuilds it over the winter, they don't have to start from scratch. They manage to lay down 2 frigates, the Cayuga and the Tuscarora, which are finished in early May. However, they need to cross the bar (across the harbour entrance) empty (in particular, with no guns), and when they try, the small British fleet catches them defenceless and destroys them both. [/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]Thus the end result of all the frenzied building (on the US side) is some useful infrastructure – but no visible chance at regaining naval control of any of the lakes. Some more building happens in each of the harbours, especially adding fortifications against land assault, but the US largely gives up on trying to regain control of the lakes. (Although, she does leave herself the option of pushing harder on the building projects if the war should take a different turn (oh, like a tornado hitting Kingston with the fleet was in port). )[/FONT]​
 
I have the British forces ~3500, the US ones ~2000. I'm envisaging them landing off to the side, and mostly assaulting from land (with water based fire support). If that seems unlikely, let me know...

Again, I suspect Ticonderoga probably had 1000 or 1500 troops, against 3000+ British...

I am NOT a military geek/game player/whatever. I'm trying to apply stuff I've read (on this board, among others), and make it as plausible as possible. There's a GOOD reason my battles aren't detailed - I don't know enough to make them so.



Have fun on holidays!

I've got suspension of disbelief and can accept the outcomes of these battles, and I understand the rough endstate required for this war.

But can you tell me a little about the state of the Ticonderoga fortifications and garrison in this TL? Three to one's the ratio I think of for an assault having at least even odds against a supplied, fortified garrison. It sounds like they were a pushover.
 
I've got suspension of disbelief and can accept the outcomes of these battles, and I understand the rough endstate required for this war.

But can you tell me a little about the state of the Ticonderoga fortifications and garrison in this TL? Three to one's the ratio I think of for an assault having at least even odds against a supplied, fortified garrison. It sounds like they were a pushover.
If you have to suspend disbelief, I'm doing something wrong!:)

Nothing I've read tells me anything about Fort Ticonderoga in 1812. It was important in previous wars, certainly. War ships were built (in the ARW?) at Whitehall, so that's where I'm having the US put their naval base. They can't do everything at once, so I suspect that (by far) the larger force would have been there, not at Ticonderoga. So... I doubt they'd have much more than (as much as?) 1000 men at Ticonderoga, and if the Brits have 3000 effectives from a force originally some 3500, then they should be able to take Ticonderoga, IMO....

OTOH, you're the second person who's worried that that 3000+ figure I proposed is too small. Let me look at it.

OK, let's retcon it to a thousand more - ~4.5k instead of 3.5k... Ya, we can do that. Especially if Montreal and Plattsburgh garrisons are drawn right down....

Would that work?

I've upped those numbers, and added a line about the fighting:
[FONT=Arial, sans-serif][Edit: while Ticonderoga was a long-established and solid fort, the British attackers outnumbered the defenders 4-1, so after some heavy fighting were able to take the fort.][/FONT]
 
Addendum to the Lake Champlain campaign.

The post by Brasidas and a PM from him made me go back and look at force ratios involved in 1812 era fighting. I agree that my initial numbers were too low (hence the retcon mentioned a few posts back), and my description of the taking of Ticonderoga was a bit too cavalier. So... an expansion:


Addendum to the Lake Champlain campaign.

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]ATL's future historians have wildly varying opinions of de Watteville's attack on Fort Ticonderoga, ranging from necessary, through appropriate, to a total waste of resources. [/FONT]​
[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]There are several thing that are certain. The fact that the defenders at Whitehall were a) partly newly raised and not yet well trained militia, and b) were concentrating on building the ship yard and defences, rather than on training and fighting, meant that, when attacked, some units broke easily, which led to the defeat of the whole force (although it mostly retreated in good order). This easy victory gave de Watteville an erroneously poor view of the American fighting prowess. Similarly, the fact that the Vermont militia kept the regrouped US forces off the Brits' backs mean that the British raids on the New York side were rather more successful than they might have been. With small groups heading upstream and then fanning out, they could have invited defeat in detail. [/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]It is also certain that de Watteville did not have clear instructions to take Ticonderoga, although it was arguably within the general instructions to clear out the American forces from the south end of the lake. It rather seems as if he took measure of his troops, and as he still had some 4000 effectives (of an initial force of 4500), tdecided hat it was worth an attempt.[/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]Also, the casualties incurred on the British side, some 1000 from that fight, matched the entire force inside the walls of the fort. (This is in addition, of course, to the 500 at Whitehall). The British forces would miss men later that winter. Now, it is true that more British forces were coming in the spring, and many of the 1500 would have recovered enough to fight again by then. And it is also true that there was no known operation that failed or was cancelled because of the lack of those men, but, on the other had, it is also true that their lack did worry Brock and Prevost.[/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]Some historians claim that the taking of Fort Ticonderoga accomplished absolutely nothing in the long run – it was not actually threatening the British control of Lake Champlain (unlike the shipyards being constructed at Whitehall – a disputed statement), and the Americans were able to rebuild and reman it over the course of the winter (true).[/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]Others claim that taking the fort was the only military option thinkable at the time, that it removed a threat to the British control of the lake (disputed), that the cannon so expensively supplied to the fort were a grievous burden on the US to replace, and a welcome addition to the British forces (true), and that removing the fort opened the way to being able to eventually attack Albany (although there were neither plans made nor forces available at the time, and by the time such resources were available, the fort was rebuilt).[/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]Others take the middle view that, while costly, it was worth the risk. Recently a school of thought has arisen that the primary benefit to the British of these various shipyard raids was the economic strain that building and rebuilding these bases added to the US economy, resulting in its collapse. [This is in a similar vein to OTL's claims that Reagan's military spending is what caused the USSR to collapse. The OTL argument is stronger, because the USSR DID collapse completely, whereas TTL's US 'collapse' was not total nor final. More on economics later.][/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]It can also be stated that de Watteville's casualties would have been much higher if the fort's complement was up to full strength, or if they hadn't been low on ammunition (the supplies were mostly going to Whitehall, as the US had somewhat limited resources). [/FONT]​
 
US finances.


US finances.


[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]First, a couple of notes to explain the economics of that time, which were very different from today's. [/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]The term: “specie” is monetary metal – gold or silver. In those days, gold and silver were perceived to BE money, not just a medium of exchange. Bank notes were, in general, were accepted only to the extent that they could be redeemed for specie. Note, too, that there is no such thing as a US dollar bill. It wasn't until the Civil War that the US issued 'greenbacks'. Bank notes were issued by individual banks, and backed by the specie reserves that each bank (supposedly) held. Unfortunately, there was no government authority to check on bank capitalization. To some extent, that supervisory function was vested in the Bank of the United States (which doesn't exist for most of the war).[/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]Another strangeness is that the Bank of the United States (and even the Bank of England, at the time) were PRIVATE banks. They took deposits (from anyone) and made loans (to anyone). But at the same time they had quasi-national functions, they stored national reserves, they regulated other banks, etc. American readers, just imagine if OTL's Bank of America got to check out e.g. Citibanks books and had the powers of the Fed, while still competing commercially with Citibank. For Canadian readers, imagine RBC or BoM having the same powers over CIBC and TD. For British readers imagine the Royal Bank of Scotland having that role – which is actually particularly apt given the state it's in...[/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]Back to the story. [/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]US finances were in a perilous state at the start of the war. [/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]Several years before the war, they had been in much better shape. Gallatin as Secretary of the Treasury under Jefferson and then Madison, had managed to pay down the national debt considerably and even build up reserves – in 1807, he thought they'd have $11 million in reserves in 1808, enough to run a war for a year. (I'm not sure precisely what the 'reserves' were, as the debt wasn't extinguished, but that's how they calculated it.) However, those Republican administrations had also succeeded in doing away with some of the Federal legacies of Washington and Adams, including all internal taxes, and every time Gallatin tried to get Congress to raise customs duties or other fund, they refused. Similarly, when the charter of the Bank of the United States came up for renewal in 1811, they let it lapse. Among other things, this meant that $7 million in capital (specie) had to be returned to bank investors outside the country. Moreover, with the war in Europe interfering with commerce, the customs revenues dropped, which were almost the only source of Federal income, with no internal taxes. By 1812, the entire reserve was eaten up, and the government income didn't match peacetime expenses, let alone wartime ones. In January 1812, Gallatin told Congress that it was too late, that they had not only to double customs duties, but to raise some $5 million in taxes. The measure passed the House, but not the Senate, and hence failed. Many republicans called it “truly odious”, and while War Hawks wanted war, they didn't want to raise money to pay for it. [/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]So the US went into the war with insufficient funds for even peacetime operations, and relied on loans for war expenses. Note that, in 1812 and 1813 customs duties amounted to over 90% of US Federal income, which is a problem with the British blockade and the US non-importation acts. Moreover, iOTL, in none of the years from 1812-1815 did income meet as much as half of expenses. In fact in 1814 income was less than 1/3 expenses.[/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]March 1812 Congress authorizes $11M of loans, then in June 1812 $5M of Treasury notes (hereafter referred to as Tnotes, not quite paper money) (some interest bearing, some not, denominations as low as $3). [Eventually as much as $17M is in circulation at once.] [/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]In July 1812 it authorized doubling customs (plus taxes on e.g. foreign owned ships), but still refused to implement internal taxes.[/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]February 1813 it took out $16M in loans (but mostly sold at a discounted rate of 88.25 cents on the dollar to 3 financiers)[/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]By July 1813 Congress is finally starting to respond to the war crisis, and passed the taxes Gallatin had wanted the year before ($7M iTTL, $5M iOTL – the US has lost control of Lakes Erie and Ontario, but the depth of that problem hasn't sunk in yet), but because it took time to set up collection procedures, no money came in in 1813, and only $5.5M ($3.9M iOTL) the next year. Moreover, because of the blockade (hence lower customs), income DROPPED that year. [/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif](In OTL, all together, there were 5 loans that raised a nominal $55M, but actual 49M$ due to discounting. Even worse, those loans only amounted to 28M$ in specie-equivalent as so many were paid for by bank-notes which averaged 65% face value. In September 1815, total debt was 119.6M$ as opposed to 45.2M$ at the beginning of 1812. iTTL, it will be worse.)[/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]Note, too, that one of the purposes and functions of the Bank of the United States was to keep watch on the state banks. With no BUS, the state banks expanded their issuing of bank notes far beyond their capital levels. This led to people not trusting banknotes. Soon even banks didn't accept notes from banks in other states. People went to the banks to withdraw specie – which the banks ran out of, and suspended payment. Pretty universally, specie payment stopped in September 1814 (iOTL). ITTL, with increased war spending, the collapse is just starting to happen in November 1813, and Congress takes action to deal with the crisis. New England (especially Massachusetts) banks still had specie, but they refused to take other banks' paper, or even loan the government hard money. Monroe moaned that Massachusetts once could have thrown off the invader herself, but now won't even lend the money to let other people fight. [/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]This lack of trust started early, long before the 'official' crises. When Harrison was accumulating supplies in the fall of 1812, already at that time banks in Ohio would not accept 'eastern' notes (including e.g. a bank in Philadelphia), while they did take notes from e.g. neighbouring Kentucky. At one point, the government had to cart in $600k in specie to allow the operation to continue. [/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]During all of this, the Treasury could not demand payment in specie, as there was little/none available. So had to take payment in state notes, etc. Worse, if e.g. North Carolina notes aren't accepted outside North Carolina, and the US doesn't have many expenses in North Carolina those taxes paid in North Carolina notes are almost useless.[/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif][the following is very much TTL] In November 1813, Congress is faced with the disasters in Ohio and in Vermont, and with the increased infrastructure and military spending that Monroe has started. Many want to impeach and condemn Monroe for making promises that can't be met, but they eventually realize that without those measures, the US has no chance at fighting the British at all. So they, after some incredibly bitter debate, decide to enact several measures. Firstly, they authorise $24M in loans, and $14M in Tnotes, secondly they raise customs duties again and enact $10M in new taxes ($8M direct), although it will take several months for that money to start flowing. Madison wants to enact an Embargo and non-intercourse act, to stop commerce with Britain, but that would affect the customs receipts, which at this time are considered more important. Thirdly, they agree to re-charter the Bank of the United States. [/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]At this time, too, Alexander Dallas is appointed Secretary of the Treasury to formally replace Gallatin. Gallatin had been in Europe (Russia, England, Sweden, Spain, etc.) trying to get peace negotiations started, and his temporary replacement was a disaster. While Dallas was opposed by e.g. Pennsylvania, one of the many tradeoffs made during the whole financial restructuring mess was that Dallas manages to be appointed at this time. [OTL, it took until the equivalent mess in September 1814 for him to be acceptable.] One of the trade-offs was that Pennsylvania gets to sell her grain abroad (although nominally not to the British), which means that she's prepared to give up her opposition to Dallas.[/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]The initial offering of Tnotes (in 1812) was only for 1 year, which meant that in June 1813, the Treasury was spending a lot of time just replacing expired notes. So this November issue has more longer term notes, some 2 years, some 5. With longer term notes, many with no interest, and a larger proportion in smaller denominations, the distinction between Tnotes (which Congress and the Treasury are prepared to issue) and paper money (which they are not) is, in fact, fading fast. Tnotes are still not 'legal tender for all debts public and private', but functionally, they are being traded for private transactions/commerce, as they are guaranteed to be at least good for paying taxes, if nothing else. Once there are enough out there, the Treasury decides that it will only take tax payments in currency at least as hard as Tnotes. [/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]In the northern tier of states, this is no problem at all. New England has specie and their banknotes are still worth money. [/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]In New York, Pennsylvania and Ohio, the Federal government is hiring wagons, buying food, building roads, etc., etc. In the middle states (Virginia, NJ, DE), there is a fair bit of industry, e.g. naval supplies, cannon, gunpowder, etc., that the government needs to buy. Similarly, Kentucky streams wagons, wagoneers, beef and pigs north into Ohio and Pennsylvania for the war effort. So, in all these states, there is an ample sufficiency of Tnotes in circulation that can be used for paying taxes. While e.g. a wagoneer in Ohio would rather get paid in specie or specie backed notes, no one is offering that anymore. Getting paid in Tnotes means that they can either pay taxes with them for the full amount in dollars, or sell/trade them to someone else who needs to pay taxes. So, they're sure better than nothing. They'll even take Ohio banknotes backed by Tnotes reserves that bank holds. While iTTL the financial crisis happens earlier than OTL due to the increased spending, Congress responds fast enough that, for the Northern states, it's really only a hiccup and an inflationary bump. Note, too, that the impending recharter of the BUS means that State chartered banks know that they'll be held accountable for the notes they issue and they don't issue quite as many as they would have (as they did iOTL). The lack of specie-backed currency in most of the country means that the public doesn't trust Tnotes as much they did 'real' money, so Tnotes are taken at a discount to specie (about half the value in most of 1814). This means there is some inflation, as a farmer wants more dollars in Tnotes than they would in gold. It's not quite as bad as it might be, because the farmer can't GET gold, so he doesn't (and can't) demand twice as much (however, if someone DID offer gold, they'd get the grain for less – if you have gold, there's DEflation). Now, because the banks in most of the northern states now have a supply of Tnotes to back them, most of the northern banknotes are convertible to Tnotes (even if not to specie) and so they are now, to some extent, convertible to each other. Thus some of the illiquidity that was causing the US financial situation to almost collapse has been averted.[/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]Note that I talked about Northern banks. Most of the southern states are in a worse situation. They don't have any more specie than the northern banks did, and the government isn't flooding the area with Tnotes. If the blockade wasn't happening, they could sell food and materiel north by sea or export goods for specie – but they can't. The government does federalize some militia, and they do buy some materiel, but it is not much, and doesn't match the taxes being collected. Southern banks, states and large taxpayers have to take extraordinary measures – like taking out loans from northern banks to be able pay the required taxes. As a result, southern bank notes are discounted massively, so a dollar issued by South Carolina, say, might be worth only 10cents in a harder currency.[/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]One result of this mess is that the southern states cry out loudly for e.g. an invasion of Florida so that Federal money can flow into their states. On the other hand, this really amounts to Georgia and South Carolina, as Mississippi and Alabama are still territories and Louisiana has a small enough population and enough trade that her direct tax is sustainable. Still, Congress wants some victories to report, so they do authorize the invasion of the Floridas in April 1814. This ups the cost of the war, and the strain on the whole country's finances, but eases the strain within the country. [/FONT]​

[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]Another result of the southern currency collapse was the change in power between small farmers on the one hand and plantation owners and banks on the other. If young Johnny goes off to war and sends home his pay, his parents have hard cash, and can probably pay off a mortgage on the farm at about 10 cents on the dollar, as the southern banks are so desperate for Tnotes or other 'hard' currency. In fact, arrangements are soon made so that the southern enlistees (regular or federalized militia) only get paid part of their pay – and the rest is sent 'home'. This encourages families to send their sons off to war, and ups the number of soldiers available for the US military. While some decry the 'mercenary companies' thus raised, most just figure this is the best way out of a mess. [/FONT]​

 
US finances addendum

Sorry, forgot to add this to the bottom of the last post:

Another source of 'hard' currency for the coastal areas (especially in the southeast) was smuggling supplies to the British. By the spring of 1814, the British were quite happy to pay for any amount of supplies for their army and navy with fresh, crisp new US Tnotes. Their forgeries were good enough that some batches of the genuine notes were more likely to be rejected as bogus than the British forgeries.
 
...By the spring of 1814, the British were quite happy to pay for any amount of supplies for their army and navy with fresh, crisp new US Tnotes. Their forgeries were good enough that some batches of the genuine notes were more likely to be rejected as bogus than the British forgeries.

Beautiful.
 
Attack on Buffalo, December 1813

Attack on Buffalo, December 1813



[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]General Vincent, commanding the British troops at Niagara got the go ahead for an attack on the American side of the Niagara Frontier. He was allocated 5000 troops, a mixture of regulars, fencibles and short term militia. He had to wait until past Christmas, when the cold froze the river hard enough, but once reports came in that the ice was thick enough, he set the invasion in motion. [/FONT]


[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]On December 27, in the middle of the night, he sent the first regiments across the frozen Niagara river, followed by some field guns, followed by a few more regiments. The first regiments crossed the river spread out in skirmish order, in case of enemy fire, of which there was none. They reached the far shore, and started preparing a base there. The rest of the first wave joined them.[/FONT]


[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]Next came the artillery. Now, Vincent was anxious to prove himself and his men, and was not quite as careful as he might have been. When he had the river ice checked, there was some miscommunication. The local who checked the ice knew the ice was 'as thick as you could possibly want', but was used to groups of men, or light farm wagons, not cannon. He also knew where the river currents flowed stronger making the ice thinner, but it didn't occur to him to tell the general what to avoid, because he wasn't asked that. He did point out a good, safe route, and thought that was enough. And it didn't occur to Vincent that he needed to ask for any more. He thought he had asked everything necessary... So, when the cannon were sent across the greater concentrated weight cracked the ice. First one cannon, then another crashed through the ice. The artillery men realize the problem and start pulling the cannon back to the Canadian side, but are countermanded – 'We need that artillery on the far side!'. Still after 2 or 3 more cannon are lost, the artillery pull back anyway, orders or no orders. Since this is night and the groups are spread across the ice, Vincent has no idea what is going on. Some of the artillerists who were dropped into the water with their cannon are pulled out and hauled to shore (the Canadian shore, which is nearest), and a few even survive the hypothermia and frostbite.[/FONT]


[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]Meanwhile, more regiments are marshalled and sent across the river. In the pitch black, one unfortunate group marches right into one of the holes broken by the cannon. While the front rank does see it, they are pushed from behind and a few fall in, as the broken ice cracks further with the weigh of a hundred men near its edge. Those men are pulled out almost immediately and hurried to shore, and as they are cared for by their own regiment who were right there, they mostly survive. (The artillerists had to wait for a different group to notice the problem – and then there was some arguing about which shore to take them to, etc.)[/FONT]


[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]Vincent orders a halt until things can be organized. He tells off some to care for the soaked/frozen men; agrees that the cannon aren't safe as is; and tells off others to go back to the holes and stand there with lanterns marking the danger zones, and waving off any one who comes to near. He organizes a group of men to build special wide sledges so the lightest cannon have a chance to make it across the ice, with their weight spread out. Then he redirects the march on a slightly more indirect route, to avoid the holes. Unfortunately, this puts the line of march on some of that thinner river ice. This ice would be fine for a small group of people, but a regiment of 500 men, marching in lock step, well, that's something different. That regiment feels the ice cracking beneath their feet and start running. What they SHOULD have done was spread out in all directions, possibly dropping prone to spread their weight out more, but they have orders to cross the river, and no one ever taught them how to deal with too thin ice. The forward ranks make it to shore but some 50 of them end up wetted (10 swept under the ice – remember this is where the current's strong), some completely submersed, some only wet up to e.g. the waist as they managed to fall forward letting their weight spread out, by accident not design. That regiment pulls its survivors out, and hauls them to the American side (closer, by now), and what with caring for their own, is more or less out of the fight.[/FONT]


[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]Messengers are sent back across the river, and the flow of men and supplies is stopped, again, until things can be straightened out.[/FONT]


[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]This time enough discussion happens that a good, clear path (for anything lighter than artillery) is mapped, and double checked (by men cutting holes in the ice to see just how deep it is). Since you really need to be able to see to do this checking, this stage waits for dawn. And in the meantime the British forces are half on one side of the river and half on the other.[/FONT]


[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]Finally, the British entire force is across the river, and they line up in a column and start marching towards Buffalo, leaving some men behind to guard their base and others to care for the hypothermia victims. The only cannon they have are a couple of very light field pieces, since they didn't dare try any more of the heavier ones. [/FONT]


[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]The Americans have known that an attack was pending, but not just where, rumours have named a couple of locations. The regulars under General George Izard (who replaced Mac Arthur when the latter returned to Ohio) and Colonel Winfield Scott expect the attack at Fort Niagara, on the Lake Ontario side, and so have concentrated there, with just a small contingent stationed near Buffalo to support the civilians. Once the British start moving across the ice, it is obvious where the attack is coming and the messengers are sent to rouse all the civilians in the area. A couple of messengers are sent to Fort Niagara, but since it is night, they have to start by walking their horses carefully, and they don't get there until morning. After which, the forces have to pull themselves together and do a forced march towards Buffalo.[/FONT]


[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]Meanwhile, the Buffalonians have prepared an ambush. While they hadn't known where the British were going to land, they had made some preparations in a handful of good places. Once they know where the British are and are coming, they do extra work on one of the sites, felling trees to make abattis etc.[/FONT]


[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]The ambush site is where the road leaves a stretch of open land, which narrows down in a V shape, then the road enters a forest at the point of the V. The Americans station a line of about 200 riflemen across the base of the V, and wait for the British. When the British arrive, they spread out into a line and start marching toward the thin line of Americans. At 800 yards or so, the Americans raise their guns. The British soldiers think 'hunh?' and slow down. The officers speed them back up again, and one major shouts loudly “Don't worry men, they couldn't hit an elephant at this dist-”, and falls from his horse, hit with the first rifle volley. The British take about 5 minutes to get close enough to fire back with unrifled muskets during which time the Americans fire up to 10 shots a piece or almost 2000 shots total. Of which about ½ hit, as these are the best rifle shots the Americans can come up with. Some of the shots hit the same targets, as they're more likely aiming at officers. Still some 500 men fall. These are redcoats, so they keep marching. It is nervewracking, however, too see so very much damage being done by so few, and not even any artillery. Finally, when the British are at about 100 yards, the Americans break, and run for the woods. The British get off two volleys, and a few Americans fall, but they were really too far for musket fire.[/FONT]


[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]The British forces cheer, thinking they've routed the Americans. They keep on coming. They get to the base of the V and have to bunch up some. At this point they pass the fallen Americans, and are astounded to note that one of them is a woman. They keep on coming. Suddenly, from behind logs and trees, what seems like every American within a hundred miles stands up and fires. [/FONT]


[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]The British form ranks and return volleys. The British army is much better trained, and can get off 3 or even 4 shots a minute, where most of the Americans can do 2-3. But the Americans have decent shelter with their abattis and only have to expose themselves when actually firing, and the British are exposed in the open. After a few minutes, the British fix bayonets and charge. They run into the woods and try to attack the Americans. But several places have enough of a barrier that the British have stop and clamber over logs and up barriers, all the while exposed to musket fire, and, when close enough, to spears and thrown tomahawks. The British do clear the line, but the Americans flee along paths they have scouted out before hand, and the British don't dare give chase yet.[/FONT]


[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]As the British check the dead bodies and take the surrender of the the American wounded, they notice that there are only a couple of people in uniform, everyone else just wearing a red, white and blue armband. And they included older men, women and teenaged boys. These are just civilians, but they fought like regulars (OK, maybe Spanish regulars, not British ones, but these are supposed to be bloody CIVILIANS.) Whispers start around the British – just what have they gotten themselves into? Stories about Spanish partisans are brought out and spread around – and the British soldiers wonder what's next.[/FONT]


[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]The British are now down 1500 men (killed and wounded), leaving 2500 effectives. There are enough walking wounded in good enough shape to care for and defend their immobilized comrades (and American prisoners), so no more men have to be told for that duty. After arranging for the wounded, and eating the noon meal, the British forces form column and continue.[/FONT]


[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]The British continue down the road, taking constant sniper fire from riflemen deeper into the woods out of range of British muskets. This is galling, but the damage is more to morale than physical. But does add weight to the Spanish guerilla stories.[/FONT]


[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]Finally they find where the Americans went. The Americans have formed a line across the Brits' line of march. This is now farm country and the line bends and waves as parts of the line are behind what ever shelter they can find, fences, farm carts, whatever they can find. The Americans do have a couple of light cannon, and the British cannon have finally caught up, so it's pretty even for artillery. [/FONT]


[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]The British form line and march across the field. Cannon from both sides fire, as they are the only weapons that can reach that distance. And here experience tells. The American cannon are poorly served – they haven't had enough practice – there was enough powder and lead to train musketry, but cannon require MUCH more ammunition. So the American cannon are slow in loading, are poorly aimed, and generally aren't nearly as effective. One of the British cannon is dedicated to counterbattery fire, and manages to dismount first one than another of the American cannon. [/FONT]


[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]But now the rifles open up. This makes up for the inefficiency of the American cannon, and takes toll on the British who can't reply yet. The British march on, closing ranks as men fall. The Americans stand there, waiting. Early on, a few undisciplined American musketeers let off shots far too soon, but they were quickly disciplined – as likely by someone's mother as by the acting sergeants. [/FONT]


[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]The British get into range, and the US forces fire their first musket volley. The British keep coming, wanting to get into closer range. They take another volley. Then they stop and prepare their volley. The British fire and move forward in lines, reloading and firing 4 times a minute. The effect is devastating. But the American line holds. A few men try slipping away, but most are caught by buddies or sergeants, or shamed by their mothers and the girls in the line.[/FONT]


[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]The Americans have basically armed, and placed in the line every male who can carry a gun, and a goodly number of females, too. This is frontier territory, and many a farm wife or daughter is familiar with using a musket or rifle. Moreover, after the last British raid, the women DEMANDED to be in on the defence. [/FONT]


[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]The Americans here are almost all civilians. There are a few regulars as stiffeners, but, as mentioned earlier, the army was on the other side of the peninsula. However, these are civilians who have been drilled by Winfield Scott[1], and they sizeably outnumber the British force in front of them. So while they may only get 2/3's the shots off per minute per person, the exchange of fire actually favours the Americans. Also, the riflemen/snipers are specifically targeting officers, which is badly affecting the cohesion of the British force. And the British have had little or no sleep for the last day and a half, as they crossed (or tried to cross) the ice at night.[/FONT]


[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]Still the British keep coming. They fix bayonets and attack. The British definitely have an advantage here, as they are trained with bayonet work, and the American civilians have very few bayonets – many of them are using their own muskets and rifles which have no provision for bayonets. Hand to hand combat involves bayonets against axes, scythes and crude spears. The American line finally breaks, but at what a cost![/FONT]


[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]Then bugles sound and the advance guard of the US regulars appears behind the British force. The British had hoped to defeat the civilians quickly, and take Buffalo with her civilian population as hostage and bargaining chips. Unfortunately for them, the civilians had other ideas, and held them until the Army arrived.[/FONT]


[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]Parley is offered, and the herald points out that there are 2000 regular army troops right behind him, and if the British REALLY want to fight, they'd be glad to join in, but 'wouldn't it be better if we could could come to some amicable solution?'. The American asks for the British surrender. The Brits point out that his 2000 troops may be here soon – or they may not, and they can certainly defeat the vanguard that is here now. And, now the Brits are at the line of fences and carts, with a more defensible position whereas the US Army would be attacking across open fields. Truce is declared to tend to the wounded on both sides, and the British force prepares to fight if it has to. However, soon enough the main force of the US army does show up and the British position is hopeless. Actually, it's pretty hopeless anyway. Almost none of the men are unscathed, the senior most officer on his feet and functional is a major, and they are almost out of ammunition. If the American civilians had been any better at all at hand-to-hand combat, the British would have been smashed in this fight.[/FONT]


[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]Since what both sides really want is to get the British army back across the border (off American soil/back home to safety), the terms of surrender are very lenient. The British (even the enlisted men) are paroled until exchanged for US prisoners of equivalent rank, and allowed to return back across the river. They have to leave their weapons (aside from officers' sidearms) and the cannon. A side agreement is that British medical supplies and surgeons will cross the river to help treat the wounded on both sides until they are well enough to move, and then the British wounded will be moved across the river to hospitals there. [/FONT]


[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]The Brits wonder at the leniency of the terms, and think it is because of the damage they could still do if they hadn't surrendered. Really, the situation is that the Americans have no way of feeding that many mouths.[/FONT]


[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]At nightfall, after all these arrangements have been agreed to and signed, word arrives – the British attack had TWO forks, not one.[/FONT]



[FONT=Arial, sans-serif]1 Winfield Scott really was an incredibly effective leader and trainer of men. The units he commanded soon became THE elite forces of their size in the US army. He also desperately wanted lead in battle. IOTL, the attack on Queenston Heights in the fall of 1812, after his artillery regiment had prevented the British from throwing back the initial landing, he begged to be let lead infantry and was allowed. Several times iOTL he transferred into the thick of the action, and was always effective. [/FONT]
 
The lack of maps is becoming apparent. I can't read without pictures. I need a Canada that can bitch slap America.

:)
 
map as of 1 January 1814

map as of 1 January 1814
Fort Niagara taken, Vermont (essentially) neutral, part of northern NY under British control, more of it rather disputed.

n_frontier_1812e.gif
 
I think, I hope, that the Canada I end up with will be legitimately a 'Canada', with direct descent and continuity with Canada at the POD. It won't, and can't be OTL's Canada, obviously.

Okay question here, why if the United States takes over the continent of North America in a timeline it is still considered the United States (and not another entity) but if Canada does the same, it is not considered Canada. Yes I know there is a population component in the definition, but what if you give greater immigration to Canada so that before it separates from Britain it has a greater population then at least the States on the Eastern Seaboard? But that also asks what is Canada? or what makes it different from the States?
 
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