Great stuff, but I think there should be a separate thread for these. Probably in like Shared Worlds.
Alternate Wikipedia Infoboxes II
- Thread starter Teshuvah
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I think we should have a separate thread, but here in Maps and Graphics.
I think we should have a separate thread in SW, but still post the infoboxes in this thread.
Putting it here in M&G could have some feel that it isn't exactly a SW-style collaborative creation of a universe. Plus, in SW we'd be able to create things outside of just maps and graphics.
If we keep posting the inboxes here and have the main thread in SW, I could M&Gers posting in the SW thread, and SWers posting in here. By having an active presence in both M&G and in SW, we could attract a large crowd of readers and contributors. Plus, in SW we could post more than just Maps and Graphics.
NothingNow
Banned
Or you could just keep it in SW, or in it's own M&G thread.
Anyway, since I had a disagreement with Sakura F's florida one, I did a very different one.
The final coalitions were UFP-FPP-PLC-Uhuru-FFL with 72 Seats versus FCP, FFP and FP with 48 seats.
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Zachanassian
Gone Fishin'
If enough people are interested, I'd support BPPA either having it's own thread in M&G (like Boreoamerica) or in SW (like True North).
Anyway, more Maryland with the decisive election of 1968.
The 1968 general was the death-knell for the Democratic Party, ending what had been (with a few exceptions) 100 years of one-party Democratic Rule. Segregationist George Mahoney had narrowly won the Democratic leadership contest of 1967. As a result, the liberal members of the party split and formed their own party lead by Montgomery County delegate Carlton Sickles. The resultant vote-splitting saw Liberal Party leader Spiro Agnew enter Government House leading a coalition with the splinter New Democratic Party. Agnew has the distinction of being Maryland's only Liberal Governor. The Farm-Labor party also saw a large increase in their votes, becoming the official opposition for the first time in Maryland's history.
The Democratic Party would never recover. Most of the party would be adsorbed by the Conservatives, with the more liberal "New Democratic" wing getting subsumed by the Farm-Labor Party.
The 1968 general also marked the beginning of the Conservative's dominance of the Eastern Shore, gaining three Eastern Shore seats at the expense of the Democrats. It would take until the 1980s, however, until the last of the "Crabcake Democrats" would loose their seats. Kweisi Mfume, elected on the pro-Civil Rights Justice and Reform ticket, would later serve as State Secretary for Employment in the Schaeffer Administration as a Farm-Labor delegate.
Anyway, more Maryland with the decisive election of 1968.
The 1968 general was the death-knell for the Democratic Party, ending what had been (with a few exceptions) 100 years of one-party Democratic Rule. Segregationist George Mahoney had narrowly won the Democratic leadership contest of 1967. As a result, the liberal members of the party split and formed their own party lead by Montgomery County delegate Carlton Sickles. The resultant vote-splitting saw Liberal Party leader Spiro Agnew enter Government House leading a coalition with the splinter New Democratic Party. Agnew has the distinction of being Maryland's only Liberal Governor. The Farm-Labor party also saw a large increase in their votes, becoming the official opposition for the first time in Maryland's history.
The Democratic Party would never recover. Most of the party would be adsorbed by the Conservatives, with the more liberal "New Democratic" wing getting subsumed by the Farm-Labor Party.
The 1968 general also marked the beginning of the Conservative's dominance of the Eastern Shore, gaining three Eastern Shore seats at the expense of the Democrats. It would take until the 1980s, however, until the last of the "Crabcake Democrats" would loose their seats. Kweisi Mfume, elected on the pro-Civil Rights Justice and Reform ticket, would later serve as State Secretary for Employment in the Schaeffer Administration as a Farm-Labor delegate.
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The Nevada 1884 general election was the weakest change thus far. Only one net seat lost, and a narrow re-election for Premier. With more party discipline this time around, the Silver Party was able to get a lot more done. A state board of irrigation was established, alongside a youth penitentiary and state income tax. The public responded by giving then another ten thousand votes and another term in office. Premier Jones would move on up to Federal politics in 1886, and his successor would call an early election for "legitimacy."
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Four For Gore
In the dying days of Canada's 2012 federal election, when it was becoming increasingly clear that Conservative leader Maxime Bernier would likely win a minority government (a prediction that proved to be true), pundits were already speculating how long it would last. With a caucus nearly entirely void of government experience, and concerns surrounding Bernier's ability to work together with the opposition (as well as his own gaffe-prone tendencies), most pundits expected that the government would not last long. What they did not expect, however, was the announcement by outgoing Prime Minister Michael Ignatieff that he would stay on as Liberal leader while in opposition.
Citing the fact that he had prevented Bernier from winning an outright majority, and more importantly the fact that having another leadership contest only 3 years after Ignatieff was elected would be too much of a strain on the already cash-strapped Liberals, Ignatieff announced he would assume the role of Leader of the Opposition and focus on strengthening the party for the next election. While there was some opposition in the Liberal caucus to Ignatieff's announcement, the party stood behind him, knowing that infighting could destroy their chances in the next election, and also knowing that Ignatieff had proven campaign experience. But perhaps the biggest reason why Ignatieff was able to stay on as leader was the lack of a frontrunner to replace him. Former leadership candidates John Manley, Belinda Stronach, Martin Cauchon, and Ken Dryden had retired from politics, Joe Volpe had resigned amidst scandal, and Scott Brison had proven to be a strong ally of Ignatieff. Simply put, Ignatieff lacked an obvious challenger.
While the Liberals were busy sorting out their leadership, the Conservatives were busy getting used to power after 19 years in opposition. Bernier's government, as pundits predicted, suffered from a lack of experience. Minor embarrassments dogged the government, but each tended to disappear quickly and none were strong enough to seriously harm the government, despite repeated attacks from the opposition in the House of Commons. While these scandals were distractions, Canadians had a more important issue on their mind: the economy. While the Liberals and NDP warned that the economy was still too fragile to be able to withstand the tax cuts promised in Bernier's first budget, the government earned the support (or, rather, neutrality) of the Bloc Quebecois, whose abstention allowed the budget to pass.
While this was initially seen as somewhat of a surprise at first, this would become the norm of the 41st Parliament. Despite a strong performance from Ignatieff in opposition, attempts from the Liberals and NDP to defeat the government repeatedly failed thanks to the Bloc. While the Liberals and NDP were eager to head back to the polls, rising Conservative support in Quebec made the Bloc want to hold off the election for as long as possible.
While the government survived through 2012 and 2013, it soon reached the point where it was willing to face the electorate, and in December 2013, following a well-received fiscal update, the Governor General, on Bernier's advice, sent Canadians back to the polls for the third time in four years.
The Conservatives, on the back of their fiscal update, led in the polls from the beginning of the campaign, making noticeable gains in both Ontario and Quebec. In Quebec, the Conservative made gains primarily from the Bloc Quebecois, whose support for the government had failed to prevent any losses and, if anything, hurt the party: many left-leaning Bloc Quebecois supporters, upset by the party's support for the right-wing government, looked set to vote Liberal, NDP, or not at all.
The Liberals, meanwhile, despite running a relatively gaffe-less campaign, struggled to give Canadians a reason to vote for them. With the economy, still seen as the most important campaign issue, in a generally good position, many Canadians didn't see a compelling reason to vote the Conservatives out of office. Ironically, however, the Liberals were able to make strong gains in the west. Bernier's strong focus on Quebec, gaffes from several of his Quebec-based cabinet ministers, and his government's changes to the Temporary Foreign Workers program led to the Liberals making strong gains west of Ontario, particularly (and ironically) in Alberta, despite losses elsewhere in the country.
Despite this, however, a surprisingly strong debate performance from Bernier (in contrast to 2012) caught Ignatieff off-guard, with Bernier memorably stating that Ignatieff "refused to listen to voters" by staying on as Liberal leader despite having been defeated. This strong performance further boosted the Conservatives in the polls, a gap Ignatieff was unable to overcome.
On election night, Canadians thus re-elected Bernier's government, but with a majority government, largely thanks to gains everywhere east of Manitoba. The Liberals only did slightly worse than in 2012, with losses in Eastern Canada being offset by gains in the West, particularly in British Columbia and Alberta (with the Liberals winning seats in Calgary for the first time since 1968). The Bloc Quebecois won the lowest seat total in its history with only 33 seats, losing 11 thanks to Bernier's strong Quebec popularity. The NDP lost 10 seats, thanks to both the Conservative popularity and the fact that many western NDP voters opted to switch their vote to the Liberals, while the Greens, continuing their 2012 strategy of focusing almost entirely on winnable ridings, made a gain of 2 seats.
Four For Gore
US presidential elections of 2000 and 2004, and senate elections of 2002 and 2004
Canadian federal elections of 2004 and 2005
US presidential election of 2008, and senate elections of 2006 and 2008
Canadian federal election of 2010
US presidential election of 2012, and senate elections of 2010 and 2012
Canadian federal election of 2012
In the dying days of Canada's 2012 federal election, when it was becoming increasingly clear that Conservative leader Maxime Bernier would likely win a minority government (a prediction that proved to be true), pundits were already speculating how long it would last. With a caucus nearly entirely void of government experience, and concerns surrounding Bernier's ability to work together with the opposition (as well as his own gaffe-prone tendencies), most pundits expected that the government would not last long. What they did not expect, however, was the announcement by outgoing Prime Minister Michael Ignatieff that he would stay on as Liberal leader while in opposition.
Citing the fact that he had prevented Bernier from winning an outright majority, and more importantly the fact that having another leadership contest only 3 years after Ignatieff was elected would be too much of a strain on the already cash-strapped Liberals, Ignatieff announced he would assume the role of Leader of the Opposition and focus on strengthening the party for the next election. While there was some opposition in the Liberal caucus to Ignatieff's announcement, the party stood behind him, knowing that infighting could destroy their chances in the next election, and also knowing that Ignatieff had proven campaign experience. But perhaps the biggest reason why Ignatieff was able to stay on as leader was the lack of a frontrunner to replace him. Former leadership candidates John Manley, Belinda Stronach, Martin Cauchon, and Ken Dryden had retired from politics, Joe Volpe had resigned amidst scandal, and Scott Brison had proven to be a strong ally of Ignatieff. Simply put, Ignatieff lacked an obvious challenger.
While the Liberals were busy sorting out their leadership, the Conservatives were busy getting used to power after 19 years in opposition. Bernier's government, as pundits predicted, suffered from a lack of experience. Minor embarrassments dogged the government, but each tended to disappear quickly and none were strong enough to seriously harm the government, despite repeated attacks from the opposition in the House of Commons. While these scandals were distractions, Canadians had a more important issue on their mind: the economy. While the Liberals and NDP warned that the economy was still too fragile to be able to withstand the tax cuts promised in Bernier's first budget, the government earned the support (or, rather, neutrality) of the Bloc Quebecois, whose abstention allowed the budget to pass.
While this was initially seen as somewhat of a surprise at first, this would become the norm of the 41st Parliament. Despite a strong performance from Ignatieff in opposition, attempts from the Liberals and NDP to defeat the government repeatedly failed thanks to the Bloc. While the Liberals and NDP were eager to head back to the polls, rising Conservative support in Quebec made the Bloc want to hold off the election for as long as possible.
While the government survived through 2012 and 2013, it soon reached the point where it was willing to face the electorate, and in December 2013, following a well-received fiscal update, the Governor General, on Bernier's advice, sent Canadians back to the polls for the third time in four years.
The Conservatives, on the back of their fiscal update, led in the polls from the beginning of the campaign, making noticeable gains in both Ontario and Quebec. In Quebec, the Conservative made gains primarily from the Bloc Quebecois, whose support for the government had failed to prevent any losses and, if anything, hurt the party: many left-leaning Bloc Quebecois supporters, upset by the party's support for the right-wing government, looked set to vote Liberal, NDP, or not at all.
The Liberals, meanwhile, despite running a relatively gaffe-less campaign, struggled to give Canadians a reason to vote for them. With the economy, still seen as the most important campaign issue, in a generally good position, many Canadians didn't see a compelling reason to vote the Conservatives out of office. Ironically, however, the Liberals were able to make strong gains in the west. Bernier's strong focus on Quebec, gaffes from several of his Quebec-based cabinet ministers, and his government's changes to the Temporary Foreign Workers program led to the Liberals making strong gains west of Ontario, particularly (and ironically) in Alberta, despite losses elsewhere in the country.
Despite this, however, a surprisingly strong debate performance from Bernier (in contrast to 2012) caught Ignatieff off-guard, with Bernier memorably stating that Ignatieff "refused to listen to voters" by staying on as Liberal leader despite having been defeated. This strong performance further boosted the Conservatives in the polls, a gap Ignatieff was unable to overcome.
On election night, Canadians thus re-elected Bernier's government, but with a majority government, largely thanks to gains everywhere east of Manitoba. The Liberals only did slightly worse than in 2012, with losses in Eastern Canada being offset by gains in the West, particularly in British Columbia and Alberta (with the Liberals winning seats in Calgary for the first time since 1968). The Bloc Quebecois won the lowest seat total in its history with only 33 seats, losing 11 thanks to Bernier's strong Quebec popularity. The NDP lost 10 seats, thanks to both the Conservative popularity and the fact that many western NDP voters opted to switch their vote to the Liberals, while the Greens, continuing their 2012 strategy of focusing almost entirely on winnable ridings, made a gain of 2 seats.
Four For Gore
US presidential elections of 2000 and 2004, and senate elections of 2002 and 2004
Canadian federal elections of 2004 and 2005
US presidential election of 2008, and senate elections of 2006 and 2008
Canadian federal election of 2010
US presidential election of 2012, and senate elections of 2010 and 2012
Canadian federal election of 2012
Florida certainly looks like a mess.
And how long does Agnew last before he cuts hit by corruption?
Interesting historical stuff, though a rather pedestrian sort of election. Free Silver 4 life.
I think that the rather slow and realistic elections are a rare breed here. I do plan to shake things up in a few elections.
William M. Stewart essentially traded places with Premier Jones, Jones taking his federal seat and winning Jone's Genoa seat in the first state by-election. To solidify his popularity, and show that the Silver Party had some new blood in it after a dozen years of Jones' Premiership, Stewart called an early election in 1887.
Unfortunately while he was somewhat more popular then Jones, he wasn't as experienced in running a state party. He won the election to his home constituency of Virginia City (narrowly beating the Citizen's leader Woodburn, who was also running there), but overall the party lost more seats and votes. Some argued it was merely exhaustion, and they'll rebound after a failed Citizen's term. Other were more glum, saying the days of a workingman's state was ending.
Should I keep going on with this, or should I branch out to other states I haven't done? Maybe show how Virginia is doing? Pre-war Virginia instead?
Unfortunately while he was somewhat more popular then Jones, he wasn't as experienced in running a state party. He won the election to his home constituency of Virginia City (narrowly beating the Citizen's leader Woodburn, who was also running there), but overall the party lost more seats and votes. Some argued it was merely exhaustion, and they'll rebound after a failed Citizen's term. Other were more glum, saying the days of a workingman's state was ending.
Should I keep going on with this, or should I branch out to other states I haven't done? Maybe show how Virginia is doing? Pre-war Virginia instead?
NothingNow
Banned
It's kinda not. Things are pretty stable aside from the FPP cleaning up and the FFL getting their first seat in 30 years.
Basically, it's all regional origin and fairly neat ethnic divides with the Pirate Party just messing things up.
Going down the list:
- The UF are generic nice things white liberals who pick up a large portion of the Non-cuban Latino vote, and have the Greeks and Jews as major constituents along with immigrant liberals.
- The FCP are mostly Rightwing carpetbaggers who follow the national agenda, and are about as generic as you can get.
- The FPP is a cross between Yuppie brightgreens and techno-libertarians (they like good schools, cheap nuclear power and environmental politics because generic nice things, electric cars and economics,) but has a very strong nativist and classist streak, and is somehow one of the more racist and sexist parties in the state, even if they're great about shutting up about it. They do occasionally say shit about replacing the underclasses with solar powered open source software running drones, along with saying things about government surveillance and want government too big for your inbox, and are the the closest thing the state has to a real Green party, even if they do have a very strong objectivist streak. A long-term goal of the party is building a new, less shitty Silicon Valley in the I-4 corridor free of social media gurus, 'parasites' and people named Chet.
- The PLC are Miami Cubans through and through, although other cubans and Puerto Ricans will still vote for them because they're center-right and are okay on immigration and non-Haitian minority rights. They favor regime change in Cuba, closer ties to the rest of Latin America, reduced property taxes, maintenance of the ban on drilling, and deporting Haitians to literally anywhere else.
- The Florida Family Party are exactly what you'd expect from the name and are sexist and extremely homophobic, while being law and order conservatives.
- The Farmers Party are mostly rural, native conservatives, with the agenda you'd expect but are a bit better on immigration than the rest of the right wing in the state.
- The People's Democratic Uhuru Party of Florida are angry black socialists who also sweep up some other far-left protest votes, and tend to be the furthest left in the state with their policies of Social Justice, Economic and Political Liberation of Black communities (with sustainable development,) and banning private prisons (that said, they moderate somewhat when in power, but are still the furthest left.) It's heavily tied into local black churches and has the best political machine in the state, which helps counteract some of the gerrymandering. They also absolutely hate the Florida Pirate Party for understandable reasons.
- The Florida Freedmens League is the less radical black party, and really hasn't had a platform aside from curbing police brutality in quite a while, while it was made irrelevant by the Uhuru. It won it's current seat in a bit of a fluke, as the FCP, UF and FFP candidates for Daytona Beach tore each other to shreds while Taylor said things about bringing money into the Central Business district, fighting corruption and encouraging better community policing practices while he campaigned on his customized Harley-Davidson.
What really gave the UF the coalition they needed was that the PLC jumped ship, and the FPP decided they wanted to be in power for a change. The Uhuru is pretty much joined at the hip with the UF, and the two have an agreement to not compete in each other's seats in general elections, which might also be extended to the FFL now that they've actually got a seat for once.
Do it. They're cool and fairly realistic.
That's the Labor Party, more or less. They represent the OTL WFP and Democrat left. Diana Richardson in OTL is their sole State Representative.
Asami
Banned
Can't coerce people to like my wikiboxes. I'll go back to what I was doing. *shrug*
In any case, my wikibox was restrained in the fact I wasn't going to turn Florida into the typecast place of insanity and general dumbfuckery that it always is portrayed as in ATLs. I also kept it at 3 parties because my Wikiboxes tend to grow horizontally, not vertically.
In any case, my wikibox was restrained in the fact I wasn't going to turn Florida into the typecast place of insanity and general dumbfuckery that it always is portrayed as in ATLs. I also kept it at 3 parties because my Wikiboxes tend to grow horizontally, not vertically.
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