Most pundits were predicting that no party would win a majority in the National Assembly, but that the Kuomintang would come close. The media was largely promoting KMT candidates. Rong Yiren was able to pay to get commercials for China Youth Party candidates, but his media presence was dwarfed by the KMT’s. Rong was the most favored to win out of all non-KMT candidates because of him and his party’s money advantage over other opposition parties. The CYP also stood a good chance at getting members of the KMT to defect, as they were the most similar party ideologically. But with the KMT projected to win at over 45% of delegates, it seemed unlikely for any other party to win. Meanwhile, Independent Li Ao was drawing the largest crowds, though he was still a longshot. Divisions within the KMT were a major weakness, as voters didn’t know if a vote for the KMT was a vote for 6 more years of Wang Sheng, the continuation of the Chiang Dynasty, or someone else.
When the results came in, KMT candidates won barely under 40% of the vote in the party’s worst performance in its entire history up until that point. This was a 20% decrease from 1983. The China Democratic Socialist Party won 19%, the China Youth Party won 17%, and the Liberal Party won 12%. The New Democratic League won 9% of the vote. Independents and the Tibet Improvement Party won a combined 3% of the vote. The KMT and TIP won a combined 1,296 delegates. The coalition of the CDSP, CYP, Liberal, and affiliated independents won 1,491 delegates. Finally, the New Democratic League won 254 delegates. No one had a majority. In the months between November 1989 and April 1990, KMT candidates met in order to discuss some sort of resolution in order to unify the party. They were unsuccessful.
CYP-CDSP-Liberal Coalition
KMT-TIP Coalition
New Democratic League
President Wang Sheng was still considered the most likely winner, though considering the crowded field this wasn’t too impressive. His actual approval rating hovered around 30%. His biggest supporters were outside China, particularly US President Paul Laxalt. The leaders of the two most powerful nation in the world had political conservatism and strident anti-Communism in common. He was unable to secure deals with the other candidates, however. Attempts to strike deals between the China Youth Party and the China Democratic Socialists Party were also falling through, with neither side willing to give up their presidential bid in exchange for the vice-presidential spot. In the months leading up to the election, there were concerns that there would be a coup, or that Wang Sheng would have some of the newly elected members of the National Assembly somehow disqualified. These concerns would prove to be unfounded.
On the first ballot, Wang Sheng came in first place, but with only 610 votes, less than half of what he needed, and even less than half of his own party. This meant that, for the first time, the Presidential election would go to a second round (the Vice-Presidential election had gone to a second round in 1948 and 1954). In second place came CDSP candidate Wu Jieping with 551, and CYP candidate Rong Yiren came in third with 510. Li Ao came in fourth with 434, Hau Pei-tsun came in fifth with 281, Yang Rudai came in sixth with 254. Neither Liang Surong nor any of the late Chiang Ching-kuo’s brother or sons cracked 200 delegates. A few delegates voted for General Cheng Wei-yuan, who had famously refused to put down the protests in Beiping.
(Wu Jieping in his younger years)
In the second round, there were major shakeups on the KMT side. James Soong had voted for Wang Sheng in the first round, but switched his vote to Chiang Hsiao-yu in the second round and urged others to do the same. There was a mass exodus of Wang supporters, with Chiang Hsiao-yu benefitting in particular. This caused Wang Sheng to drop out. Wu Jieping was now in first place, at 566 votes. Rong Yiren was in second place, still stuck at 510 votes. The CDSP and CYP still wouldn’t come to an agreement. On the third ballot, KMT support was still divided, though Chiang Hsiao-wu was in the lead. On the fourth ballot, Chiang Hsiao-wu continued to gain support in the KMT and Liang Surong dropped out. Some KMT delegates were unhappy. They hated that qualified candidates like Liang Surong and Hau Pei-tsun were being tossed aside in order to continue the “Chiang Dynasty.”
Considering the disunity within the KMT, many expected there to the defections to the CDSP or more likely the CYP. But the disgruntled KMT delegates had another idea. Wu Jieping was a leftist, and Rong Yiren was just a wealthy businessman who had never held elected office in his life. Rong was also seen as a political opportunist lacking convictions. Working with the New Democratic League wasn’t an option. But Li Ao was different. He had some experience as a member of the Legislative Yuan since 1984. Independent delegates supporting Li told KMT delegates that Li essentially agreed with the KMT’s ideology. Li’s criticism of the party was its authoritarianism and corruption, which were criticisms many KMT members could sympathize with. It was promised that many KMT members would have jobs in the new administration. Thus, on the fifth ballot, Li Ao came in first place with 689 votes, aided by defections from the KMT and other parties. He was one vote ahead of Chiang Hsiao-wu.
Next, Li Ao told the CYP that they could support his bid for president and receive a huge portion of appointed positions in his new administration. If they refused, he would make the same offer to the CDSP. Rong Yiren dropped out and the CYP backed Li. Almost half of the CDSP backed Li as well. On the seventh ballot, most of the KMT rallied behind Chiang Hsiao-yu, putting him over 1,000. However, the New Democratic League, eager to grasp an opportunity to end KMT rule, threw their weight behind Li Ao, giving him 1,571 delegates. KMT members of the National Assembly stood in stunned silence at what had just happened. With 48 more delegates than the necessary 1,523, this put Li over the top. China’s next president would not be a member of the party of Sun Yat-sen, Chiang Kai-shek, and Chiang Ching-kuo. Li’s hometown of Harbin erupted in celebration.
There was no shortage of KMT candidates for Vice President. Hau Pei-tsun was in the running after his failed presidential run, as was Chiang Hsiao-wen. Reformist candidates such as Minister of Justice Lee Yuan-tsu and Minister of Education Li Huan ran. The more authoritarian Minister of Economic Affairs Jiang Zemin ran. Minister of the Interior Lien Chan ran, hoping to win as a compromise candidate. President of the Judicial Yuan Lin Yang-kang ran. General Cheng Wei-yuan and Ma Bufang’s son, General Ma Jiyuan, would also run. The 80-year-old Governor of Tibet Ngapoi Ngawang Jigme became the first member of the Tibet Improvement Party to run for Vice President. The China Democratic Socialist Party ran the imprisoned Chen Chongguang. The China Youth Party ran Member of the Legislative Yuan Cheng Siwei. The Liberal Party ran General Xu Qinxian. The New Democratic League ran professor Wang Ruoshui.
Just as with the Presidential election, the KMT was deeply divided. On the first ballot, Hau Pei-tsun, Chiang Hsiao-wen, and Lien Chan were the most popular KMT candidates in that order. On the second ballot, the China Youth Party delegates switched to support KMT candidate Lin Yang-kang. Lin’s supporters urged the KMT to unite around him, as with CYP support the KMT could win. The Liberal Party got behind Lin as well. Meanwhile, on the third ballot the minor candidates dropped out and urged their supporters to back Lien Chan, who was very suspicious about the CYP and the Liberals flocking to a candidate who did very poorly in the first round. However, it was too late. Lin Yang-kang, now backed by Hau Pei-tsun had won enough support to obtain 1,526 delegates, three more than what was necessary to win. China would have its first Vice President born in Taiwan.
(Lin Yang-kang)
Presidential Election of 1990
| First Round | Second Round | Third Round | Fourth Round | Fifth Round | Sixth Round |
| Wang Sheng (KMT-Jiangxi) | 610 (20.0%) | 253 (8.3%) | | | | |
| Wu Jieping (CDSP-Jiangsu) | 551 (18.1%) | 566 (18.6%) | 566 (18.6%) | 566 (18.6%) | 451 (14.8%) | 286 (9.4%) |
| Rong Yiren (CYP-Jiangsu) | 510 (16.7%) | 510 (16.7%) | 510 (16.7%) | 510 (16.7%) | 510 (16.7%) | |
| Li Ao (I-Songjiang) | 434 (14.3%) | 437 (14.4%) | 437 (14.4%) | 437 (14.4%) | 689 (22.6%) | 1,571 (51.6%) |
| Hau Pei-tsun (KMT-Jiangsu) | 281 (9.2%) | 408 (13.4%) | 399 (13.1%) | 458 (15.0%) | 353 (11.6%) | 122 (4.0%) |
| Yang Rudai (NDL-Sichuan) | 254 (8.3%) | 239 (7.8%) | 239 (7.8%) | 239 (7.8%) | 207 (6.8%) | |
| Liang Surong (KMT-Liaobei) | 192 (6.3%) | 182 (6.0%) | 181 (5.9%) | | | |
| Chiang Wei-kuo (KMT-Zhejiang) | 109 (3.6%) | 184 (6.0%) | 205 (6.7%) | 170 (5.6%) | 145 (4.8%) | 62 (2.0%) |
| Chiang Hsiao-wen (KMT-Zhejiang) | 55 (1.8%) | 91 (3.0%) | 89 (2.9%) | 67 (2.2%) | | |
| Chiang Hsiao-yu (KMT-Zhejiang) | 46 (1.5%) | 175 (5.7%) | 417 (13.7%) | 596 (19.6%) | 688 (22.6%) | 1,002 (33.0%) |
| Cheng Wei-yuan (KMT-Anhui) | 3 (0.1%) | | | | | |
Vice Presidential Election of 1990
| First Round | Second Round | Third Round |
| Chen Chongguang (CDSP-Hubei) | 551 (18.1%) | 551 (18.1%) | 551 (18.1%) |
| Cheng Siwei (CYP-Hunan) | 510 (16.7%) | | |
| Xu Qinxian (LP-Shandong) | 434 (14.3%) | | |
| Hau Pei-tsun (KMT-Jiangsu) | 270 (8.9%) | 270 (8.9%) | |
| Wang Ruoshui (NDL-Jiangsu) | 254 (8.3%) | 254 (8.3%) | 254 (8.3%) |
| Chiang Hsiao-wen (KMT-Zhejiang) | 223 (7.3%) | 224 (7.4%) | 202 (6.6%) |
| Lien Chan (KMT-Liaoning) | 190 (6.2%) | 243 (8.0%) | 559 (18.3%) |
| Jiang Zemin (KMT-Jiangsu) | 154 (5.1%) | 160 (5.3%) | |
| Li Huan (KMT-Hubei) | 116 (3.8%) | 99 (3.3%) | |
| Cheng Wei-yuan (KMT-Anhui) | 96 (3.2%) | 64 (2.1%) | |
| Lee Yuan-tsu (KMT-Hunan) | 89 (2.9%) | 84 (2.8%) | |
| Lin Yang-Kang (KMT-Taiwan) | 68 (2.2%) | 1,012 (33.2%) | 1,527 (50.1%) |
| Ma Jiyuan (KMT-Qinghai) | 65 (2.1%) | 59 (1.9%) | |
| Ngapoi Ngawang Jigme (TIP-Tibet) | 25 (1.0%) | 25 (1.0%) | |
